It’s a Shame that a Nobel Peace Prize Laureate is a War Criminal | The Nobel Peace Prize = License for Genocide

🤯 In this video, at 6:09, Mrs. Merit Reiss-Anderesen named the evil monster first as ‘Prime Minister’ Abiy and then as ‘President’ Abiy Ahmed. She obviously gave another Nobel to him!

💭 When asked the Chair of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, if giving Abiy Ahmed a Nobel Peace Prize, was a mistake, Merit Reiss-Anderesen answered:

“It’s an unprecedented situation that a Nobel Peace Prize laureate is involved in warfare.”

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Nobel Peace Laureates Committed Gross Human Rights Violations & War Crimes in Ethiopia

Yes! Both War Criminals, Abiy Ahmed & Isias Afewerki are Nobel Peace Prize Laureates 2019!

በኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ እንዲቃጠል የተደረገውን የትግራይ ሰብል ማሳ የሳተላይት ምስል የኒው ዮርክ ታይምስ አትሞታል። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ቪዲዮውን እስከ መጨረሻው እንከታተለውና ነጥብጣቦቹን እናገናኛቸው።

ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እና ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ እየፈጸሙት ያሉት አሰቃቂ ተግባር፣ እየሠሩት ያሉት ወንጀል ከግራኝ አብህመድ ቀዳማዊና ከዮዲት ጉዲት ይከፋል። ሂትለርና ሙሶሊኒም ሆን ብለው እንኳን የራስን የወረሯቸውን ሃገራት የሰብል ማሳ ያቃጠሉ አይመስለኝም። እነዚህ አውሬዎች ከየት ተገኙ?

👉 ፋሺስቶቹ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ እና ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ ከአረብ ረዳቶቻቸው ጋር አብረውና፤

☆ ኮሮናን ተገን አድርገው

☆ የአንበጣ መንጋን ተገን አድርገው

☆ ዝናብና ብርድ የሚቆምበትን ወር ጠብቀው

☆ የሰብል ምርት የሚሰበሰብበት የመኸር ወቅትን ጠብቀው

☆ በአሜሪካ የፕሬዚደንት ምርጫ የሚደረግበትን ዕለትን ጠብቀው

☆ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ ሚስቱን እና ልጆቹን ወደ አሜሪካ ከላካቸው በኋላ

በምስኪኑ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ በፌስቡክ ጦርነት አወጁበት።

ለካስ ባለፈው ጥቅምት ወር ላይ “መከላከያ ሰራዊት የትግራይ አርሶ አደር የደረሱ ሰብል ማሳ አጨዳ እየተረባረበ ይገኛል” ሲሉን የድራማ ንግስቲቱ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ለጭፍጨፋውና ቃጠሎው በዚህ መልክ እየተዘጋጀች ነበር። ይህ ቆሻሻ ሕዝቡን ምን ያህል ቢንቀውና ቢጠላው ነው?! ዋው! እነዚህ አውሬዎች እኮ ከዲያብሎስ የከፉ አረመኔዎች፣ ጨካኞችና እርኩሶች መሆናቸውን እያየን ነው።

ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እና ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ እየፈጸሙት ያሉት አሰቃቂ ተግባር፣ እየሠሩት ያሉት ወንጀል ከግራኝ አብህመድ ቀዳማዊና ከዮዲት ጉዲት ይከፋል። ልዩነቱ በዚያ ዘመን ደጋፊዎቻቸው መሀመዳውያን፣ ቱርኮችና ጋሎች ነበሩ፤ ዛሬ ግን የጎንደር ጋላማራዎች ታክለውበታል። ሂትለርና ሙሶሊኒ እንኳን ሆን ብለው የራስን የወረሯቸውን ሃገራት የሰብል ማሳ ያቃጠሉ አይመስለኝም። እነዚህ አውሬዎች ከየት ተገኙ?

ልብ ብለናል? የእነ ደብረጽዮን፣ መለስ ዜናዊ፣ ቴዎድሮስ አድሃኖም ልጆችና ቤተሰቦች ከኢትዮጵያ አልወጡም፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ፣ ለማ መገርሳ እና አጋሮቻቸው ግን ሚስቶቻቸውንና ልጆቻቸውን ወደ አሜሪካ ልከዋል። እስኪ የዲያስፐራው ‘የሰበር ዜና ጀግኖች‘ በዚህ ጉዳይ ዙሪያ ይዘግቡልን!

