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Posts Tagged ‘Nobel Prize’

It’s a Shame that a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate is a War Criminal | The Nobel Peace Prize = License for Genocide

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on January 25, 2022

🤯 In this video, at 6:09, Mrs. Merit Reiss-Anderesen named the evil monster first as ‘Prime Minister’ Abiy and then as ‘President’ Abiy Ahmed. She obviously gave another Nobel to him!

💭 When asked the Chair of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, if giving Abiy Ahmed a Nobel Peace Prize, was a mistake, Merit Reiss-Anderesen answered:

“It’s an unprecedented situation that a Nobel Peace Prize laureate is involved in warfare.”

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CNN: UN Spokesperson Discusses The Humanitarian Catastrophe Unfolding in Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on January 14, 2022

💭 “There’s a lot of areas we haven’t been able to access so we can’t assess what the humanitarian situation is.” 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

Steph Dujarric UN Spokesperson discusses the food, fuel and cash shortage that are adding to Tigray’s humanitarian crises.

I’m looking at the clock right now. It’s just gone I think about 8:30 in the evening in Tigray. As we’re talking on this program. That means there are a lot of people, millions actually, who are likely going to bed hungry. It’s one thing not to be able to find food for yourself. It’s another thing altogether not to be able to find food for your children.” Zain Asher

አሁን ሰዓቱን እየተመለከትኩ ነው። አሁን ሄዷል ትግራይ ውስጥ ከምሽቱ ሁለት ሰዓት ተኩል አካባቢ ይመስለኛል። በዚህ ፕሮግራም ላይ እንደምናወራው’ ይህ ማለት ብዙ ሰዎች አሉ ፣ ምናልባትም ተርበው ሊተኙ ይችላሉ በእውነቱ ሚሊዮኖች ሰዎች አሉ። ለራስህ ምግብ ማግኘት አለመቻል አንድ ነገር ነው። ለልጆቻችሁ ምግብ ማግኘት አለመቻል ግን ሙሉ ለሙሉ ሌላ ነገር ነው።” ጋዜጠኛ ዜን አሸር

ከናይጄሪያው የ’ኢቦ’ ብሔረሰብ (ምናልባት፣ ኢትዮጵያዊ/አይሁዳዊ አመጣጥ አለው ፥ የኦባሳንጆ ‘ዮሩባ’ ብሔረሰብ ግን እንደ ኦሮሞ ዘንዷዊ አመጣጥ ያለው ሆኖ ነው የሚታየኝ) የሆነችው የሲ. ኤን. ኤን ጋዜጠኛ ‘ዜን አሸር’ ከአብዛኛዎቹ “ኢትዮጵያውያን ነን” ባዮች ውዳቂዎች የተሻለ ሰብ አዊነት፣ ሴትነትና እናትነትን ታሳያለች።

አረመኔ ኦሮሞ እና እርጉም አማራ ጽዮናውያንን አስርባችሁ በማጥፋት ኢትዮጵያን ለእስማኤላውያኑ ታሪካዊ ጠላቶቿ ለማስረከብ ተግታችሁ እየሠራችሁ ስለሆነ በቅርቡ እርስበርስ ትባላላችሁ፤ እሳቱም መቅሰፍቱም ከሰማይ ይወርድባችኋል። እግዚአብሔር ይይላችሁ፤ ጨካኞች! ክፉዎች የዲያብሎስ ሥራ አስፈጻሚዎች!😈

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Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed Named Worst Head of State in The World. Nobel Body Criticizes Peace Prize Winner Abiy Ahmed Ali Over Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on January 13, 2022

💭 አርመኔው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ፤ “በዓለም ላይ በጣም መጥፎው የሀገር መሪ ነው” ተባለ

From the Nobel Peace Prize to the front lines

In competition with among others Jair Bolsonaro and Boris Johnson, Abiy Ahmed has been named the worst head of state in 2021 by a panel of professors and researchers, on behalf of the Norwegian newspaper Morgenbladet.

2021 hasn’t just been affected by a pandemic, but also bad and dangerous leadership in many countries, writes Norwegian weekly newspaper Morgenbladet.

An expert panel was put together by the newspaper to discuss and conclude: Who was the worst head of state in 2021?

👉 The final verdict: Abiy Ahmed. 😈

In 2019 he came to Oslo to receive the Nobel Peace Prize, for his “efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation.” Two years later, Ethiopia is marred by civil war.

The New York times recently described the situation as “a year of conflict in Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous country and a linchpin of regional security, has left thousands dead, forced more than two million people from their homes and pushed parts of the country into famine.”

A wasted opportunity

While dictactors in general, like North-Koreas Kim Jong-un, suppress their people as a natural part of their leadership, 2021 has been a very active year for Prime Minister Ahmed, Morgenbladet writes.

“Abiy has done nothing to downscale the ongoing civil war in his country, because he wants to secure his own alliances and his own position. He is perhaps the most disappointing head of state of the year,” professor Carl Henrik Knutsen says to the newspaper.

Knutsen served in the newspaper’s expert panel on the topic.

“With the Nobel Prize in his pocket and the recognition that comes with it from international alliances, a lot was in place for Abiy to develop his country in a positive direction. He wasted that opportunity and seems to have put his own concerns over that of his citizens,” he says.

The worst of the bad

The expert panel consisted of Carl Henrik Knutsen, professor of political science at the University of Oslo, Lise Rakner, professor of political science at the University of Bergen, Helle Malmvig, senior researcher at the Danish Institute for International Studies and Dan Smith, Director at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.

“A truly bad head of state is an authoritarian and oppressive leader who undermines the political institutions in the country and concentrates all power in his own hands, at any cost,” according to Knutsen.

Discussions that included Syrian president Bashar al-Assad, Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro and the king of Saudi-Arabia, Salman bin Abdul Aziz Al-Saud, finally narrowed down to a list of six nominees:

  • Boris Johnson, Prime Minister of the UK
  • Alexander Lukashenko, President of Belarus
  • Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of India
  • Jair Bolsonaro, President of Brasil
  • Michel Aoun, President of Lebanon
  • Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of Ethiopia

Watching people die during a pandemic

Questions that were discussed were whether the head of state has contributed to financial decline in their own country, supported or started a civil war and suppressed civil or political rights. Handling of the pandemic was also an important criterion.

“Leaders who are in denial, who with open eyes watch a large number of people dying during the pandemic and call information about this mortality “fake news” – I believe this is a form of genocide,” said Professor Lise Rakner.

On the more unusual suspect on the list, Boris Johson, Rakner has the following to say:

“The United Kingdom still have a free press, a stable legal system and an independent central bank, which means that Johnson cannot control things in any way he would like to. But if you had given Brasil to Johnson, a lot of things would have gone very wrong. What a clown.”

The violent solution

According to Dan Smith from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the most important criterion in deciding on the worst head of state in 2021 was starting an irresponsible war and using systematic violence. This is why Abiy ends up top, he says to Morgenbladet.

“Since the outbreak of the war, there have been obvious alternative ways of acting, but all of them have been rejected. Both sides have blocked a politically negotiated solution. Instead, Abiy has chosen the most violent solution,” he says.

Source

Nobel Body Criticizes Peace Prize Winner Abiy Ahmed Ali Over Tigray

💭 የኖርዌይ ኖቤል ኮሚቴ በትግራይ ላይ በሚፈጽመው ወንጀል የሰላም ሽልማት አሸናፊውን አብይ አህመድ አሊን ኮነነው

The Norwegian Nobel Committee, which awards the Nobel Peace Prize, said Thursday that Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, who won the honour in 2019, bore special responsibility for ending the bloodshed in Tigray.

“As Prime Minister and winner of the Peace Prize, Abiy Ahmed has a special responsibility to end the conflict and contribute to peace,” Berit Reiss-Andersen, chair of the committee, said in a statement to AFP.

