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Posts Tagged ‘Famine’

ከንቱውን ‘Ethio 360’ን እርሱትና ‘Ethio 2021’ ን ተከታተሉት | መረን የለቀቀ አምባገነን

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 18, 2021

ወንድማችን ያስተላለፈልን መልዕክት ፻/100% ትክክል ነው! የዛሬዋ ኢትዮጵያ ጤናማ የሆነ ሕዝብ የሚኖርባት አገር ብትሆን ኖሮ ፋሺስቱ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ በሠራው ከፍተኛ ግፍ ለአንዲትም ሰዓት እንኳን የስልጣን ወንበሩን ይዞ ባልቆየ ነበር። ይህ ትውልድ ግን ሕዝብ ሳይሆን መንጋ ነው። እንደዚህ ያለ አሳፋሪ ክስተት በየትም ሌላ ሃገር የተከሰተ አይመስለኝም።

💭 ከዓመት በፊት ይህን አቅርቤ ነበር፤ በወኔ “ጠቅላይ ሚንስትሩን እንገድለዋልን!”፤ ያለችው ወጣቷ የሊባኖስ ሴት ነበረች፤

ጀግኖቹ የሊባኖስ ክርስቲያኖች ወስላታ መንግስታቸውን ገነደሱት | በአንድ ሳምንት ትግል”

👉 የሊባኖስ መንግሥት ሙሉ በሙሉ ስልጣን እንዲለቅቅ ተገደደ።

ለዚህ መንግስት ነበር ጂኒ አቢይ ገና የቦንቡ ፍንዳታ ሳያልቅ የሃዘን መልዕክት አስተላልፎ የነበረው!

በቤይሩት ከተከሰተው ከፍተኛ ፍንዳታ በኋላ ህዝባዊ የአደባባይ ተቃውሞ የበረታበት የሊባኖስ መንግስት በፈቃዱ ከኃላፊነት ወርዷል።

የሀገሪቱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ሀሳን ዲያብ በብሔራዊ ቴሌቪዥን ቀርበው መንግሥታቸው ስልጣን ለማስረከብ መወሰኑን አስታውቀዋል። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ይህን ያስታወቁት፣ ለተከታታይ ቀናት የተካሄደውን ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞ ተከትሎ፣ የተለያዩ ሚኒስትሮች እና ሌሎች ባለስልጣናት የስልጣን መልቀቂያ ካስገቡ በኋላ ነው።

የመንግሥት ተቃዋሚዎች የሀገሪቱ ባለስልጣናት በሀገር ጉዳይ ቸልተኞች እና በሙስና የተተበተቡ መሆናቸውን በመግለጽ መንግሥትን ይወነጅላሉ። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩም በንግግራቸው ይህን ውንጀላ ተቀብለዋል። በሊባኖስ ሙስና ከሀገሪቱ ከራሷ በላይ የገዘፈ ነው ያሉት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዲያብ ይህም ለውጥ እንዳናመጣ አድርጎናል ብለዋል።እኛ ብቻችንን ነበርን እነርሱ ደግሞ ሁሉም (ሙሰኞቹ ) ከእኛ በተቃራኒ ናቸውሲሉም ፈታኝ ጊዜ ማሳለፋቸውን ገልፀዋል።

ወንድ በጠፋባት ኢትዮጵያ ግን ገዳይ ዐቢይ ያው ለሦስት አመታት አሰቃቂ ጀነሳይድ እየፈጸመ፣ ኢትዮጵያውያንን እያፈናቀለ፣ ህፃናትን እያገተ፣ ክርስቲያኖችን እየጨፈጨፍ፣ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናት እያቃጠለ ባጠቃላይ ኢትዮጵያን በብርሃን ፍጥነት እንዳሻው እያፈራረሰ እንኳን ይህን ሁሉ ግፍና ሰቆቃ ስቃይ እና ሰቆቃ ለመቃወም አደባባይ የወጣ አንድም ኢትዮጵያዊ የለም። ሕዝቡ ከሊባኖስ ዜጎች እጅግ በጣም የከፋ የኑሮ ሁኔታ ላይ ነው የሚገኘው፤ እየተራበም ነው፤ ነገር ግን አሁንም በጂኒ ዐቢይ እና ደጋፊዎቹ እያተታለለ ውዳቂዎቹ ኦሮሞዎች እንዲሳለቁበትና እያላገጡ የጥፋት ዘመቻቸውን እንዲቀጥሉበት ዕድሉን ሰጥቷቸዋል። ምን ዓይነት ሰነፍ፣ አልቃሻና ደካማ ትውልድ ቢሆን ነው!? ወሬና ጉራ ብቻ! ለዚህም እኮ ነው በዘር ጥፋት ያ ሁሉ ሰው አልቆ የዓለም አቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ ዜሮ ትኩረት ለኢትዮጵያ ሊሰጡ ያልበቁት።

እስኪ ተመልከቱ በሊባኖስ አንዲት ፍንዳታ ለሁለት ሳምንታት ያህል የመላው ዓለም መነጋገሪያ ርዕሰ ጉዳይ ለመሆን በቅቷል። የዓለም አቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ ባጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ እስከ ግማሽ ቢሊየን ዶላር ለሊባኖን እርዳታ ለመሰብሰብ በቅቷል።”

👉 ወደዚህ ይግቡ፤ Ethio 2021

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

‘Too Little Too Late’ for U.S. Sanctions on Ethiopia?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 18, 2021

💭 The World Watches as Abiy Loses it — And Risks Losing Ethiopia, Too.

Today, President Biden announced an Executive Order that declared the war, humanitarian crisis and human rights crisis in Ethiopia “an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States” and put in place mechanisms to impose sanctions on individuals and entities engaged in the war and abuses.

This comes not a moment too soon: out of the headlines, the civil war has been raging on. Thousands are dying in bloody battles between Tigrayan resistance fighters and the ill-trained recruits that the Ethiopian government is deploying to shore up its shattered army. More than 200 massacre sites have been documented in Tigray, and thousands of women were cruelly raped. There’s a man-made famine. Ethnic hatred whipped up by government propaganda threatens to dismember the country.

These brute facts are obscured by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s bizarre confidence that he is destined to re-create the mythic glory days of the Ethiopian empire and by his loyalists’ aggressive media campaigns. The United Nations and African Union have taken the path of least resistance, taking Ethiopia’s diplomatic blandishments at face value. The United States has called out Abiy on his deceptions and self-destruction. That’s the correct position, but no outside power can save a country whose leader is blithely leading it into disaster.

The war began on the night of November 3-4, 2020, when a political dispute between the Federal Government in Ethiopia, headed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and the Regional National Government in Tigray, headed by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, turned violent.

The causes of the war are complex and controversial. The two sides quarreled over the rights of states within the federation: the Tigrayans had held an election against the federal government’s decision to postpone elections due to COVID, and each side denounced the other as illegitimate. The first shots were fired by the Tigrayans and within days, a well-prepared ground and air attack was launched by a combination of Ethiopian federal troops, militia from the next-door Amhara region, and Eritrean troops to the north. Before the month was out, this coalition captured the Tigrayan capital Mekelle, forcing the Tigrayan leadership to flee to mountain redoubts.