Refugees Come Under Fire as Old Foes Fight in Concert in Ethiopia

Forces from neighboring Eritrea have joined the war in northern Ethiopia, and have rampaged through refugee camps committing human rights violations, officials and witnesses say.

As fighting raged across the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia last month, a group of soldiers arrived one day at Hitsats, a small hamlet ringed by scrubby hills that was home to a sprawling refugee camp of 25,000 people.

The refugees had come from Eritrea, whose border lies 30 miles away, part of a vast exodus in recent years led by desperate youth fleeing the tyrannical rule of their leader, one of Africa’s longest-ruling autocrats. In Ethiopia, Eritrea’s longtime adversary, they believed they were safe.

But the soldiers who burst into the camp on Nov. 19 were also Eritrean, witnesses said. Mayhem quickly followed — days of plunder, punishment and bloodshed that ended with dozens of refugees being singled out and forced back across the border into Eritrea.

For weeks, Prime Minister Abiiy Ahmed of Ethiopia has denied that soldiers from Eritrea — a country that Ethiopia once fought in an exceptionally brutal war — had entered Tigray, where Mr. Abiiy has been fighting since early November to oust rebellious local leaders.

In fact, according to interviews with two dozen aid workers, refugees, United Nations officials and diplomats — including a senior American official — Eritrean soldiers are fighting in Tigray, apparently in coordination with Mr. Abiiy’s forces, and face credible accusations of atrocities against civilians. Among their targets were refugees who had fled Eritrea and its harsh leader, President Isaias Afwerki.

The deployment of Eritreans to Tigray is the newest element in a melee that has greatly tarnished Mr. Abiiy’s once-glowing reputation. Only last year he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for making peace with Mr. Isaias. Now it looks like the much-lauded peace deal between the former enemies in fact laid the groundwork for them to make war against Tigray, their mutual adversary.

“Abiiy has invited a foreign country to fight against his own people,” said Awol Allo, a former Abiiy supporter turned outspoken critic who lectures in law at Keele University in Britain. “The implications are huge.”

Mr. Abiiy insists he was forced to move his army quickly in Tigray after the region’s leaders, who had dominated Ethiopia for 27 years until Mr. Abiiy took over in 2018, mutinied against his government. But in the early weeks of the fight, Ethiopian forces were aided by artillery fired by Eritrean forces from their side of the border, an American official said.

Since then, Mr. Abiiy’s campaign has been led by a hodgepodge of forces, including federal troops, ethnic militias and, evidently, soldiers from Eritrea.

At Hitsats, Eritrean soldiers initially clashed with local Tigrayan militiamen in battles that rolled across the camp. Scores of people were killed, including four Ethiopians employed by the International Rescue Committee and the Danish Refugee Council, aid workers said.

The chaos deepened in the days that followed, when Eritrean soldiers looted aid supplies, stole vehicles and set fire to fields filled with crops and a nearby forested area used by refugees to collect wood, aid workers said. The camp’s main water tank was riddled with gunfire and emptied.

Their accounts are supported by satellite images, obtained and analyzed by The New York Times, that show large patches of newly scorched earth in and around the Hitsats camp after the Eritrean forces swept through.

Later, soldiers singled out several refugees — camp leaders, by some accounts — bundled them into vehicles and sent them back across the border to Eritrea.

“She’s crying, crying,” said Berhan Okbasenbet, an Eritrean now in Sweden whose sister was driven from Hitsats to Keren, the second-largest city in Eritrea, alongside a son who was shot in the fighting. “It’s not safe for them in Eritrea. It’s not a free country.”

Ms. Berhan asked not to publish their names, fearing reprisals, but provided identifying details that The New York Times verified with an Ethiopian government database of refugees.

Mr. Abiiy’s spokeswoman did not respond to questions for this article. However, a few weeks ago the United Nations secretary general, António Guterres, bluntly asked Mr. Abiiy if Eritrean troops were fighting in his war. “He guaranteed to me that they have not entered Tigrayan territory,” Mr. Guterres told reporters on Dec. 9.

Those denials have been met with incredulity from Western and United Nations officials.