Northern Ethiopia has been beset by conflict since November 2020 when Abiy sent troops into Tigray after accusing the region’s ruling party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), of attacks on federal army camps.

The fighting between forces loyal to Abiy and the TPLF and their allies has killed thousands of people and forced several million from their homes.

Spokeswoman Billene Seyoum responded to the committee’s comments, saying Abiy had already shouldered his responsibilities.

“The Prime Minister has indeed taken up this ‘special responsibility’ of ending the conflict waged on the state by TPLF and has been engaged in putting an end not only to the past year’s conflict but the destabilising activities of the TPLF, designated a terrorist organisation by parliament,” Billen told AFP.

Tigray is under what the United Nations calls a de facto blockade that is preventing life-saving medicine and food from reaching millions, including hundreds of thousands in famine-like conditions.

Millions of people have fled their homes since the conflict in Tigray erupted in November 2020

“The humanitarian situation is very serious and it is not acceptable that humanitarian aid does not get through sufficiently,” Reiss-Andersen said.

Speaking at a press conference, Human Rights Watch executive director Kenneth Roth appealed for countries to press Abiy to allow aid to get through.

“The big threat there is the Ethiopian government’s blockade of humanitarian assistance that is desperately needed by millions of people in the region,” Roth told reporters.

“This is a classic case of collective punishment. This is not punishing Tigrayan military forces. It is punishing the people… in Tigray,” he added.

The conflict in Tigray has sparked calls to strip Abiy of the Nobel, but this is not possible under the award’s statutes.

The Norwegian committee said it could not comment on what factors were emphasised when the prize was awarded to Abiy beyond “the reasons given in connection with the award,” as the panel’s discussions are confidential.

In November 2020, Abiy’s government allowed Eritrean forces into Tigray as they together pursued the Tigray leaders after political tensions erupted into war. Some tens of thousands of people have been killed, and hundreds of thousands now face famine as Ethiopia’s government has kept almost all food and medical aid from Tigray since late June.

“Since the autumn of 2020, developments in Ethiopia have escalated to a comprehensive armed conflict,” the statement said. “The humanitarian situation is very serious, and it is not acceptable that humanitarian aid does not emerge to a sufficient degree.”

The conflict entered a new phase in late December when Tigray forces retreated into their region amid a new military offensive and Ethiopian forces said they would not advance further there.

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Joe Biden Must Hold Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed Ali Accountable | Bloomberg

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on January 6, 2022

💭A Nobel Peace Prize should not shield the prime minister from sanctions for war crimes and rights abuses.

👉 Courtesy: Bloomberg

Could Joe Biden become the first American president to sanction a Nobel Peace Prize winner for war crimes and human-rights abuses? As the U.S. steps up efforts to end Ethiopia’s bloody civil war, it must reckon with credible reports that the government of the 2019 laureate Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed instigated the conflict and covered up gross abuses.

Biden’s envoy for the Horn of Africa, Jeffrey Feltman, arrives in Addis Ababa today to advocate peace talks between the Ethiopian government and rebels in the northern region of Tigray. Now in its second year, the war has claimed thousands of lives and displaced millions. It is in a stalemate, with Abiy at a slight advantage: His federal forces have regained territory lost in early November but are unable to make headway into Tigray. The rebel leadership claims to have made a strategic retreat and has indicated a willingness to hold peace talks.

Abiy has ramped up air strikes, using drones acquired from Turkey and the United Arab Emirates, which have killed scores of Tigrayans. A land offensive would be much bloodier, for both sides. But the prime minister will likely want a thrust deep into Tigray before agreeing to any meaningful parleys. For one thing, this would give him the upper hand in any negotiations. For another, having portrayed himself as a military leader — in the time-honored fashion, he visited the frontlines dressed in fatigues — he needs something that at least looks like a victory.

Feltman’s first order of business should be to restrain Abiy. The prime minister has thus far been immune to persuasion and to punitive economic measures, such as the suspension of European aid and the blocking of duty-free access to the U.S. market. But these, in effect, punish all Ethiopians for the actions of their leaders.

More targeted measures are called for. Biden has threatened to use sanctions to end the fighting, but has only imposed them on the third party to the conflict — the government of neighboring Eritrea, which entered the civil war on Abiy’s side. It is time to call out and sanction Ethiopians, on both the Tigrayan and government sides, who have enabled or committed crimes and abuses.

Despite the hurdles put up by the government, human rights agencies and humanitarian groups have been tabulating offenses by all combatants. Even as officials in Addis Ababa talk up war crimes ascribed to the rebels, they have suppressed information of wrongdoing — including mass rape and the recruitment of child fighters — by government forces and allied militias. Fislan Abdi, the minister Abiy tasked to document abuses, told the Washington Post last week that she was told to sweep inconvenient facts under the carpet. She resigned.

That brings up the question of Abiy’s culpability. His government claims the rebels sparked the civil war when they attacked a military base, but it is now becoming clear that the prime minister had been preparing an assault on the northern region long before then. As the New York Times has reported, Abiy plotted with the Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki against the Tigrayans even as the two leaders negotiated an end to decades of enmity between their countries in 2018 — the deal that won Abiy his Nobel.

The prime minister was apparently counting on the Peace Prize to draw attention away from the preparations that he and Isais were making for war against their common enemy: the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Although the Tigrayans are a minority in multiethnic Ethiopia, the TPLF ran the government for the best part of three decades before Abiy’s accession to power. The Eritreans blame the TPLF for the war between the countries. Abiy is from the Oromo, the largest ethnic group, which was long denied a fair share of power by the Tigrayans.

Since he became prime minister, Abiy has systematically marginalized Tigrayans in the central government. The civil war has provided cover for crimes by government officials and forces. In the most recent example, says Human Rights Watch, thousands of Tigrayans repatriated from Saudi Arabia have been subjected to abuses ranging from arbitrary detention to forcible disappearance.

Abiy is hardly the first Nobel laureate to have brought dishonor to the prize. But, for obvious reasons, American presidents are leery about deploying sanctions against those who have been ennobled as peacemakers.

George W. Bush considered sanctioning Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, joint winner in 1994, but eventually thought better of it. For all his recklessness, Donald Trump could not bring himself to sanction Myanmar’s Aung San Suu Kyi, winner in 1991, for her government’s gruesome treatment of the Rohingya minority, and targeted only the country’s military commanders. (Ironically, those same commanders would go on to overthrow the civilian government and imprison Suu Kyi.)

Biden might do well to follow Trump’s example and target senior Ethiopian officials while giving Abiy a Nobel pass. Still, if the prime minister doesn’t take heed, he may well find himself in an ignoble category all of his own.

Source

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How Did Abiy Ahmed Fall So Far From Grace in Such a Short Time? What Went so Badly Wrong?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on November 16, 2021

😈አቢይ አህመድ እንዴት በአጭር ጊዜ ከፀጋ ርቆ ወደቀ? በጣም መጥፎ ስህተት የሆነውስ ነገር ምንድን ነው?

Could it be that the international community – and particularly the Nobel Peace Committee – perhaps desperate as ever for an African hero, completely overlooked the many warning signs about Abiy’s background, character and intentions when he unexpectedly became Ethiopia’s prime minister in April 2018 and ostensibly embarked on a path of reform, somewhat liberalising the country’s autocratic politics and making peace with its hitherto implacable foe, neighbouring Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki.

J Peter Pham, distinguished fellow at the Atlantic Council in Washington and recent US special envoy to the Sahel and before that the Great Lakes region, says if anyone was truly surprised by Abiy’s apparent about-turn after he got the Nobel Peace Prize, “it’s only their ignorance or naiveté they have to thank for that”.

As an expert on African security issues who was known to have influence with US policymakers, Pham enjoyed access to some of the highest officials of Ethiopia’s then-ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) government and was introduced to Abiy when he was still deputy director-general 0f the little-known Information Network Security Agency (INSA).