For the next seven months, the Ethiopian government repeatedly assured the world that it was on the verge of wiping out the remnants of the TPLF. Despite a tight information blackout, disturbing information leaked out about egregious violations of human rights, certainly crimes against humanity. Ethiopian and Eritrean troops were branded as war criminals. The atrocities also drove Tigrayans — TPLF and non-TPLF — to unite in armed resistance. The war — with its mounting battlefield casualties — stayed below the media’s radar.

In June, Tigrayan guerrillas turned the military tables on the Ethiopian army, scoring decisive victories and forcing the federal army to abandon most of Tigray, including Mekelle, in disarray. The government, however, retained control of Western Tigray, an area bordering Sudan, where ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans continues. The Eritreans withdrew to defensive lines along the international border.

After this rout, Abiy announced a ceasefire but made it clear that he intended to regroup and return by force as soon as possible. With good reason, the TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda, who enjoys a reputation for provocative tweets, dismissed the ceasefire announcement as a “sick joke.”

Most importantly, Abiy continued to use his most potent weapon — starvation. Ethiopia and Eritrea encircle Tigray and enforce a blockade. Banks are closed, commercial traffic is stopped, and humanitarian aid is confined to a trickle. Over five million people in Tigray need emergency aid — an estimated 4,000 tons per day that would take 100 trucks to transport. Since the Tigrayans took back control, a total of just 435 trucks have been allowed in. That’s an average daily ration of about 40 grams, little more than a third of a cup of flour, per person. The obstacle isn’t generalized insecurity but a government policy of using starvation against a civilian population — a war crime.

The Regional National Government of Tigray says it is defending Ethiopia’s federal constitution. Adopted in 1995 when the TPLF was in government, that constitution controversially provides for each Ethiopian region to have the right of self-determination up to and including independence. This is exactly what Abiy’s vision of a unified Ethiopia seeks to deny. He has become an ultra-nationalist, seeking to resurrect the glory days of the Abyssinian empire.

After recapturing Mekelle, the Tigrayans did not wait for a counterattack. Armed with captured tanks and artillery, they took the offensive while their adversary was in disarray. They swept out of Tigray into Afar and Amhara regions, but TPLF leaders haven’t explained their war aims. Did they seek to break the blockade and secure roads for aid? Did they want to overthrow the government in Addis Ababa? And if so, did they want to return the TPLF to power or to form a coalition with insurgents in the south of Ethiopia?

With half his army destroyed and his triumphalist claims punctured, a leader might be expected to panic or flee. Not so Abiy Ahmed. With serene confidence, he proclaimed that he was destined to prevail. He showed visiting diplomats his gleaming refurbished palaces and parks and waved away the Tigrayans as a minority that had blighted the country, insisting that no tears should be shed over their destruction. Abiy assures African leaders that he has a plan to win the war and, they add, he truly believes it.

And Abiy has turned up the volume of nationalist-populist rhetoric to maximum. Ethnically charged, often frankly hateful messages that had previously been confined to fringe diaspora groups are now mainstream. Abiy describes the TPLF, and Tigrayans in general, as hyenas, cancers, and weeds to be uprooted. Many Ethiopians, especially from the historically dominant Amhara group, are heeding his call for every able-bodied Ethiopian to take up arms to fight for their land against the Tigrayan “traitors” and “terrorists.” They fight with zeal. Peasants, students, and urban youth, with just a few weeks’ basic training, charge TDF positions in human wave attacks. Sometimes the second wave doesn’t even have guns and have been told to take weapons from the enemy. Among them are priests and nuns with crosses and tabots (replicas of the Arc of the Covenant).

This kind of war blurs the line between combatant and civilian and between combat and massacre. There are half a dozen reports of TDF killings of villagers, each case trumpeted by Ethiopian media.

The mass attacks are a hemorrhage of young lives and a stark warning of future grievance. But they stalled the TDF advance and bought time for Abiy. The Eritrean army has sent armored divisions back into Ethiopia, and the government has been shopping for new equipment including drones (reportedly from Iran, Azerbaijan, and Turkey).

With every setback, Abiy digs in deeper. When his ambassadors failed to convince foreign governments, he eviscerated the diplomatic corps, reducing embassies such as the one in Washington to just the ambassador and a skeleton support staff. Abiy reportedly said that diaspora volunteers do a better job of presenting his case than professional diplomats, though he has also hired commercial lobbyists too. Ethiopian “twitter lions” engage in social media combat with venom and determination. Every independent journalist or human rights advocate faces the online version of a human wave attack — relentless twitter trolling and hate mail.

Intimidation works in tandem with standard diplomatic blandishments. In a world beset by crises, Ethiopia is no one’s priority disaster, and so it’s convenient to dilute the frightening realities. The default storyline of foreign affairs officials is that the conflict is complicated, the facts aren’t clear, there are no good guys — and the government has given solemn assurances to make things better. Such thinking is lazy and demonstrably false — but pervasive.

Foreign leaders who have discussed the war in detail with Abiy and who have examined the grim evidence on the ground don’t buy his story; they think he is delusional and is leading Ethiopia into self-destruction. To its credit, the Biden administration is in this camp. Among its few public allies are Ireland, Norway, and the European Union Commission.

Privately, African leaders are terrified that Abiy will drive Ethiopia into state failure, which would in turn deepen instability throughout the Horn of Africa, but they can’t bear to admit that there’s no African solution for this African problem. In reaction to Washington’s tough measures announced today, Africans may publicly complain about American bullying but they will be privately thankful. Such arm-twisting cannot come quickly enough. Ethiopia’s tragedy may be that the country unravels before its leader’s reputation does.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 2 Comments »

UK Parliamentary Debate on #TigrayGenocide | Shocking War Crimes

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 9, 2021

አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! እህ ህ ህ!

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

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Posted in Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

#TigrayGenocide | 150 People Die from Starvation in Tigray, Humanitarian Intervention Blocked

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

This video reflects the severe humanitarian situation in Tigray with supplies of food aid running out and the United Nations warning that a de facto blockade is bringing millions to the brink of famine. Video by WORLD FOOD PROGRAMME via REUTERS

😈 አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! “የድል ዜናችሁ” ይህ ነው፤ አይደል?! ለአሥር ዓመታት በጋራ ያቀዳችሁትን ዲያብሎሳዊ ተግባር እየተገበራችሁት ነው፤ አይደል!? አዬዬ! በጌታችን ስም፤ በቅዱሳን አባቶቼ ስም በጭራሽ ለሰከንድ እንኳን አልለቃችሁም! እንደ ሌሎች በሃዘን የምፍረከሰከስ አይደለሁም፤ ከልጅነቴ ጀምሮ የገጠመኝና ያያሁት ብሎም ድል እየተቀዳጀሁ ያለፍኩበት ነገር ነው። አሁን ጸሎቴ ሁሉ በእናንተ ላይ ያተኮረ ነው! እ ህ ህ ህ!!! ከእነዚህ አውሬዎች ጋር፤ ከዚህ ፋሺስታዊ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ጋር ያበራችሁ ኦሮሞ፣ አማራ፣ ሶማሌ፣ ጉራጌ፣ ወላይታ፣ ሲዳማ፣ ጋሞ ወዘተ ሁሉ የአብርሐም፣ የይስሐቅና የያዕቆብ እግዚአብሔር አምላክ እሳቱን ያዝንብባችሁ ፤ ንብረታችሁ ኃብታችሁ ሁሉ ይውደም ፤ ጤናችሁ ይጉደል ፤ ዘራችሁ ይጥፋ ፤ በስብሳችሁ ተልታችሁ ኑሩ፣ ቀዝናችሁ ሙቱ ፤ ሬሳችሁን ውሾችና ጥንብ አንሳዎች ይብሉት! አሜን! አሜን! አሜን!