The Trump administration has demanded that all Eritrean troops immediately leave Tigray, a United States official said, citing reports of widespread looting, killings and other potential war crimes.

It remains unclear how many Eritreans are in Tigray, or precisely where, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss delicate diplomacy. A communications blackout over Tigray since Nov. 4 has effectively shielded the war from outside view.

But that veil has slowly lifted in recent weeks, as witnesses fleeing Tigray or reaching telephones have begun to give accounts of the fighting, the toll on civilians and pervasive presence of Eritrean soldiers.

In interviews, some described fighters with Eritrean accents and wearing Ethiopian uniforms. Others said they witnessed televisions and refrigerators being looted from homes and businesses. A European official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss confidential findings, said some of those stolen goods were being openly sold in the Eritrean capital, Asmara.

Three sources, including a different Western official, said they had received reports of an Eritrean attack on a church in Dinglet, in eastern Tigray, on Nov. 30. By one account, 35 people whose names were provided were killed.

The reports of Eritrean soldiers sweeping through Tigray are especially jarring to many Ethiopians.

Ethiopia and Eritrea were once the best of enemies, fighting a devastating border war in the late 1990s that cost 100,000 lives. Although the two countries are now officially at peace, many Ethiopians are shocked that the old enemy is roaming freely inside their borders.

“How did we let a state that is hostile to our country come in, cross the border and brutalize our own people?” said Tsedale Lemma, editor in chief of the Addis Standard newspaper. “This is an epic humiliation for Ethiopia’s pride as a sovereign state.”

Mr. Abiiy has already declared victory in Tigray and claimed, implausibly, that no civilians have died. But last week his government offered a $260,000 reward for help in capturing fugitive leaders from the regional governing party, the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front — a tacit admission that Mr. Abiiy has failed to achieve a major stated goal of his campaign.

In fact, the biggest winner so far may be his Eritrean ally, Mr. Isaias.

Since coming to power in 1993, Mr. Isaias has won a reputation as a ruthless and dictatorial figure who rules with steely determination at home and who meddles abroad to exert his influence.

For a time he supported the Islamist extremists of the Shabab in Somalia, drawing U.N. sanctions on Eritrea, before switching his loyalties to the oil-rich — and Islamist-hating — United Arab Emirates.

Inside Eritrea, Mr. Isaias enforced a harsh system of endless military service that fueled a tidal wave of migration that has driven over 500,000 Eritreans — perhaps one-tenth of the population — into exile.

The peace pact signed by the two leaders initially raised hopes for a new era of stability in the region. Ultimately, it amounted to little. By this summer, borders that opened briefly had closed again.

But Mr. Abiiy and Mr. Isaias remained close, bonded by their shared hostility toward the rulers of Tigray.

They had different reasons to distrust the Tigrayans. For Mr. Abiiy the Tigray People’s Liberation Front was a dangerous political rival — a party that had once led Ethiopia and, once he became prime minister, began to flout his authority openly.

For Mr. Isaias, though, it was a deeply personal feud — a story of grievances, bad blood and ideological disputes that stretched back to the 1970s, when Eritrea was fighting for independence from Ethiopia, and Mr. Isaias joined with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front to fight an Ethiopian Marxist dictator.

Those differences widened after 1991, when Eritrea became independent and the Tigrayans had come to power in Ethiopia, culminating in a devastating border war.

As tensions rose between Mr. Abiiy and the T.P.L.F., Mr. Isaias saw an opportunity to settle old scores and to reassert himself in the region, said Martin Plaut, author of “Understanding Eritrea” and a senior research fellow at the University of London.

“It’s typical Isaias,” said Mr. Plaut. “He seeks to project power in ways that are completely unimaginable for the leader of such a small country.”

Aid groups warn that, without immediate access, Tigray will soon face a humanitarian disaster. The war erupted just as villagers were preparing to harvest their crops, in a region already grappling with swarms of locusts and recurring drought.

Refugees are especially vulnerable. According to the United Nations, 96,000 Eritrean refugees were in Tigray at the start of the fight, although some camps have since emptied. An internal U.N. report from Dec. 12, seen by The Times, described the situation at Hitsats as “extremely dire,” with no food or water.