“INSA was the prototype – you could say it was first in class or among the first in class and was probably, at the time, best in class – of the African intelligence agencies that snooped around the internet,” Pham said. “It deployed Chinese technology very early on – this was before 2010 – to ferret out dissidents on the internet. And not only did it eavesdrop on them in cyberspace, but it then used electronic trails to locate where they were physically. And the presumption was that someone would then ‘pay them a call’.”

Abiy also sat on the board of state-owned Ethiopian Telecom – “just to make sure the Ethiopian telecoms monopoly did its part in this great national cause”.

“And so when you have this authoritarian background, the notion of Abiy as liberal reformer is difficult to credit.”

They miscalculated because they thought they knew him and underestimated both his ambition and his willingness to turn on the very people and institutions that brought him to power.

He adds that Abiy did not come to power through an election, but was “chosen by barely 100 members of the EPRDF executive committee and council” to replace Hailemariam Desalegn in the middle of a political crisis of mounting regional political protest. And Pham notes that many of the reforms usually attributed to Abiy, including the freeing of thousands of political prisoners, began during the last months of Hailemariam’s tenure.

The EPRDF leadership chose Abiy to be the new prime minister over the more popular Lemma Megersa, the candidate of the Oromo “street” whose protests helped bring about the collapse of the ruling coalition’s nearly three decades of domination, because Abiy was considered by regime insiders to be a safer pair of hands.

“They miscalculated because they thought they knew him and underestimated both his ambition and his willingness to turn on the very people and institutions that brought him to power.”

The world wilfully ignored these signs, Pham says – or acted in bad faith. “No one who knows this history can possibly imagine this was a set-up for democratic transformation.”

Unlike Nelson Mandela, who had shown the political wisdom to take just political power – and leave the reckoning of the economic grievances for another day, Abiy had overreached. He not only took political power – and then turned against those who put him in power – but also went after their economic interests, particularly those of Tigrayan elites who had dominated Ethiopian politics since the toppling of the brutal dictator Hailemariam Mengistu in 1991 and used their political ascendency to secure lucrative businesses and other assets.

Pham acknowledges that many Ethiopians were upset by what they believed to be Tigrayans exercising disproportionate control over large parts of the economy, but suggested it was not prudent for Abiy to have attacked both their political and economic power at once.

And Abiy not only alienated the Tigrayans but other ethnic groups, which was why the Oromo Liberation Army is allied with the TPLF against him. And last week a broader political alliance formed to oppose him.

Will Davison, Ethiopia expert at the International Crisis Group, founder of the journal Ethiopia Insight and former longtime correspondent in Addis Ababa, also believes that Abiy’s belligerence after he won the Peace Prize should have come as no surprise to the international community.

Those who were surprised had misread the circumstances in 2018 when he came to power, including his peace deal with Afwerki and his political priorities.

The peace deal was not particularly transparent or institutionalised and seemed to be a very narrow arrangement between Abiy and Afwerki. Davison said Afwerki had rejected offers from previous Ethiopian leaders to unfreeze bilateral relations – demanding that Ethiopia first withdraw from the bloodily disputed border areas between them, which the UN had ruled were Eritrea’s.

Yet he had accepted the same offer from Abiy. Why? Davison suspects this might have been because Abiy had assured Afwerki that his old enemy, the TPLF, would no longer be a dominant force in Ethiopian politics, or even that it would be completely eradicated.

Davison also believes Abiy mishandled the inevitable power shift away from the TPLF especially. It had indeed had its day in the sun and could no longer be the dominant power.

But Abiy blamed them and the Tigrayan securocrats for almost all of Ethiopia’s problems, some justifiably but some not.

“And that fed into a disastrous political falling-out which culminated in the power struggle and the civil war.”

Davison added that Abiy should also have accommodated the Oromo nationalist demands that had been so prominent in bringing him, a fellow Oromo, to power.

These included greater autonomy for Oromia and for the federal state to give back to Oromia more from its own resources.

He also noted that politicians from across the board, including Abiy’s own erstwhile Oromo allies, such as Lemma, had objected to his creation of the more centralised Prosperity Party to replace the federalist EPRDF. This appeared to be a precursor to formally changing the federal constitution, and centralising government power in Addis Ababa.

The TPLF was the most prominent critic of those rejecting the Prosperity Party and in 2020, when Abiy postponed the elections, ostensibly because of Covid-19, the TPLF also became the most defiant opponent of that move and decided to go ahead with its own elections in Tigray, arguing that Abiy had violated the constitution by postponing the elections.

Davison does not blame Abiy entirely for the falling-out and then the war with the TPLF. He also accuses the latter of “pure constitutional brinkmanship. By rejecting the authority of the federal institution, they came up with their own provocative reading of the constitution which pushed, or at least gave the opportunity to those at the centre, to cast the region and the ruling party of Tigrayas unacceptably defiant of the constitutional order – as a rogue region, a state within a state seeking to return to federal power. This was a major contributor to the civil war.”

Even though the federal constitution did accommodate group rights, and the sovereignty and right to self-determination of nationalities and peoples, “ultimately it was an act of defiance by the TPLF of the federal government to take this approach”.

Pham fears that by misreading Abiy well before the civil war started, the international community lost its opportunity to exert some leverage over him, now, to end the war. “Those who bear a lot of the responsibility for this are those within the international community who not only ignored his authoritarian past – thus signalling that they were prepared to overlook abuses – but then exacerbated it by puffing him up with what amounted to adulation. Then, in their embarrassment, they compounded their errors by ignoring the warning signs that, despite the progress that Abiy undoubtedly presided over in some sectors, things were nonetheless going terribly wrong. And so they lost what chance there might have been to head off the dire situation we have today.”

And so he is not optimistic about current international mediation efforts because the international community had not only missed some opportunities, but had also lost credibility in the process with both Abiy and many of those now fighting him.

The only chance for a “smooth landing” in the conflict is for Ethiopians themselves to do what the international community failed to do: “cast aside wishful thinking and other fantasies, face up to reality – including the impossibility of ‘having it all’ – and begin a national dialogue without preconditions”

Source

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UK Parliamentary Debate on #TigrayGenocide | Shocking War Crimes

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 9, 2021

አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! እህ ህ ህ!

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

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#TigrayGenocide | 150 People Die from Starvation in Tigray, Humanitarian Intervention Blocked

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

This video reflects the severe humanitarian situation in Tigray with supplies of food aid running out and the United Nations warning that a de facto blockade is bringing millions to the brink of famine. Video by WORLD FOOD PROGRAMME via REUTERS

😈 አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! “የድል ዜናችሁ” ይህ ነው፤ አይደል?! ለአሥር ዓመታት በጋራ ያቀዳችሁትን ዲያብሎሳዊ ተግባር እየተገበራችሁት ነው፤ አይደል!? አዬዬ! በጌታችን ስም፤ በቅዱሳን አባቶቼ ስም በጭራሽ ለሰከንድ እንኳን አልለቃችሁም! እንደ ሌሎች በሃዘን የምፍረከሰከስ አይደለሁም፤ ከልጅነቴ ጀምሮ የገጠመኝና ያያሁት ብሎም ድል እየተቀዳጀሁ ያለፍኩበት ነገር ነው። አሁን ጸሎቴ ሁሉ በእናንተ ላይ ያተኮረ ነው! እ ህ ህ ህ!!! ከእነዚህ አውሬዎች ጋር፤ ከዚህ ፋሺስታዊ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ጋር ያበራችሁ ኦሮሞ፣ አማራ፣ ሶማሌ፣ ጉራጌ፣ ወላይታ፣ ሲዳማ፣ ጋሞ ወዘተ ሁሉ የአብርሐም፣ የይስሐቅና የያዕቆብ እግዚአብሔር አምላክ እሳቱን ያዝንብባችሁ ፤ ንብረታችሁ ኃብታችሁ ሁሉ ይውደም ፤ ጤናችሁ ይጉደል ፤ ዘራችሁ ይጥፋ ፤ በስብሳችሁ ተልታችሁ ኑሩ፣ ቀዝናችሁ ሙቱ ፤ ሬሳችሁን ውሾችና ጥንብ አንሳዎች ይብሉት! አሜን! አሜን! አሜን!