💭 እነ አቡነ ማትያስ፣ ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም፣ ዶ/ር ሊያ ታደሰ እና አቶ ተወልደ ገብረ መድሕን ምን እየሠሩ ነው? አዲስ አበባ ያሉ ጽዮናውያን ምን እየጠበቁ ነው? የአክሱማውያን አስቴር እና መርዶክዮስ የት ናቸው?

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ ተስፋ አታድርጉ፤ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁቢፈልጉ ቢችሉ ኖሮ በአንድ ቀን ሁሉንም ነገር በፈጸሙት ነበር፤ ፍላጎቱም ብቃቱም የላቸውም! አማራዎቹም እንዲሁ! አሁን ተስፋው ያለው በጽዮናውያን ላይ ብቻ እና ብቻ ነው፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

ጽዮናውያን፤ ባካችሁ እንደ እባብ ልባምና ብልህ ሁኑ፤ ረሃቡን፣ ጦርነቱንና ሰቆቃውን ሁሉ ባጭሩ ለመግታት አውሬውን መያዝ ወይም መድፋት ግድ ነው! እስካሁን አንድም የወንጀለኛው ግራኝ ባልደረባ አለመያዙ እና በእሳት አለመጠረጉ በጣም የሚያስገርም ነው፤ እነ ባጫ፣ ጁላ እና የፋሺስቱ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ፈላጭ ቆራጮች ይህን ሁሉ ግፍ ሠርተው ለአንድም ቀን እንኳን ቢሆን እንዴት አየር መሳብ ተፈቀደላቸው? ያውም እስከ ሃምሳ ሺህ የታጠቁ ጽዮናውያን በሚገኙባት በአዲስ አበባ። ኧረ ባካችሁ፤ አንድ በአንድ ድፏቸው!

💭 Ethiopia’s Tigray Crisis: Tplf Says 150 Have Died of Starvation

About 150 people died of starvation in Ethiopia’s war-hit Tigray region in August, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has said.

These are the first hunger-related deaths that the TPLF has reported since its fighters recaptured most of the region from federal forces in June.

There is no independent confirmation of its statement.

The UN previously said that about 400,000 were already living in famine-like conditions in Tigray.

The government has not responded the to the TPLF statement.

About 5.2 million people – or 90% of Tigray’s population – urgently needed aid “to avert the world’s worst famine situation in decades”, the UN said last week.

The TPLF and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed were once allies in the government, but fell out over his political reforms, triggering the war that has killed thousands and displaced millions since November.

TPLF recaptured most of the region, including the capital, Mekelle, in June after losing control of most of it early in the war.

The TPLF says it is the legitimate government of Tigray, having won regional elections in 2020. The Ethiopian government denounced the poll as illegal. It regards the TPLF as a terrorist organisation.

Dying ‘in front of our eyes’

In a statement on Monday, the TPLF said there was a “complete depletion of food stocks” in Tigray.

People living in camps after being displaced by conflict were receiving “no aid” and host communities were running out of food, it said.

The TPLF said the 150 deaths were recorded in the central, southern and eastern zones of Tigray, as well in camps in the city of Shire – the birthplace of the group’s leader Debretsion Gebremichael.

“One million people are at risk of fatal famine if they are prohibited from receiving life-saving aid within the next few days,” it added.

In a BBC Tigrinya interview, TPLF agriculture chief Atinkut Mezgebo said that people were dying “in front of our eyes”.

“In the villages and towns, there is a shortage of food and medicine, and the crisis might be bigger than what we know,” he said.

Dr Atinkut said that women and children were the main victims of hunger.

“Previously, people shared what they had, but now they don’t have anything to eat,” he added.

It is hard to confirm details of what is happening in Tigray as telephone and internet communications have been cut.

The BBC has asked the federal government for a reaction to the TPLF statement but has so far not got a response. But in a statement on Monday, the foreign ministry said the TPLF had exacerbated the humanitarian problems by invading neighbouring regions and looting aid supplies.

Last week, the UN’s acting humanitarian coordinator for Ethiopia, Grant Leaity, called on the Ethiopian government to allow the unimpeded entry of aid to Tigray.

On Sunday, the World Food Programme said that more than 100 trucks of its aid had reached Mekelle for the first time in a fortnight.

In the past, the government has denied that it is blocking aid but has said it is concerned about security.

On Saturday, it announced that 500 trucks carrying supplies had entered the region, with 152 arriving in the last two days.

Source

በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ትኩሱ የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት ከመጀመሩ ከዓመት በፊት የሚከተለውን መል ዕክት አስተላልፌ ነበር፦

አቡነ ማትያስ + /ር ቴዎድሮስ + /ር ሊያ ታደሰ + አቶ ተወልደ ገ/ማርያም ካልዘገየ የስልጣን ወንበራቸውን ባፋጣኝ እንዲያስረክቡ ትግራዋያን ወገኖቼ መጠየቅ አለባችሁ! የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለሚመጣው ጥፋት ተጠያቂ ለማድረግ ነው ያስቀመጧቸው ናቸው!”

“የጦር ወንጀል | ግራኝ አህመድ የተከዜን ግድብ አፈረሰው፥ ቀጣዩ የሕዳሴው ነው | ወላሂ! ወላሂ!”

አይሁዶቹ ንግሥት አስቴር እና አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ (ትግሬዎች) ለሐማ (ግራኝ) አንሰግድም ስላሉት ሊያጠፋቸው ወሰነ

👉 ‘ከዚህም ነገር በኋላ ንጉሡ አርጤክስስ የአጋጋዊውን (ኦነጋዊውን) የሐመዳቱን (የአሕመድን) ልጅ ሐማን ከፍ ከፍ አደረገው’

በመጽሐፍ ቅዱስ የመጽሐፍ አስቴር ታሪክ ንግሥት አስቴር እና አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ ፤ ሐማ ተብሎ በሚጠራው ተንኮለኛ ፣ እብሪተኛና፣ ፀረአይሁድ/ፀረሴማዊ በፋርስ ንጉሥ አርጤክስስ በተሾመ ባላባት ላይ ለአይሁድ ማንነታቸው እና ውርሻቸው እንዴት እንደቆሙ ይዘግባል።