Farther north at Shimelba camp, Eritrean soldiers beat refugees, tied their hands and left them under the sun all day, said Efrem, a resident who later fled to Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital.

“They poured milk on their bodies so they would be swarmed with flies,” he said.

Later, Efrem said, the soldiers rounded up 40 refugees and forced them to travel back across the border, to Eritrea.

Source

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Metropolis of The Youth: Forget Europe, the Future lives in Addis Abeba

How lucky are South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, or even China to have such a generous neighbor like Japan which helped them transform and develop themselves in a single generation?

During his visit to Ethiopia, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said Japan would focus on Africa’s young people and women in “the continent that carries the hopes of the world” On the other hand, forces of darkness – our long-time enemies – are out there to destroy these pillars of our society the Japanese PM was talking about: Women & children.

The following is an in-depth and beautifully-written article by German journalist and writer, Andrea Hanna Hünniger about an emotional, and rather objective aspect of her surprising discovery concerning the coming dynamic generation of Ethiopians. She identifies and compares the lifestyles of Addis Abeba and Berlin city-dwellers.

Her diary got a relatively high readers resonance – for a Africa-relevant story –however, almost all the comments were filled with envy, mockery and ignorance towards Africans and the potential development of their continent – one can note with incredulity that anti-African racism is still a feature of European public discourse. For now, it seems, the only thing, that Europe can still do better than others in Africa is military intervention.

“Forget Europe, the Future lives in Addis Abeba” is the title of the article published recently in one of my favorite European dailies, the prestigious „WELT“

Some of the most interesting comparative facts observed by Ms. Hanna Hünniger’s were:

European Decadence

I’m bored with news about the coalition-negotiations, weather reports, the bling bling bishop, blablabla… I said, I’ve to go to Africa. Europe and its population are aging,  in Ethiopia, the average age is 18 years – so, who finds life boring in Germany needs to go to Ethiopia – there, you can feel the future in the air

Ethiopia Runs

In Addis Abeba, I see everyday hundreds of runners during training. Over two thousand meters above sea level, here you’ve ideal training conditions. A nation that is not easy to beat in a continuous endurance running

Walking in Faith

Unlike Berlin, in Addis, many hundreds of people run a spiritual marathon by going to the Orthodox Christian Churches three times a day

The Paradox

In less spiritual Berlin everything is still and quite on a day like Sunday – shops and offices are closed. Yet, in Addis Abeba we experienced the loudest Sunday of our life…crowded street corners, the shops, the music, the traffic. Though we taught a person somehow needs a day of rest like on a Sunday,  it feels like Africa is on the move, that the future looks rosy

Kind Ethiopians – Aggressive Europeans

Ethiopians are so sweet and very friendly. I never heard something unkind from an Ethiopian. Addis city proposes such a loving and an adventurous heart I often felt like a princess from Berlin. In Berlin we are hard, both on ourselves and on the stranger: we defend hard against our way of life. Living in an anxious stagnation, we invented our fake factors of development and growth. W seem to have lost our sense of reality. When something moves it’s most likely at a wrong place and  time. We deny the fact that the way of life we now chose to lead is wrong – as it abuts the natural border, we quite often tend to pretend as if everything is fashionable, modern, and it’s OK – in denial, business as usual! 

No Pain – No Gain

In Ethiopia, I realize for the first time in my life that I have to do something, and recognize that no one in the world comes with a mission to save the world. My stay in Ethiopia gave me an opportunity to discover the feeling that is lost at home to me. I observed that I literally have nothing to do in Berlin, I must not participate in anything – and I do not have to justify the fact that I do not participate. What I learn in Africa, is to get moving again. I am learning to become a citizen again. It sounds very old-fashioned, but I have to get used to it.

Mysterious Ethiopia

There are many things that baffle understanding and cannot be explained about Ethiopia. Like the mystery abut The Ark of The Covenant. I can make a reassuring remark that not even the NSA could be able break into the Ark. When I met  Lucy, the three-million year old woman, I said to myself, I come from Africa and I should probably be going back there – at least, internally.

Source

New York Times’ Lists Addis Abeba as Travel-Hot Spot in 2014

What do Addis Adeba, Ethiopia, Frankfurt, Germany and  Christchurch, New Zealand all have in common? They’re among the 52 Places to Go in 2014, according to The New York Times.