💭 እነ አቡነ ማትያስ፣ ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም፣ ዶ/ር ሊያ ታደሰ እና አቶ ተወልደ ገብረ መድሕን ምን እየሠሩ ነው? አዲስ አበባ ያሉ ጽዮናውያን ምን እየጠበቁ ነው? የአክሱማውያን አስቴር እና መርዶክዮስ የት ናቸው?

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ ተስፋ አታድርጉ፤ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁቢፈልጉ ቢችሉ ኖሮ በአንድ ቀን ሁሉንም ነገር በፈጸሙት ነበር፤ ፍላጎቱም ብቃቱም የላቸውም! አማራዎቹም እንዲሁ! አሁን ተስፋው ያለው በጽዮናውያን ላይ ብቻ እና ብቻ ነው፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

ጽዮናውያን፤ ባካችሁ እንደ እባብ ልባምና ብልህ ሁኑ፤ ረሃቡን፣ ጦርነቱንና ሰቆቃውን ሁሉ ባጭሩ ለመግታት አውሬውን መያዝ ወይም መድፋት ግድ ነው! እስካሁን አንድም የወንጀለኛው ግራኝ ባልደረባ አለመያዙ እና በእሳት አለመጠረጉ በጣም የሚያስገርም ነው፤ እነ ባጫ፣ ጁላ እና የፋሺስቱ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ፈላጭ ቆራጮች ይህን ሁሉ ግፍ ሠርተው ለአንድም ቀን እንኳን ቢሆን እንዴት አየር መሳብ ተፈቀደላቸው? ያውም እስከ ሃምሳ ሺህ የታጠቁ ጽዮናውያን በሚገኙባት በአዲስ አበባ። ኧረ ባካችሁ፤ አንድ በአንድ ድፏቸው!

💭 Ethiopia’s Tigray Crisis: Tplf Says 150 Have Died of Starvation

About 150 people died of starvation in Ethiopia’s war-hit Tigray region in August, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has said.

These are the first hunger-related deaths that the TPLF has reported since its fighters recaptured most of the region from federal forces in June.

There is no independent confirmation of its statement.

The UN previously said that about 400,000 were already living in famine-like conditions in Tigray.

The government has not responded the to the TPLF statement.

About 5.2 million people – or 90% of Tigray’s population – urgently needed aid “to avert the world’s worst famine situation in decades”, the UN said last week.

The TPLF and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed were once allies in the government, but fell out over his political reforms, triggering the war that has killed thousands and displaced millions since November.

TPLF recaptured most of the region, including the capital, Mekelle, in June after losing control of most of it early in the war.

The TPLF says it is the legitimate government of Tigray, having won regional elections in 2020. The Ethiopian government denounced the poll as illegal. It regards the TPLF as a terrorist organisation.

Dying ‘in front of our eyes’

In a statement on Monday, the TPLF said there was a “complete depletion of food stocks” in Tigray.

People living in camps after being displaced by conflict were receiving “no aid” and host communities were running out of food, it said.

The TPLF said the 150 deaths were recorded in the central, southern and eastern zones of Tigray, as well in camps in the city of Shire – the birthplace of the group’s leader Debretsion Gebremichael.

“One million people are at risk of fatal famine if they are prohibited from receiving life-saving aid within the next few days,” it added.

In a BBC Tigrinya interview, TPLF agriculture chief Atinkut Mezgebo said that people were dying “in front of our eyes”.

“In the villages and towns, there is a shortage of food and medicine, and the crisis might be bigger than what we know,” he said.

Dr Atinkut said that women and children were the main victims of hunger.

“Previously, people shared what they had, but now they don’t have anything to eat,” he added.

It is hard to confirm details of what is happening in Tigray as telephone and internet communications have been cut.

The BBC has asked the federal government for a reaction to the TPLF statement but has so far not got a response. But in a statement on Monday, the foreign ministry said the TPLF had exacerbated the humanitarian problems by invading neighbouring regions and looting aid supplies.

Last week, the UN’s acting humanitarian coordinator for Ethiopia, Grant Leaity, called on the Ethiopian government to allow the unimpeded entry of aid to Tigray.

On Sunday, the World Food Programme said that more than 100 trucks of its aid had reached Mekelle for the first time in a fortnight.

In the past, the government has denied that it is blocking aid but has said it is concerned about security.

On Saturday, it announced that 500 trucks carrying supplies had entered the region, with 152 arriving in the last two days.

Source

በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ትኩሱ የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት ከመጀመሩ ከዓመት በፊት የሚከተለውን መል ዕክት አስተላልፌ ነበር፦

አቡነ ማትያስ + /ር ቴዎድሮስ + /ር ሊያ ታደሰ + አቶ ተወልደ ገ/ማርያም ካልዘገየ የስልጣን ወንበራቸውን ባፋጣኝ እንዲያስረክቡ ትግራዋያን ወገኖቼ መጠየቅ አለባችሁ! የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለሚመጣው ጥፋት ተጠያቂ ለማድረግ ነው ያስቀመጧቸው ናቸው!”

“የጦር ወንጀል | ግራኝ አህመድ የተከዜን ግድብ አፈረሰው፥ ቀጣዩ የሕዳሴው ነው | ወላሂ! ወላሂ!”

አይሁዶቹ ንግሥት አስቴር እና አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ (ትግሬዎች) ለሐማ (ግራኝ) አንሰግድም ስላሉት ሊያጠፋቸው ወሰነ

👉 ‘ከዚህም ነገር በኋላ ንጉሡ አርጤክስስ የአጋጋዊውን (ኦነጋዊውን) የሐመዳቱን (የአሕመድን) ልጅ ሐማን ከፍ ከፍ አደረገው’

በመጽሐፍ ቅዱስ የመጽሐፍ አስቴር ታሪክ ንግሥት አስቴር እና አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ ፤ ሐማ ተብሎ በሚጠራው ተንኮለኛ ፣ እብሪተኛና፣ ፀረአይሁድ/ፀረሴማዊ በፋርስ ንጉሥ አርጤክስስ በተሾመ ባላባት ላይ ለአይሁድ ማንነታቸው እና ውርሻቸው እንዴት እንደቆሙ ይዘግባል።

ከህንድ ጀምሮ እስከ ኢትዮጵያ ባሉ መቶ ሀያ ሰባት አገሮች ሲገዛ የነበረው የፋርስ ንጉሥ የአርጤክስስ ባሪያዎች ሁሉ ለሐማ ተደፍተው ይሰግዱ ነበር። አሁዱ መርዶክዮስ ግን አልተደፋም፥ አልሰገደለትም። ታዲያ ሐማን መርዶክዮስ እንዳልተደፋለት እንዳልሰገደለትም ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቈጣ።። መርዶክዮስ እና አይሁድ ህዝቡ ስለ ሐማን ክብር፣ ቁመት እና ስልጣን ከሚያስቡት በላይ ሃይማኖታቸውን፣ እና እሴቶቻቸውን አብልጠው ስለሚወዱ ሐማን በጣም ይበሳጭ ነበር። ስለዚህ ሐማን በንጉሥ አርጤክስስ መንግሥት አገዛዝ ይኖሩ የነበሩትን አይሁዳውያኑን የመርዶክዮስን ሕዝብ ሁሉ ሊያጠፋቸው ወሰነ።

ንጉሥ አርጤክስስ ንግሥት አስቴርን ከልብ ይወዳት ነበር፤ ግን በፋርስ ስላደገች አይሁድ እንደሆነች አያውቅም ነበር። በተጨማሪም አሳዳጊዋ እና አይሁዳዊው አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ ንጉሡን ለመግደል እያሴሩ የነበሩትን ሁለት የንጉሡን ረዳቶች በማባረር የንጉሡን ሕይወት እንዳዳነውም ገና አላወቀም ነበር።