ከህንድ ጀምሮ እስከ ኢትዮጵያ ባሉ መቶ ሀያ ሰባት አገሮች ሲገዛ የነበረው የፋርስ ንጉሥ የአርጤክስስ ባሪያዎች ሁሉ ለሐማ ተደፍተው ይሰግዱ ነበር። አሁዱ መርዶክዮስ ግን አልተደፋም፥ አልሰገደለትም። ታዲያ ሐማን መርዶክዮስ እንዳልተደፋለት እንዳልሰገደለትም ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቈጣ።። መርዶክዮስ እና አይሁድ ህዝቡ ስለ ሐማን ክብር፣ ቁመት እና ስልጣን ከሚያስቡት በላይ ሃይማኖታቸውን፣ እና እሴቶቻቸውን አብልጠው ስለሚወዱ ሐማን በጣም ይበሳጭ ነበር። ስለዚህ ሐማን በንጉሥ አርጤክስስ መንግሥት አገዛዝ ይኖሩ የነበሩትን አይሁዳውያኑን የመርዶክዮስን ሕዝብ ሁሉ ሊያጠፋቸው ወሰነ።

ንጉሥ አርጤክስስ ንግሥት አስቴርን ከልብ ይወዳት ነበር፤ ግን በፋርስ ስላደገች አይሁድ እንደሆነች አያውቅም ነበር። በተጨማሪም አሳዳጊዋ እና አይሁዳዊው አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ ንጉሡን ለመግደል እያሴሩ የነበሩትን ሁለት የንጉሡን ረዳቶች በማባረር የንጉሡን ሕይወት እንዳዳነውም ገና አላወቀም ነበር።

ታሪኩን ለማሳጠር ፣ አስቴር በመጨረሻ ሐማ ማን/ምን እንደ ሆነና ምን እንዳቀደ ለንጉሥ አርጤክስስ ለመንገር እራሷን በቆራጥነት ማሳመን ነበረባት። እርሷም መርዶክዮስ ምናልባት ንግሥት የሆነችው “እንደዚህ ላለው ጊዜ” ሊሆን ይችላል ብሎ ስላሳመናት ይህን አደረገች፦

ሐማ የንጉሡን ሕይወት ያተረፈውን መርዶክዮስን ጨምሮ ሕዝቧን ሁሉ ለመግደል ቆርጦ እንደወጣ ለንጉሡ ደፍራ በተናገረች ጊዜ ወዲያውኑ ንጉሡ ወደ ሐማ በቁጣ ዞረበት። ብዙም ሳይቆይ ሐማ ለእርሱ የማይሰግደውን መርዶክዮስን ለመስቀል ሲል እራሱ በሠራው ግንድ ላይ እንዲሰቀል ንጉሡ ትዕዛዝ ሰጥቶ ሐማ እንዲሰቀል ተደረገ።

ድንቁ የአስቴር ታሪክ አንዳንድ ትምህርቶችን ይጠቁመናል ፥ እንዲሁም አንዳንድ ትይዩዎችን ያሳየናል። ቆሻሻው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እንኳን በአቅሙ ለእርሱ የማይሰግድሉተን ሁሉ አግቷቸዋል፣ ገደሏቸዋል፤ መጨረሻ የቀሩት ትግሬዎቹ ነበሩ፤ ስለዚህ ባጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ ፊቱን ወደእነርሱ አዞረ፤ ዘራቸውን ሁሉ ለማጥፋትም ዘመተ። መጨረሻው ምን ሊሆን እንደሚችል መጽሐፍ አስቴር ጠቁሞናል። ይህ የሉሲፈር አሽከር የእባብነት ቆዳ ቀይሮ ሕዝቡን ሊገዛ የተገሰለ ጨካኝ አላጋጭ ነውና እንደ ሐማ ክፉ አሟሟትን ይሞታል፤ ወደ ምድር ጥልቅም ይገባል።

[መጽሐፈ አስቴር ምዕራፍ ፫]

፩ ከዚህም ነገር በኋላ ንጉሡ አርጤክስስ የአጋጋዊውን የሐመዳቱን ልጅ ሐማን ከፍ ከፍ አደረገው፥ አከበረውም፥ ወንበሩንም ከእርሱ ጋር ከነበሩት አዛውንት ሁሉ በላይ አደረገለት።

፪ ንጉሡም ስለ እርሱ እንዲሁ አዝዞ ነበርና በንጉሡ በር ያሉት የንጉሡ ባሪያዎች ሁሉ ተደፍተው ለሐማ ይሰግዱ ነበር። መርዶክዮስ ግን አልተደፋም፥ አልሰገደለትም።

፫ በንጉሡም በር ያሉት የንጉሡ ባሪያዎች መርዶክዮስን። የንጉሡን ትእዛዝ ለምን ትተላለፋለህ? አሉት።

፬ ይህንም ዕለት ዕለት እየተናገሩ እርሱ ባልሰማቸው ጊዜ አይሁዳዊ እንደ ሆነ ነግሮአቸው ነበርና የመርዶክዮስ ነገር እንዴት እንደ ሆነ ያዩ ዘንድ ለሐማ ነገሩት።

፭ ሐማም መርዶክዮስ እንዳልተደፋለት እንዳልሰገደለትም ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቈጣ።

፮ የመርዶክዮስን ወገን ነግረውት ነበርና በመርዶክዮስ ብቻ እጁን ይጭን ዘንድ በዓይኑ ተናቀ፤ ሐማም በአርጤክስስ መንግሥት ሁሉ የነበሩትን የመርዶክዮስን ሕዝብ አይሁድን ሁሉ ሊያጠፋ ፈለገ።

፯ በንጉሡም በአርጤክስስ በአሥራ ሁለተኛው ዓመት ከመጀመሪያው ወር ከኒሳን ጀምሮ በየዕለቱና በየወሩ እስከ አሥራ ሁለተኛው ወር እስከ አዳር ድረስ በሐማ ፊት ፉር የተባለውን ዕጣ ይጥሉ ነበር።

፰ ሐማም ንጉሡን አርጤክስስን። አንድ ሕዝብ በአሕዛብ መካከል በመንግሥትህ አገሮች ሁሉ ተበትነዋል፤ ሕጋቸውም ከሕዝቡ ሁሉ ሕግ የተለየ ነው፥ የንጉሡንም ሕግ አይጠብቁም፤ ንጉሡም ይተዋቸው ዘንድ አይገባውም።

፱ ንጉሡም ቢፈቅድ እንዲጠፉ ይጻፍ፤ እኔም ወደ ንጉሡ ግምጃ ቤት ያገቡት ዘንድ አሥር ሺህ መክሊት ብር የንጉሡን ሥራ በሚሠሩት እጅ እመዝናለሁ አለው።

፲ ንጉሡም ቀለበቱን ከእጁ አወለቀ፥ ለአይሁድም ጠላት ለአጋጋዊው ለሐመዳቱ ልጅ ለሐማ ሰጠው።

፲፩ ንጉሡም ሐማን። ደስ የሚያሰኝህን ነገር ታደርግባቸው ዘንድ ብሩም ሕዝቡም ለአንተ ተሰጥቶሃል አለው።

፲፪ በመጀመሪያውም ወር ከወሩም በአሥራ ሦስተኛው ቀን የንጉሡ ጸሐፊዎች ተጠሩ፤ ከህንድ ጀምሮ እስከ ኢትዮጵያ ድረስ ወዳሉ መቶ ሀያ ሰባት አገሮች፥ በየአገሩ ወዳሉ ሹማምትና አለቆች ወደ አሕዛብም ሁሉ ገዢዎች እንደ ቋንቋቸው በንጉሡ በአርጤክስስ ቃል ሐማ እንዳዘዘ ተጻፈ፥ በንጉሡም ቀለበት ታተመ።