The global round-up showcased Addis Abeba as a city with an ambitious art scene that heads toward the international stage.

Here is what the NYT wrote:

Building on a strong historical legacy (Addis boasts one of East Africa’s oldest art schools) are a host of events scheduled for 2014: a photography festival, two film festivals and a jazz and world music festival. Thanks to the city’s diverse art institutions and galleries, including the artist-in-residence village Zoma Contemporary Art Center and the Asni Gallery (really more an art collective than a gallery), there is an art opening at least once a week. Even the local Sheraton puts on “Art of Ethiopia,” an annual show of new talent. But it’s the National Museum that, in May and June, will host this year’s blockbuster exhibit, “Ras Tafari: The Majesty and the Movement,” devoted to Emperor Haile Selassie I and Rastafarianism.

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The Malnourished Sudanese Baby and The Vulture

South Africa is in the air, these days. Two weeks ago, when the South African athlete, Oscar Pistorius was jailed for involving himself in a shooting incident against his girl friend, everyone here in the West was talking about the degree of crime among the black population of the country, and that Oscar could only have ‘reacted’ to defend himself from an intruder, who, of course, must be “damn black” burglars. Now, over night, what we hear is a different story, it was murder — namely, Pistorius murdered his girl friend, and the color of his skin is irrelevant.

I never forget those sad days back in the 199os when I saw for the first time this horrific and haunting picture. There was no Internet back then, so the image got relatively little attention, yet, the picture captivated the Internet-absent world back in 1993.

The picture was shot by Kevin Carter, a South African photographer who won a Pulitzer Prize (arguably the world’s most famous and prestigious award for journalists) in 1994 for his most hated picture.

Carter’s photograph was of a young child in the Sudan, who was trying to get to a feeding center. But, as it was then reported, before she could get there, she collapsed in hunger. A vulture is in the background, waiting for the child to die.

This haunting photo came to represent the horror of the man-made famine in Southern Sudan which the world ignored for 40 years because South Sudanese are mostly Christians. Up to three million South Sudanese perished. The attention of the ignorant world was more evident when the arabized administration of Khartoum begun massacring its own “black” Muslim populations in the Darfur region of the Sudan.

Since South Sudan gained independence in 2011, the climate in Sudan has even been more hostile towards Christians. In the past two weeks, Sudanese authorities have detained over 55 Christians, following a media campaign against Christianity and the closing of Christian schools in Sudan, which is sometimes called North Sudan.

Coming back to the picture, in 1993, it made the front page of The New York Times and quickly became the symbol of Sudan’s plight, fueling public outrage over the famine ravaging the country.

Carter’s photograph emphasizes the power of the image, and of those who wield it. With this simple photograph, multiple emotions were evoked from those who saw it: horror at the fate of the people in the Sudan; anger at how people can still die of hunger at a time when excess and consumption have become the fashion; awareness of what was happening in the other parts of the world; a need to reach out and help.

The photograph affected the photographer too. Some two months after winning the Pulitzer Prize in May 1994, Kevin Carter committed suicide by carbon monoxide poisoning. He was 33.

Everyone wanted to talk to the South African snapper about the little girl captured in such a powerful image.

Carter responds he’d chased the vulture away and then sat under a tree and wept. Of the story after that picture was taken, that’s the only part he claims to know.

The Truth about the malnourished baby and the vulture

Two years ago, the Spanish daily, El Mundo went down to South Africa to make a research on the subject, and came back with the following, rather surprising, report.

In 2011 The Spanish newspaper ‘El Mundo’ wrote an article about the truth, the real story behind the photograph. It showed that if one observes the high resolution picture, it can be seen that the baby, whose name was Kong Nyong, is wearing a plastic bracelet on his right hand, one issued by the UN food station. On inspecting it, the code ‘T3′ can be read, This means that the baby had survived the famine, the vulture and the tragic public promotions and predictions.

‘El Mundo’s’ reporter, Ayod, traveled to the village in search of the whereabouts of the child. His search led him to the boy’s family. The boy’s father confirmed his name and said he was a boy and not a girl as previously believed. He told the reporter that Kong Nyong recovered from the famine and grew up to become an adult, however, he said, he had died four years prior to the reporter’s visit.

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