ታሪኩን ለማሳጠር ፣ አስቴር በመጨረሻ ሐማ ማን/ምን እንደ ሆነና ምን እንዳቀደ ለንጉሥ አርጤክስስ ለመንገር እራሷን በቆራጥነት ማሳመን ነበረባት። እርሷም መርዶክዮስ ምናልባት ንግሥት የሆነችው “እንደዚህ ላለው ጊዜ” ሊሆን ይችላል ብሎ ስላሳመናት ይህን አደረገች፦

ሐማ የንጉሡን ሕይወት ያተረፈውን መርዶክዮስን ጨምሮ ሕዝቧን ሁሉ ለመግደል ቆርጦ እንደወጣ ለንጉሡ ደፍራ በተናገረች ጊዜ ወዲያውኑ ንጉሡ ወደ ሐማ በቁጣ ዞረበት። ብዙም ሳይቆይ ሐማ ለእርሱ የማይሰግደውን መርዶክዮስን ለመስቀል ሲል እራሱ በሠራው ግንድ ላይ እንዲሰቀል ንጉሡ ትዕዛዝ ሰጥቶ ሐማ እንዲሰቀል ተደረገ።

ድንቁ የአስቴር ታሪክ አንዳንድ ትምህርቶችን ይጠቁመናል ፥ እንዲሁም አንዳንድ ትይዩዎችን ያሳየናል። ቆሻሻው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እንኳን በአቅሙ ለእርሱ የማይሰግድሉተን ሁሉ አግቷቸዋል፣ ገደሏቸዋል፤ መጨረሻ የቀሩት ትግሬዎቹ ነበሩ፤ ስለዚህ ባጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ ፊቱን ወደእነርሱ አዞረ፤ ዘራቸውን ሁሉ ለማጥፋትም ዘመተ። መጨረሻው ምን ሊሆን እንደሚችል መጽሐፍ አስቴር ጠቁሞናል። ይህ የሉሲፈር አሽከር የእባብነት ቆዳ ቀይሮ ሕዝቡን ሊገዛ የተገሰለ ጨካኝ አላጋጭ ነውና እንደ ሐማ ክፉ አሟሟትን ይሞታል፤ ወደ ምድር ጥልቅም ይገባል።

[መጽሐፈ አስቴር ምዕራፍ ፫]

፩ ከዚህም ነገር በኋላ ንጉሡ አርጤክስስ የአጋጋዊውን የሐመዳቱን ልጅ ሐማን ከፍ ከፍ አደረገው፥ አከበረውም፥ ወንበሩንም ከእርሱ ጋር ከነበሩት አዛውንት ሁሉ በላይ አደረገለት።

፪ ንጉሡም ስለ እርሱ እንዲሁ አዝዞ ነበርና በንጉሡ በር ያሉት የንጉሡ ባሪያዎች ሁሉ ተደፍተው ለሐማ ይሰግዱ ነበር። መርዶክዮስ ግን አልተደፋም፥ አልሰገደለትም።

፫ በንጉሡም በር ያሉት የንጉሡ ባሪያዎች መርዶክዮስን። የንጉሡን ትእዛዝ ለምን ትተላለፋለህ? አሉት።

፬ ይህንም ዕለት ዕለት እየተናገሩ እርሱ ባልሰማቸው ጊዜ አይሁዳዊ እንደ ሆነ ነግሮአቸው ነበርና የመርዶክዮስ ነገር እንዴት እንደ ሆነ ያዩ ዘንድ ለሐማ ነገሩት።

፭ ሐማም መርዶክዮስ እንዳልተደፋለት እንዳልሰገደለትም ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቈጣ።

፮ የመርዶክዮስን ወገን ነግረውት ነበርና በመርዶክዮስ ብቻ እጁን ይጭን ዘንድ በዓይኑ ተናቀ፤ ሐማም በአርጤክስስ መንግሥት ሁሉ የነበሩትን የመርዶክዮስን ሕዝብ አይሁድን ሁሉ ሊያጠፋ ፈለገ።

፯ በንጉሡም በአርጤክስስ በአሥራ ሁለተኛው ዓመት ከመጀመሪያው ወር ከኒሳን ጀምሮ በየዕለቱና በየወሩ እስከ አሥራ ሁለተኛው ወር እስከ አዳር ድረስ በሐማ ፊት ፉር የተባለውን ዕጣ ይጥሉ ነበር።

፰ ሐማም ንጉሡን አርጤክስስን። አንድ ሕዝብ በአሕዛብ መካከል በመንግሥትህ አገሮች ሁሉ ተበትነዋል፤ ሕጋቸውም ከሕዝቡ ሁሉ ሕግ የተለየ ነው፥ የንጉሡንም ሕግ አይጠብቁም፤ ንጉሡም ይተዋቸው ዘንድ አይገባውም።

፱ ንጉሡም ቢፈቅድ እንዲጠፉ ይጻፍ፤ እኔም ወደ ንጉሡ ግምጃ ቤት ያገቡት ዘንድ አሥር ሺህ መክሊት ብር የንጉሡን ሥራ በሚሠሩት እጅ እመዝናለሁ አለው።

፲ ንጉሡም ቀለበቱን ከእጁ አወለቀ፥ ለአይሁድም ጠላት ለአጋጋዊው ለሐመዳቱ ልጅ ለሐማ ሰጠው።

፲፩ ንጉሡም ሐማን። ደስ የሚያሰኝህን ነገር ታደርግባቸው ዘንድ ብሩም ሕዝቡም ለአንተ ተሰጥቶሃል አለው።

፲፪ በመጀመሪያውም ወር ከወሩም በአሥራ ሦስተኛው ቀን የንጉሡ ጸሐፊዎች ተጠሩ፤ ከህንድ ጀምሮ እስከ ኢትዮጵያ ድረስ ወዳሉ መቶ ሀያ ሰባት አገሮች፥ በየአገሩ ወዳሉ ሹማምትና አለቆች ወደ አሕዛብም ሁሉ ገዢዎች እንደ ቋንቋቸው በንጉሡ በአርጤክስስ ቃል ሐማ እንዳዘዘ ተጻፈ፥ በንጉሡም ቀለበት ታተመ።

፲፫ በአሥራ ሁለተኛው ወር በአዳር በአሥራ ሦስተኛው ቀን አይሁድን ሁሉ፥ ልጆችንና ሽማግሌዎችን፥ ሕፃናቶችንና ሴቶችን፥ በአንድ ቀን ያጠፉና ይገድሉ ዘንድ፥ ይደመስሱም ዘንድ፥ ምርኮአቸውንም ይዘርፉ ዘንድ ደብዳቤዎች በመልእክተኞች እጅ ወደ ንጉሡ አገሮች ሁሉ ተላኩ።

፲፬ በዚያም ቀን ይዘጋጁ ዘንድ የደብዳቤው ቅጅ በየአገሩ ላሉ አሕዛብ ሁሉ ታወጀ።

፲፭ መልእክተኞቹም በንጉሡ ትእዛዝ እየቸኰሉ ሄዱ፥ አዋጁም በሱሳ ግንብ ተነገረ። ንጉሡና ሐማ ሊጠጡ ተቀመጡ፤ ከተማይቱ ሱሳ ግን ተደናገጠች።

[መጽሐፈ አስቴር ምዕራፍ ፯]

፩ ንጉሡና ሐማም ከንግሥቲቱ ከአስቴር ጋር ለመጠጣት መጡ።

፪ በሁለተኛውም ቀን ንጉሡ በወይኑ ጠጅ ግብዣ ሳለ አስቴርን። ንግሥት አስቴር ሆይ፥ የምትለምኚኝ ምንድር ነው? ይሰጥሻል፤ የምትሺውስ ምንድር ነው? እስከ መንግሥቴ እኵሌታ እንኳ ቢሆን ይደረግልሻል አላት።