፲፫ በአሥራ ሁለተኛው ወር በአዳር በአሥራ ሦስተኛው ቀን አይሁድን ሁሉ፥ ልጆችንና ሽማግሌዎችን፥ ሕፃናቶችንና ሴቶችን፥ በአንድ ቀን ያጠፉና ይገድሉ ዘንድ፥ ይደመስሱም ዘንድ፥ ምርኮአቸውንም ይዘርፉ ዘንድ ደብዳቤዎች በመልእክተኞች እጅ ወደ ንጉሡ አገሮች ሁሉ ተላኩ።

፲፬ በዚያም ቀን ይዘጋጁ ዘንድ የደብዳቤው ቅጅ በየአገሩ ላሉ አሕዛብ ሁሉ ታወጀ።

፲፭ መልእክተኞቹም በንጉሡ ትእዛዝ እየቸኰሉ ሄዱ፥ አዋጁም በሱሳ ግንብ ተነገረ። ንጉሡና ሐማ ሊጠጡ ተቀመጡ፤ ከተማይቱ ሱሳ ግን ተደናገጠች።

[መጽሐፈ አስቴር ምዕራፍ ፯]

፩ ንጉሡና ሐማም ከንግሥቲቱ ከአስቴር ጋር ለመጠጣት መጡ።

፪ በሁለተኛውም ቀን ንጉሡ በወይኑ ጠጅ ግብዣ ሳለ አስቴርን። ንግሥት አስቴር ሆይ፥ የምትለምኚኝ ምንድር ነው? ይሰጥሻል፤ የምትሺውስ ምንድር ነው? እስከ መንግሥቴ እኵሌታ እንኳ ቢሆን ይደረግልሻል አላት።

፫ ንግሥቲቱም አስቴር መልሳ። ንጉሥ ሆይ፥ በአንተ ዘንድ ሞገስ አግኝቼ እንደ ሆነ፥ ንጉሡንም ደስ ቢያሰኘው፥ ሕይወቴ በልመናዬ ሕዝቤም በመሻቴ ይሰጠኝ፤

፬ እኔና ሕዝቤ ለመጥፋትና ለመገደል ለመደምሰስም ተሸጠናልና። ባርያዎች ልንሆን ተሸጠን እንደ ሆነ ዝም ባልሁ ነበር፤ የሆነ ሆኖ ጠላቱ የንጉሡን ጉዳት ለማቅናት ባልቻለም ነበር አለች።

፭ ንጉሡም አርጤክስስ ንግሥቲቱን አስቴርን። ይህን ያደርግ ዘንድ በልቡ የደፈረ ማን ነው? እርሱስ ወዴት ነው? ብሎ ተናገራት።

፮ አስቴርም። ያ ጠላትና ባለጋራ ሰው ክፉው ሐማ ነው አለች። ሐማም በንጉሡና በንግሥቲቱ ፊት ደነገጠ።

፯ ንጉሡም ተቈጥቶ የወይን ጠጅ ከመጠጣቱ ተነሣ፥ ወደ ንጉሡም ቤት አታክልት ውስጥ ሄደ። ሐማም ከንጉሡ ዘንድ ክፉ ነገር እንደ ታሰበበት አይቶአልና ከንግሥቲቱ ከአስቴር ሕይወቱን ይለምን ዘንድ ቆመ።

፰ ንጉሡም ከቤቱ አታክልት ወደ ወይን ጠጁ ግብዣ ስፍራ ተመለሰ፤ ሐማም አስቴር ባለችበት አልጋ ላይ ወድቆ ነበር። ንጉሡም። ደግሞ በቤቴ በእኔ ፊት ንግሥቲቱን ይጋፋታልን? አለ። ይህም ቃል ከንጉሡ አፍ በወጣ ጊዜ የሐማን ፊት ሸፈኑት።

፱ በንጉሡም ፊት ካሉት ጃንደረቦች አንዱ ሐርቦና። እነሆ ሐማ ለንጉሡ በጎ ለተናገረው ለመርዶክዮስ ያሠራው ርዝመቱ አምሳ ክንድ የሆነው ግንድ በሐማን ቤት ተተክሎአል አለ። ንጉሡም። በእርሱ ላይ ስቀሉት አለ።

፲ ሐማንም ለመርዶክዮስ ባዘጋጀው ግንድ ላይ ሰቀሉት፤ በዚያም ጊዜ የንጉሡ ቍጣ በረደ።

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Life, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

CNN: From Nobel Laureate to Global Pariah: How The World Got Abiy Ahmed And Ethiopia So Wrong

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

By Eliza Mackintosh, CNN, September 7, 2021

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁ፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.“”

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.””

“Abiy, Abiy,” the crowd chanted, waving Ethiopia’s tricolor flag and cheering as the country’s new prime minister, dressed in a white blazer with gold trim and smiling broadly, waved to a packed basketball arena at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles, part of a whirlwind three-city tour of the United States to woo the diaspora.

It was July 2018, just three months after Abiy Ahmed had been appointed leader of Africa’s second-most populous country, and his star was rising both at home and abroad. Excitement was surging into an almost religious fervor around the young politician, who promised to bring peace, prosperity and reconciliation to a troubled corner of Africa and a nation on the brink of crisis.

But even in those early, optimistic days of Abiy’s premiership, as he kickstarted a flurry of ambitious reforms — freeing thousands of political prisoners, lifting restrictions on the press, welcoming back exiles and banned opposition parties, appointing women to positions in his cabinet, opening up the country’s tightly-controlled economy to new investment and negotiating peace with neighboring Eritrea — Berhane Kidanemariam had his doubts.

The Ethiopian diplomat has known the prime minister for almost 20 years, forging a friendship when he worked for the governing coalition’s communications team and, later, as CEO of two state-run news organizations, while Abiy was in military intelligence and then heading Ethiopia’s cybersecurity agency, INSA. Before working for Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kidanemariam ran the country’s national broadcaster, the EBC, and he said Abiy sat on its board of directors.

In a recent phone interview, Kidanemariam said he, like many Ethiopians, had hoped Abiy could transform the nation’s fractious politics and usher in genuine democratic change. But he struggled to square his understanding of the man he’d first met in 2004 — who he described as power-hungry intelligence officer obsessed by fame and fortune — with the portrait emerging of a visionary peacemaker from humble beginnings.

In 2018, Kidanemariam was serving as Ethiopia’s consul general in Los Angeles and said he helped organize Abiy’s visit.

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.”

“One of the ironies of a prime minister who came to office promising unity is that he has deliberately exacerbated hatred between different groups,” Kidanemariam wrote in an open letter in March, announcing that he was quitting his post as the deputy chief of mission at the Ethiopian embassy in Washington, DC, in protest over Abiy’s monthslong war in Tigray, which has spurred a refugee crisis, atrocities and famine.

Kidanemariam said to CNN he believed Abiy’s focus had never been about “reform or democracy or human rights or freedom of the press. It is simply consolidating power for himself, and getting money out of it … We may call it authoritarianism or dictatorship, but he is really getting to be a king.”

“By the way,” he added, “the problem is not only for Tigrayans. It’s for all Ethiopians. Everybody is suffering everywhere.”