፫ ንግሥቲቱም አስቴር መልሳ። ንጉሥ ሆይ፥ በአንተ ዘንድ ሞገስ አግኝቼ እንደ ሆነ፥ ንጉሡንም ደስ ቢያሰኘው፥ ሕይወቴ በልመናዬ ሕዝቤም በመሻቴ ይሰጠኝ፤

፬ እኔና ሕዝቤ ለመጥፋትና ለመገደል ለመደምሰስም ተሸጠናልና። ባርያዎች ልንሆን ተሸጠን እንደ ሆነ ዝም ባልሁ ነበር፤ የሆነ ሆኖ ጠላቱ የንጉሡን ጉዳት ለማቅናት ባልቻለም ነበር አለች።

፭ ንጉሡም አርጤክስስ ንግሥቲቱን አስቴርን። ይህን ያደርግ ዘንድ በልቡ የደፈረ ማን ነው? እርሱስ ወዴት ነው? ብሎ ተናገራት።

፮ አስቴርም። ያ ጠላትና ባለጋራ ሰው ክፉው ሐማ ነው አለች። ሐማም በንጉሡና በንግሥቲቱ ፊት ደነገጠ።

፯ ንጉሡም ተቈጥቶ የወይን ጠጅ ከመጠጣቱ ተነሣ፥ ወደ ንጉሡም ቤት አታክልት ውስጥ ሄደ። ሐማም ከንጉሡ ዘንድ ክፉ ነገር እንደ ታሰበበት አይቶአልና ከንግሥቲቱ ከአስቴር ሕይወቱን ይለምን ዘንድ ቆመ።

፰ ንጉሡም ከቤቱ አታክልት ወደ ወይን ጠጁ ግብዣ ስፍራ ተመለሰ፤ ሐማም አስቴር ባለችበት አልጋ ላይ ወድቆ ነበር። ንጉሡም። ደግሞ በቤቴ በእኔ ፊት ንግሥቲቱን ይጋፋታልን? አለ። ይህም ቃል ከንጉሡ አፍ በወጣ ጊዜ የሐማን ፊት ሸፈኑት።

፱ በንጉሡም ፊት ካሉት ጃንደረቦች አንዱ ሐርቦና። እነሆ ሐማ ለንጉሡ በጎ ለተናገረው ለመርዶክዮስ ያሠራው ርዝመቱ አምሳ ክንድ የሆነው ግንድ በሐማን ቤት ተተክሎአል አለ። ንጉሡም። በእርሱ ላይ ስቀሉት አለ።

፲ ሐማንም ለመርዶክዮስ ባዘጋጀው ግንድ ላይ ሰቀሉት፤ በዚያም ጊዜ የንጉሡ ቍጣ በረደ።

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CNN: From Nobel Laureate to Global Pariah: How The World Got Abiy Ahmed And Ethiopia So Wrong

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

By Eliza Mackintosh, CNN, September 7, 2021

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁ፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.“”

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.””

“Abiy, Abiy,” the crowd chanted, waving Ethiopia’s tricolor flag and cheering as the country’s new prime minister, dressed in a white blazer with gold trim and smiling broadly, waved to a packed basketball arena at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles, part of a whirlwind three-city tour of the United States to woo the diaspora.

It was July 2018, just three months after Abiy Ahmed had been appointed leader of Africa’s second-most populous country, and his star was rising both at home and abroad. Excitement was surging into an almost religious fervor around the young politician, who promised to bring peace, prosperity and reconciliation to a troubled corner of Africa and a nation on the brink of crisis.

But even in those early, optimistic days of Abiy’s premiership, as he kickstarted a flurry of ambitious reforms — freeing thousands of political prisoners, lifting restrictions on the press, welcoming back exiles and banned opposition parties, appointing women to positions in his cabinet, opening up the country’s tightly-controlled economy to new investment and negotiating peace with neighboring Eritrea — Berhane Kidanemariam had his doubts.

The Ethiopian diplomat has known the prime minister for almost 20 years, forging a friendship when he worked for the governing coalition’s communications team and, later, as CEO of two state-run news organizations, while Abiy was in military intelligence and then heading Ethiopia’s cybersecurity agency, INSA. Before working for Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kidanemariam ran the country’s national broadcaster, the EBC, and he said Abiy sat on its board of directors.

In a recent phone interview, Kidanemariam said he, like many Ethiopians, had hoped Abiy could transform the nation’s fractious politics and usher in genuine democratic change. But he struggled to square his understanding of the man he’d first met in 2004 — who he described as power-hungry intelligence officer obsessed by fame and fortune — with the portrait emerging of a visionary peacemaker from humble beginnings.

In 2018, Kidanemariam was serving as Ethiopia’s consul general in Los Angeles and said he helped organize Abiy’s visit.

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.”

“One of the ironies of a prime minister who came to office promising unity is that he has deliberately exacerbated hatred between different groups,” Kidanemariam wrote in an open letter in March, announcing that he was quitting his post as the deputy chief of mission at the Ethiopian embassy in Washington, DC, in protest over Abiy’s monthslong war in Tigray, which has spurred a refugee crisis, atrocities and famine.

Kidanemariam said to CNN he believed Abiy’s focus had never been about “reform or democracy or human rights or freedom of the press. It is simply consolidating power for himself, and getting money out of it … We may call it authoritarianism or dictatorship, but he is really getting to be a king.”

“By the way,” he added, “the problem is not only for Tigrayans. It’s for all Ethiopians. Everybody is suffering everywhere.”

In an email to CNN, Abiy’s spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, described Kidanemariam’s characterization of the prime minister as “baseless” and a “reflection.”

‘The epitome of hell’

Much has changed since Abiy accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in November 2019, telling an audience in Oslo, Norway, that “war is the epitome of hell.”

In less than two years, Abiy has gone from darling of the international community to pariah, condemned for his role in presiding over a protracted civil war that, by many accounts, bears the hallmarks of genocide and has the potential to destabilize the wider Horn of Africa region.

The 45-year-old’s fall from grace has confounded many observers, who wonder how they could have gotten him so wrong. But diplomats, analysts, independent Ethiopian journalists, acquaintances and others who have followed his career closely say that even at the height of “Abiymania,” there were warning signs.

Critics say that by blessing Abiy with an array of international endorsements, the West not only failed to see — or willfully ignored — those signals, but gave him a blank check and then turned a blind eye.

“Soon after Abiy was crowned with that Nobel Peace Prize, he lost an appetite in pursuing domestic reform,” Tsedale Lemma, founder and editor-in-chief of Addis Standard, an independent monthly news magazine based in Ethiopia, told CNN on a Skype call. “He considered it a blanket pass to do as he wishes.”

The war in Tigray is not the first time he’s used that pass, she said, adding that since Abiy came to power on the platform of unifying Ethiopia’s people and in its state, he has ruthlessly consolidated control and alienated critical regional players.

Lemma has covered Abiy’s rise for the Addis Standard — which was briefly suspended by Ethiopia’s media regulator in July — and was an early critic of his government when few were sounding the alarm. Days after Abiy was awarded the Nobel Prize, she wrote an editorial warning that the initiatives he had been recognized for — the peace process with Eritrea and political reforms in Ethiopia — had sidelined a key stakeholder, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and were in serious jeopardy.

The TPLF had governed Ethiopia with an iron grip for decades, overseeing a period of stability and economic growth at the cost of basic civil and political rights. The party’s authoritarian rule provoked a popular uprising that ultimately forced Abiy’s predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn, to resign. Abiy was appointed by the ruling class to bring change, without upending the old political order. But almost as soon as he came to power, Abiy announced the rearrangement of the ruling coalition that the TPLF had founded — the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front, or EPRDF, which was composed of four parties — into a single, new Prosperity Party, ostracizing the TPLF in the process.

Abiy’s appointment had been intended to quell tensions. Instead, his drive for a new pan-Ethiopian political party sparked fears in some regions that the country’s federal system, which guarantees significant autonomy to ethnically-defined states, such as Tigray, was under threat.

The Tigrayans weren’t the only ones who were worried. In Abiy’s home region, Oromia, and other administrative zones, people began to demand self-rule. Soon, the government began backsliding into the authoritarian practices Abiy had once renounced: Violent crackdowns on protesters, the jailing of journalists and opposition politicians, and twice postponing elections.

Ahmed Soliman, a research fellow at Chatham House and an expert on the Horn of Africa, said Abiy’s reform plan also increased expectations among constituencies with conflicting agendas, further heightening tensions.

“Abiy and his government have rightly been blamed for implementing uneven reforms and for insecurity increasing throughout the country, but to an extent, some of that was inherited. These simmering ethnic and political divisions that exist in the country have very deep roots,” he said.

Tensions reached a boiling point last September, when the Tigrayans defied Abiy by holding a vote which had been delayed due to the pandemic, setting off a tit-for-tat series of recriminations that spilled into open conflict in November 2020.

This July, in the midst of the war, Abiy and his party won a landslide victory in a general election that was boycotted by opposition parties, marred by logistical issues and excluded many voters, including all those in Tigray — a crushing disappointment to many who had high hopes that the democratic transition Abiy promised three years ago would be realized.

“He sees himself as a Messiah, as chosen, as someone who’s destined to ‘Make Ethiopia Great Again,’ but this country is collapsing,” Lemma said, adding that the international community’s folly was falling for the picture Abiy painted of himself — “a post-ethnic, contemporary capitalist” — in their desperation for a dazzling success story.

‘A monumental failure of analysis’

Still, many Ethiopians are reluctant to lay the blame for the country’s unravelling at Abiy’s feet. Ahead of the election in June, residents in Addis Ababa told CNN they felt Abiy had inherited a mess from the previous regime and had always faced an uphill battle pushing reforms forward — an assessment shared by some regional experts.

“Lots of people were hopeful that the liberalizing changes, after those years of anti-government protests and all of the state violence in response, […] marked a moment where Ethiopia would start to conduct its politics more peacefully. But that thinking glossed over some of the major problems and contradictions in Ethiopia,” said William Davidson, senior Ethiopia analyst with the International Crisis Group.

“There was always a massive challenge ahead for Abiy, and for everyone. Just the promise of a more pluralistic political system did nothing necessarily to resolve the clashing nationalisms, opposing visions, and bitter political rivalries.”

In recent months, Abiy has tried to dodge international condemnation by pledging to protect civilians, open up humanitarian access to stave off famine and kick out Eritrean troops, who have supported Ethiopian forces in the conflict and stand accused of some of the most horrifying of the many atrocities in Tigray — pledges that American officials say he has not delivered on. After the United States issued sanctions in May, Ethiopia’s foreign ministry accused it of meddling in the country’s internal affairs and misunderstanding the significant challenges on the ground.

As the tide of international opinion has turned against Abiy, the prime minister’s office has maintained he is not concerned about his deteriorating reputation; his supporters have increasingly blamed the West for the crisis unfolding in the country. “The prime minister need not be a darling of the west, east, south or north,” Abiy’s spokeswoman Billene Seyoum told reporters in June. “It is sufficient that he stands for the people of Ethiopia and the development of the nation.”

But it is difficult to reconcile the government’s narrative with reality. Setting to one side the staggering loss of life and destruction inside Tigray, the war has eroded Abiy’s aggressive development plans and derailed the country’s economic trajectory, experts say. Ethiopia’s economy had grown at nearly 10% for the last decade, before slowing in 2020, dragged down by a combination of the Covid-19 pandemic, debt and conflict. The war has also drained national coffers, decimated a large slice of the country’s industry and eroded its reputation among foreign investors and financial institutions.

“From where I sit, I think there was a monumental failure of analysis, internationally,” Rashid Abdi, a Kenya-based analyst and researcher who specializes in the Horn of Africa, said, including himself in that group. “I think people failed to apprehend the complex nature of Ethiopia’s transition, especially they failed to appreciate also the complex side of Abiy, that he was not all this sunny, smiling guy. That beneath was a much more calculating, and even Machiavellian figure, who eventually will I think push the country towards a much more dangerous path.”

“We should have begun to take notice of some of the red flags quite quickly. A lot of complacency is what got us here,” he added.

The seventh king of Ethiopia

During his inaugural address to parliament in 2018, Abiy made a point of thanking his mother, a Christian from the Amhara region, who he said had told him at the age of seven that, despite his modest background, he would one day be the seventh king of Ethiopia. The remark was met with a round of laughter from his cabinet members, but Abiy’s belief in his mother’s prophecy was no joke.

“In the initial stages of the war, actually, he spoke openly about how this was God’s plan, and that this was a kind of divine mission for him. This is a man who early in the morning, instead of meeting his top advisors, would meet with some of his spiritual advisers, these are pastors who are very powerful now in a sort of ‘kitchen cabinet,'” Abdi said.

But the most glaring of warning signs, by many accounts, was Abiy’s surprise allegiance with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, for which he ultimately won the Nobel Prize.

Abiy’s critics say that what cemented his status as a peacemaker on the world stage was based on a farce, and that the alignment with Eritrea was yet another effort to consolidate his power, paving the way for the two sides to wage war against their mutual enemy, the TPLF. Soon after the Eritrea-Ethiopia border reopened in 2018, reuniting families after 20 years, it closed again. Three years on, Eritrean troops are operating with impunity in Tigray, and there is little sign of a durable peace.

In response, Abiy’s spokeswoman rejected this assertion, calling it a “toxic narrative.”

Mehari Taddele Maru, a professor of governance and migration at the European University Institute, who was skeptical of the peace deal early on — a deeply unpopular view at the time — believes the Nobel Committee’s endorsement of Abiy has contributed to the current conflict.

“I am of the strongest opinion that the Nobel Prize Committee is responsible for what is happening in Ethiopia, at least partially. They had reliable information; many experts sounded their early warning,” Mehari, who is from Tigray, told CNN.

“The Committee was basing its decision on a peace deal that we flagged for a false start, a peace that is not only achieved but perhaps unachievable and an agreement that was not meant for peace but actually for war. What he [Abiy] did with Isaias was not meant to bring peace. He knew that, Isaias knew that. They were working, basically, to execute a war, to sandwich Tigray from South and North carefully by ostracizing one political party first.”

The most palpable and lasting impact of the award, according to several analysts and observers, was a chilling effect on any criticism of Abiy.

The persona he cultivated, cemented in part through his many early accolades — being named African of the Year in 2018, one of Time’s 100 Most Influential People, and one of Foreign Policy’s 100 Global Thinkers in 2019 — captivated the imagination of Ethiopians, the country’s large diaspora and the world. Many now feel betrayed, having lost any optimism about the future of the country, but others are still intent on retaining that glittering image of Abiy, reluctant to see the writing on the wall.

“By the time the war started in November, the international community was extremely committed to the idea of Abiy Ahmed as a reformer still, and they didn’t want to give up on that,” said Goitom Gebreluel, a Horn of Africa researcher from Tigray, who was in Addis Ababa at the start of the conflict.

“I had meetings with various diplomats before the war and it was obvious that the war was coming, and what they were saying was, ‘you know, he still has this project, we have to let him realize his political vision,'” he said. “To this day, I think not everyone is convinced that this is an autocrat.”

Now, with Ethiopia facing a “man-made” famine and a war apparently without end, Abiy stands alone, largely isolated from the international community and with a shrinking cadre of allies.

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.”

“Like so many others who thought the prime minister had the potential to lead Ethiopia to a bright future, I am filled with despair and anguish at the direction he is taking our country.”