In an email to CNN, Abiy’s spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, described Kidanemariam’s characterization of the prime minister as “baseless” and a “reflection.”

‘The epitome of hell’

Much has changed since Abiy accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in November 2019, telling an audience in Oslo, Norway, that “war is the epitome of hell.”

In less than two years, Abiy has gone from darling of the international community to pariah, condemned for his role in presiding over a protracted civil war that, by many accounts, bears the hallmarks of genocide and has the potential to destabilize the wider Horn of Africa region.

The 45-year-old’s fall from grace has confounded many observers, who wonder how they could have gotten him so wrong. But diplomats, analysts, independent Ethiopian journalists, acquaintances and others who have followed his career closely say that even at the height of “Abiymania,” there were warning signs.

Critics say that by blessing Abiy with an array of international endorsements, the West not only failed to see — or willfully ignored — those signals, but gave him a blank check and then turned a blind eye.

“Soon after Abiy was crowned with that Nobel Peace Prize, he lost an appetite in pursuing domestic reform,” Tsedale Lemma, founder and editor-in-chief of Addis Standard, an independent monthly news magazine based in Ethiopia, told CNN on a Skype call. “He considered it a blanket pass to do as he wishes.”

The war in Tigray is not the first time he’s used that pass, she said, adding that since Abiy came to power on the platform of unifying Ethiopia’s people and in its state, he has ruthlessly consolidated control and alienated critical regional players.

Lemma has covered Abiy’s rise for the Addis Standard — which was briefly suspended by Ethiopia’s media regulator in July — and was an early critic of his government when few were sounding the alarm. Days after Abiy was awarded the Nobel Prize, she wrote an editorial warning that the initiatives he had been recognized for — the peace process with Eritrea and political reforms in Ethiopia — had sidelined a key stakeholder, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and were in serious jeopardy.

The TPLF had governed Ethiopia with an iron grip for decades, overseeing a period of stability and economic growth at the cost of basic civil and political rights. The party’s authoritarian rule provoked a popular uprising that ultimately forced Abiy’s predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn, to resign. Abiy was appointed by the ruling class to bring change, without upending the old political order. But almost as soon as he came to power, Abiy announced the rearrangement of the ruling coalition that the TPLF had founded — the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front, or EPRDF, which was composed of four parties — into a single, new Prosperity Party, ostracizing the TPLF in the process.

Abiy’s appointment had been intended to quell tensions. Instead, his drive for a new pan-Ethiopian political party sparked fears in some regions that the country’s federal system, which guarantees significant autonomy to ethnically-defined states, such as Tigray, was under threat.

The Tigrayans weren’t the only ones who were worried. In Abiy’s home region, Oromia, and other administrative zones, people began to demand self-rule. Soon, the government began backsliding into the authoritarian practices Abiy had once renounced: Violent crackdowns on protesters, the jailing of journalists and opposition politicians, and twice postponing elections.

Ahmed Soliman, a research fellow at Chatham House and an expert on the Horn of Africa, said Abiy’s reform plan also increased expectations among constituencies with conflicting agendas, further heightening tensions.

“Abiy and his government have rightly been blamed for implementing uneven reforms and for insecurity increasing throughout the country, but to an extent, some of that was inherited. These simmering ethnic and political divisions that exist in the country have very deep roots,” he said.

Tensions reached a boiling point last September, when the Tigrayans defied Abiy by holding a vote which had been delayed due to the pandemic, setting off a tit-for-tat series of recriminations that spilled into open conflict in November 2020.

This July, in the midst of the war, Abiy and his party won a landslide victory in a general election that was boycotted by opposition parties, marred by logistical issues and excluded many voters, including all those in Tigray — a crushing disappointment to many who had high hopes that the democratic transition Abiy promised three years ago would be realized.

“He sees himself as a Messiah, as chosen, as someone who’s destined to ‘Make Ethiopia Great Again,’ but this country is collapsing,” Lemma said, adding that the international community’s folly was falling for the picture Abiy painted of himself — “a post-ethnic, contemporary capitalist” — in their desperation for a dazzling success story.

‘A monumental failure of analysis’

Still, many Ethiopians are reluctant to lay the blame for the country’s unravelling at Abiy’s feet. Ahead of the election in June, residents in Addis Ababa told CNN they felt Abiy had inherited a mess from the previous regime and had always faced an uphill battle pushing reforms forward — an assessment shared by some regional experts.

“Lots of people were hopeful that the liberalizing changes, after those years of anti-government protests and all of the state violence in response, […] marked a moment where Ethiopia would start to conduct its politics more peacefully. But that thinking glossed over some of the major problems and contradictions in Ethiopia,” said William Davidson, senior Ethiopia analyst with the International Crisis Group.

“There was always a massive challenge ahead for Abiy, and for everyone. Just the promise of a more pluralistic political system did nothing necessarily to resolve the clashing nationalisms, opposing visions, and bitter political rivalries.”

In recent months, Abiy has tried to dodge international condemnation by pledging to protect civilians, open up humanitarian access to stave off famine and kick out Eritrean troops, who have supported Ethiopian forces in the conflict and stand accused of some of the most horrifying of the many atrocities in Tigray — pledges that American officials say he has not delivered on. After the United States issued sanctions in May, Ethiopia’s foreign ministry accused it of meddling in the country’s internal affairs and misunderstanding the significant challenges on the ground.

As the tide of international opinion has turned against Abiy, the prime minister’s office has maintained he is not concerned about his deteriorating reputation; his supporters have increasingly blamed the West for the crisis unfolding in the country. “The prime minister need not be a darling of the west, east, south or north,” Abiy’s spokeswoman Billene Seyoum told reporters in June. “It is sufficient that he stands for the people of Ethiopia and the development of the nation.”

But it is difficult to reconcile the government’s narrative with reality. Setting to one side the staggering loss of life and destruction inside Tigray, the war has eroded Abiy’s aggressive development plans and derailed the country’s economic trajectory, experts say. Ethiopia’s economy had grown at nearly 10% for the last decade, before slowing in 2020, dragged down by a combination of the Covid-19 pandemic, debt and conflict. The war has also drained national coffers, decimated a large slice of the country’s industry and eroded its reputation among foreign investors and financial institutions.

“From where I sit, I think there was a monumental failure of analysis, internationally,” Rashid Abdi, a Kenya-based analyst and researcher who specializes in the Horn of Africa, said, including himself in that group. “I think people failed to apprehend the complex nature of Ethiopia’s transition, especially they failed to appreciate also the complex side of Abiy, that he was not all this sunny, smiling guy. That beneath was a much more calculating, and even Machiavellian figure, who eventually will I think push the country towards a much more dangerous path.”

“We should have begun to take notice of some of the red flags quite quickly. A lot of complacency is what got us here,” he added.

The seventh king of Ethiopia

During his inaugural address to parliament in 2018, Abiy made a point of thanking his mother, a Christian from the Amhara region, who he said had told him at the age of seven that, despite his modest background, he would one day be the seventh king of Ethiopia. The remark was met with a round of laughter from his cabinet members, but Abiy’s belief in his mother’s prophecy was no joke.

“In the initial stages of the war, actually, he spoke openly about how this was God’s plan, and that this was a kind of divine mission for him. This is a man who early in the morning, instead of meeting his top advisors, would meet with some of his spiritual advisers, these are pastors who are very powerful now in a sort of ‘kitchen cabinet,'” Abdi said.

But the most glaring of warning signs, by many accounts, was Abiy’s surprise allegiance with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, for which he ultimately won the Nobel Prize.

Abiy’s critics say that what cemented his status as a peacemaker on the world stage was based on a farce, and that the alignment with Eritrea was yet another effort to consolidate his power, paving the way for the two sides to wage war against their mutual enemy, the TPLF. Soon after the Eritrea-Ethiopia border reopened in 2018, reuniting families after 20 years, it closed again. Three years on, Eritrean troops are operating with impunity in Tigray, and there is little sign of a durable peace.

In response, Abiy’s spokeswoman rejected this assertion, calling it a “toxic narrative.”

Mehari Taddele Maru, a professor of governance and migration at the European University Institute, who was skeptical of the peace deal early on — a deeply unpopular view at the time — believes the Nobel Committee’s endorsement of Abiy has contributed to the current conflict.

“I am of the strongest opinion that the Nobel Prize Committee is responsible for what is happening in Ethiopia, at least partially. They had reliable information; many experts sounded their early warning,” Mehari, who is from Tigray, told CNN.

“The Committee was basing its decision on a peace deal that we flagged for a false start, a peace that is not only achieved but perhaps unachievable and an agreement that was not meant for peace but actually for war. What he [Abiy] did with Isaias was not meant to bring peace. He knew that, Isaias knew that. They were working, basically, to execute a war, to sandwich Tigray from South and North carefully by ostracizing one political party first.”

The most palpable and lasting impact of the award, according to several analysts and observers, was a chilling effect on any criticism of Abiy.

The persona he cultivated, cemented in part through his many early accolades — being named African of the Year in 2018, one of Time’s 100 Most Influential People, and one of Foreign Policy’s 100 Global Thinkers in 2019 — captivated the imagination of Ethiopians, the country’s large diaspora and the world. Many now feel betrayed, having lost any optimism about the future of the country, but others are still intent on retaining that glittering image of Abiy, reluctant to see the writing on the wall.

“By the time the war started in November, the international community was extremely committed to the idea of Abiy Ahmed as a reformer still, and they didn’t want to give up on that,” said Goitom Gebreluel, a Horn of Africa researcher from Tigray, who was in Addis Ababa at the start of the conflict.

“I had meetings with various diplomats before the war and it was obvious that the war was coming, and what they were saying was, ‘you know, he still has this project, we have to let him realize his political vision,'” he said. “To this day, I think not everyone is convinced that this is an autocrat.”

Now, with Ethiopia facing a “man-made” famine and a war apparently without end, Abiy stands alone, largely isolated from the international community and with a shrinking cadre of allies.

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.”

“Like so many others who thought the prime minister had the potential to lead Ethiopia to a bright future, I am filled with despair and anguish at the direction he is taking our country.”

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Media & Journalism, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

CNN on HUMERA MASSACRE | Men Are Marched Out of Prison Camps. Then Corpses Float Down The River

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 5, 2021

The ghostly outlines of limbs emerge through the mist along the Setit River in eastern Sudan. As the river’s path narrows, the drifting bodies become wedged on the silty clay bank and their forms appear more clearly; men, women, teenagers and even children. 

The marks of torture are easily visible on some, their arms held tightly behind their backs.

On a trip to Wad El Hilou, a Sudanese town near the border with Ethiopia, a CNN team counted three bodies in one day. Witnesses and local authorities in Sudan confirmed that in the days after the team’s departure, 11 more bodies arrived downstream.

Evidence indicates the dead are Tigrayans. Witnesses on the ground say the bodies tell a dark story of mass detentions and mass executions across the border in Humera, a town in Ethiopia’s Tigray region.

CNN has spoken with dozens of witnesses collecting the bodies in Sudan, as well as international and local forensic experts and people trapped and hiding in Humera, to reveal what appears to be a new phase of ethnic cleansing in Ethiopia’s war.

Humera is one of many towns involved in the conflict that has ravaged the 112 million-strong east African country since the Ethiopian government launched an offensive in the country’s northern Tigray region in November 2020. Despite Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s initial declaration of victory in late November, the region is still wracked by fighting and CNN has previously reported on the many atrocities including torture, extrajudicial killings, and the use of rape as a weapon of war.

At the end of June this year, the balance of power shifted suddenly as Tigrayan forces recaptured the regional capital, Mekelle, and the Ethiopian government began withdrawing troops from the region. The fighting continued, however. In mid-July, Tigrayan forces announced a new offensive to recapture areas taken by the Ethiopian government.

This new offensive, witnesses told CNN, was what prompted the government forces and militia groups holding the northern town of Humera, close to the border with Eritrea and Sudan, to launch a new phase of mass incarcerations of resident Tigrayans.

CNN’s investigations indicate that the ethnic profiling, detention and killing of Tigrayans bears the hallmarks of genocide as defined by international law.

‘We’re told to look out for the bodies’

In recent weeks, a community of Tigrayans living in the Sudanese town of Wad El Hilou, 65 kilometers (40 miles) downstream from Humera, has assumed the role of excavators and grave diggers for the bodies drifting down the river known in Sudan as the Setit and in Ethiopia as the Tekeze. 

It is arduous and distressing work. The stench from the bodies fills the air as they first extract each corpse from the riverbed and then dig new graves for them, before performing the burial rites.

Tigrayan community leader Gebretensae Gebrekristos, also known as Gerri, helps coordinate and document the recovery of the bodies in Sudan.

Tigrayan community leader Gebretensae Gebrekristos, also known as Gerri, helps coordinate and document the recovery of the bodies in Sudan.

Gebretensae Gebrekristos, known as “Gerri,” is one of the community’s leaders; he helps coordinate the grim task with a solemn determination. In total the community estimates at least 60 bodies have been found so far. He explained how the group is certain the bodies are Tigrayans from Humera. 

“We get calls from people in Humera that witnesses — often escaped detainees — saw people marched down to the river in one of the facilities and heard gunshots, or that a number of people were taken by soldiers from the detention facilities and never returned.  We’re told to look out for their bodies coming down the river.”

The bodies first appeared in Sudan in July when the river was at its highest volume due to the rainy season. Sudanese water engineers told CNN the speed of its flow then would enable the bodies to drift from Humera to Wad El Hilou in approximately two to three hours. Wad El Hilou is a natural pinch-point in the river’s path — and so, when the bodies arrived, they floated towards the banks.

According to Gerri, his community usually finds the exact number of bodies it has been told to expect.

Sixteen-year-old Natay and 17-year-old Gebrey, whose names have been changed for their safety, are among the Tigrayans who said they fled prison camps in Humera. Now in Wad El Hilou, they confirmed to CNN that they heard reports of men, with their hands tied, being marched in single file towards the Humera riverfront, to the area between St. Mary’s and St. Michael’s Church. The boys both say they heard shots ring out and the men did not return.

Natay said he remembered feeling paralyzed: “I was so fearful, thinking that they would kill me and throw me [in] too.”

Sudanese authorities in Wad El Hilou have filed police and coroner reports for each body found in their territory, documenting evidence of the extensive torture and “execution-style” bullet entry wounds found on many of the bodies, the authorities told CNN. Both local Sudanese authorities and forensic experts say all the bodies retrieved so far were likely dead before they hit the water.