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Allan Rock President Emeritus of University of Ottawa | The UN is a Disgrace – Where’s Mr Guterres?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 7, 2021

💭 Allan Rock is President Emeritus of the University of Ottawa, and a Professor in its Faculty of Law, where he teaches International Humanitarian Law and Armed Conflict in International Law.

He practised in civil, administrative and commercial litigation for 20 years (1973-93) with a national law firm in Toronto, appearing as counsel in a wide variety of cases before courts at all levels, including the Supreme Court of Canada. He was inducted in 1988 as a Fellow of the American College of Trial Lawyers. He is a former Treasurer (President) of the Law Society of Ontario.

Allan Rock was elected to the Canadian Parliament in 1993, and re-elected in 1997 and 2000. He served for that decade as a senior minister in the government of Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, in both social and economic portfolios. He was Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada (1993-97), Minister of Health (1997-2002) and Minister of Industry and Infrastructure (2002-03).

He was appointed in 2003 as Canadian Ambassador to the United Nations in New York during a period that involved responding to several complex regional conflicts, including those in Sri Lanka, Democratic Republic of Congo and Darfur. He led the successful Canadian effort in New York to secure, at the 2005 World Summit, the unanimous adoption by UN member states of The Responsibility to Protect populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing and other mass atrocities. He participated in the negotiation (in Abuja, Nigeria) of the Darfur Peace Agreement in May, 2006. He later served as a Special Envoy for the United Nations investigating the unlawful use of child soldiers in Sri Lanka during its civil war.

In 2008, Allan Rock became the 29th President and Vice Chancellor of the University of Ottawa, a comprehensive university of 50,000 students, faculty and staff. uOttawa is ranked among the Top Ten in Canada for research intensity, and is the largest bilingual university (French-English) in the world. He completed two terms as uOttawa President in 2016.

Allan Rock was subsequently a Visiting Scholar at Harvard Law School, associated with the Program on International Law and Armed Conflict.

He is a member of the Transatlantic Commission on Election Integrity, and a Senior Advisor to the World Refugee and Migration Council.

Allan Rock is a member of the Order of Canada and the Order of Ontario. He is married to Deborah Hanscom and they have four children.

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መደመጥ ያለበት | የማይካድራና ዳንሻ የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ በማን ነው የተፈፀመው? ቆይታ ከጂኦሎጂስትዋ ፋና በላይ ጋር

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 7, 2021

💭 በጣም የሚያሳዝነውና የሚያስቆጣው ነገር ደግሞ፤ የሠሩት እጅግ በጣም ከባድ የሆነ ወንጀል ስላልበቃቸው የወንጀላቸው ሰለባ የሆነውን ምስኪን ሕዝብ ለሠሩት ወንጀል ተጠያቂ ለማድረግ እስከ ዛሬ ድረስ ሲለፍፉና ሲጮሁ መሰማታቸው ነው። 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

👉 ኦሮሞዎች፣ አማራዎች፣ ኤርትራውያን፣ ደቡቦች፣ ሶማሌዎች፣ አፋሮችና አረቦች በትግራይ ላይ በፈጸሙት ከባድ ወንጀል፤

አባትህንና እናትህን አክብር፤ እግዚአብሔር አምላክህ በሚሰጥህ ምድር ዕድሜህ እንዲረዝም። አትግደል። አታመንዝር። አትስረቅ። በባልንጀራህ ላይ በሐሰት አትመስክር።

የባልንጀራህን ቤት አትመኝ፤ የባልንጀራህን ሚስት ሎሌውንም ገረዱንም በሬውንም አህያውንም ከባልንጀራህ ገንዘብ ሁሉ ማናቸውንም አትመኝ።”[ኦሪት ዘጸአት ምዕራፍ ፳]

የሚሉትን አሥሩንም የእግዚአብሔር አምላክ ትዕዛዛት ጥሰዋቸዋል። ወዮላችሁ!

✞✞✞[መዝሙረ ዳዊት ምዕራፍ ፴፭፥፲፱፡፳፬]✞✞✞

በግፍ የሚጠሉኝ በላዬ ደስ አይበላቸው፥ በከንቱ የሚጣሉኝም በዓይናቸው አይጣቀሱብኝ። ለእኔስ ሰላምን ይናገሩኛልና፥ በቍጣም ሽንገላን ይመክራሉ። አፋቸውንም በእኔ ላይ አላቀቁ፤ እሰይ እሰይ፥ ዓይናችን አየው ይላሉ። አቤቱ፥ አንተ አየኸው፤ ዝም አትበል፤ አቤቱ፥ ከእኔ አትራቅ። አምላኬ ጌታዬም፥ ወደ ፍርዴ ተነሥ፥ አቤቱ፥ ፍርዴን አድምጥ። አቤቱ አምላኬ፥ እንደ ጽድቅህ ፍረድልኝ፥ በላዬም ደስ አይበላቸው።”

አሁን የጽዮን ሠራዊት ተገቢ የሆኑ ቦታዎችን በቁጥጥር ሥር ካዋለ በኋላ ጦርነት እንኳን ማካሄድ አያስፈልግም፤ የተሠሩትን ወንጀሎች የሚያጋልጡ መረጃዎች በገለልተኛ የዓለም ዓቀፍ መርማሪዎች እጅ ከገቡ በኋላ ሁሉም ለሁለተኛና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ ጦርነቱን ተሸንፈው ለፍርድ ይቀርባሉ።

ወንጀለኞቹ የኦሮሞ፣ አማራ እና ኤርትራ ሰአራዊቶች ሆን ብለው የትግራይ ሕዝብ ኦርጋኒክ የሆኑትን የጤፍ እንጀራዎች፣ ጥራጥሬዎች፣ አታክልቶችና ፍራፍሬዎች እንዳይመገብ ነው ማሳዎችን፣ እርሻዎችን፣ የአታክልት ቦታዎችን፣ የእኅል ጎተራዎችን እንዲሁም ቤት ውስጥ ያሉ ሊጦችን ሲያቃጥሉ፣ ሲያበላሹና ሲመርዙ የነበሩት። እንስሳቱን እና ከብቶችንም ገድለዋቸዋል፣ ዘርፈዋቸዋል። እንግዲህ ይህ ሁሉ አረመኔያዊ ተግባር የትግራይን ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ከማስራብ ዘልቆ የተረፉት በእርዳታ ለሚመጡ የተዳቀሉ/GMO ተጋላጭ እንዲሆኑና ማንም በማይመረመረው የእርዳታ ምግብ፣ መጠጥና ክትባት መንፈሳዊ ፀጋቸውንም እንዲያጡ በማሰብ ነው።ለአሚሪካ አውሎ ነፋሳት ምክኒያት ይሆናሉ የሚሏቸውን ፩ሺህ ትግርኛ ቋንቋ ተናጋሪ የጸሎት አባቶች/መነኮሳት ከዋልድባ ገዳም እንዲባረሩ የተደረጉበት አንዱ ዓላማቸው ይህ ነው፤ አዎ! አባቶች በእርዳታ ለሚመጡ የተዳቀሉ/GMO

ምግቦች ተጋላጭ ሆነው ከእግዚአብሔር እንዲለዩ ለማድረግ በማሰብ ነው። ወደ ገሃነም እሳቱ ይጣላችሁ እናንት እርኩሶች የዲያብሎስ ጭፍራዎች! 😠😠😠

💭 የትግራይ ሠራዊት ባፋጣኝ ወደ ኦሮሞ እና አማራ ክልሎች ዘልቆ በመግባት አገር በቀል/አገር ወለድ የሆኑትን ጤፉንም፣ ጥራጥሬውንም፣ ከብቱንም፣ ዘይቱንም፣ ውሃውንም፣ ዶሮውንም በግድ ወደ ትግራይ ጭኖ መውሰድ ይኖርበታል። ከተቀዳሚ ተግባራቱና ግዴታው መካከል ይህ አንዱ ነው!

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

 
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