In a statement issued via US public relations firm Mercury, the Ethiopian government said it was investigating the allegations. “In light of several inconsistencies in the allegations, we are working with the relevant authorities to gather evidence and will prosecute any individuals found to have committed crimes to the fullest extent of the law,” a spokesperson said.

“The government is keen to reiterate our desire to ensure a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Tigray and is actively working to secure a ceasefire.”

‘Everyone was sick’

For so many of the Tigrayans in Sudan, these bodies could have been people they knew. Many have fled from Humera and still have families there.

Temesgen, 24, and Yonas, 25, say they escaped together from a warehouse in Humera, called Enda Yitbarek, which they describe as being used as a makeshift mass detention camp for thousands of Tigrayans. CNN has changed their names for their safety. They were both imprisoned for just over two weeks.

“I was playing around my house, then they collected me and took me because I am Tigrayan,” Temesgen recalled. “We didn’t do anything, they just collected me and detained me.”

Ethiopia is at war with itself. Here’s what you need to know about the conflict

Inside the warehouse, people were crammed together on the floor without rooms or partitions to create privacy, he said.

“They weren’t providing us food and we didn’t even have access to the toilet,” Yonas said. “Some people were toileting inside the warehouse.”

For Temesgen the real horror was the lack of medical assistance. “Everyone was sick with flu and not getting medical help. They weren’t sending us to hospital,” he said.

Former detainees described to CNN prisoners of all ages squeezed tightly together — from mothers with young children to teenagers to men in their 70s.

Temesgen and Yonas say they escaped while on a rare toilet break permitted by the guards, and made the journey to Sudan. They both talked of multiple prison camps dotted around the city of Humera.

CNN spoke to dozens of other escapees from these camps and, based on their accounts, estimates there are up to nine locations where it is thought thousands of Tigrayans are being detained.

Ethnic profiling

Tigrayans still inside Humera told CNN that they live in constant fear of being detained or killed. They spoke of brazen ethnic profiling whereby residents of Tigrayan ethnicity are targeted and those of other ethnicities are safe, particularly those of the Amhara ethnicity;  militia from Amhara have fought alongside Ethiopian government forces in Tigray.

People of mixed ethnicity face an uncertain fate; residents told CNN that an Amhara ID card can suffice but to be seen socializing with Tigrayans will put someone at risk nonetheless. 

Alem, whose name has also been changed for security reasons, is half-Tigrayan but has a non-Tigrayan ID card and has been helping Tigrayans hide in his home in Humera while the arrests continue. Relatives abroad have urged him to flee, but he insists it’s his duty to stay and help those who are targeted.

Rahel, not her real name, is also Tigrayan but has a non-Tigrayan ID card and says she has been visiting friends and relatives in the prison camps despite the questions posed by guards. She is horrified by the conditions for those detained.

“They can’t move, they are not getting enough sanitation, no food, no water and no medicine. If they feel sick and die, no one cares. They are hungry and thirsty. How could they feel good thinking it’s their turn the next day, knowing their friends were killed yesterday? The guards don’t care about life,” she said.

People in Humera who spoke to CNN repeatedly mentioned the disappearances of members of the Tigrayan community. Those still free assumed they were detained in the camps, but those who escaped from the prisons told CNN that people were frequently summoned by guards and would never return. Others spoke of rare sightings of bodies being dumped into the river.

Across the water in Sudan, Yonas recalled the disappearances from the Enda Yitbarek warehouse.

“They weren’t torturing us but they were taking prisoners often at night and they never came back,” Yonas said. “We don’t know whether they killed them or not, but after they took them they never came back, and their families reported their disappearances.”

Residents of Humera with whom CNN spoke firmly believe the bodies arriving in Wad El Hilou are from their town. Several are in regular touch with those who escaped across the border to Sudan and when the bodies began arriving, news spread fast.

One man has been identified locally as Misganawu, a well-known barber in Humera. ”He had two nicknames, Totit and Gundi,” Alem recalled. “I knew Totit very well when he was working in Humera in that hairdressing shop. He was born and raised in Humera.”

Signs of torture

 Ongoing independent investigations by international and local forensic experts found no evidence that the victims had drowned. The experts, who asked not to be identified due to security concerns, told CNN that the bodies had all been exposed to some form of chemical agent after death, leading to a process which had effectively preserved them before entering the water.

The fact all the bodies were in a similar state indicated they had been stored in a similar environment, possibly a storage facility or a mass grave, before being dumped into the river, the experts said.

This state of preservation makes it easier to identify the marks on the bodies and what could have caused them, the experts said.

Some of those found had their arms bound tightly behind their backs, in keeping with a torture technique called “tabay.”  Several had their hands tied with small gauge yellow electrical wire and bone breakages and dislocations further indicate additional pressure was placed on their bodies before death. 

The experts say they are in a race against time to preserve evidence, in case it is needed for potential war crimes prosecutions in the future. They also confirmed the signs of torture apparent to the group in Sudan who’ve been collecting the corpses.

While investigators in Sudan continue to examine the bodies, Tigrayans and those helping them in Humera face a daily struggle to remain free from arrest and abuse.

And Tigrayans like Gerri, on the other side of the border, mourn and dig shallow graves for the bodies that drift downstream.

Speaking by the first riverside grave he dug, marked with a makeshift wooden cross, Gerri said it pained him to be unable to give them a proper burial.

Source

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Ethiopia’s Tigrayans Rounded Up, Mutilated & Dismembered In Civil War Ethnic Purge

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 5, 2021

Sources said that after a series of victories by Tigrayan Defence Forces, the occupying forces in Humera started to purge ethnic Tigrayans.

Courtesy: The Tlegraph

By Lucy Kassa

Forces occupying a major city in Ethiopia are throwing thousands of men, women and children into makeshift “concentration camps”, cutting off limbs and dumping mutilated bodies into mass graves as part of an orchestrated ethnic purge, a dozen separate witnesses told The Telegraph.

Ethnic Amhara forces have been going “door-to-door” to round up anyone who is ethnic Tigrayan in the latest harrowing evidence of population cleansing in Ethiopia’s blood-drenched civil war.

“Feven Berhe was an innocent resident who owned a small shop. They took her to Tekeze river and shot her,” said one resident, who knew the 40-year-old victim well.

“Before they killed her, they removed her eyes and cut off her legs. They did not let anyone pick her body up and bury her.”

Humera is a city of about 50,000 near Ethiopia’s border with Eritrea and Sudan. Because of its strategic location, it was one of the first places to be attacked when Ethiopia’s Nobel Peace Prize-winning Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrea’s dictator launched a devastating pincer attack to crush Tigray’s regional government in November.

For the last year, ethnic Amhara forces, who hail from a neighbouring region and are allied to the Nobel laureate, have controlled the city, along with swathes of western Tigray.

Sources said that after a stunning series of victories by the Tigrayan Defence Forces in late June, the occupying forces in Humera started to purge ethnic Tigrayans in the city.

The Telegraph understands that on 15 July, Amhara forces held a public meeting in the main municipality hall in Humera to decide the fate of Tigrayans in the areas they controlled.

“They said this; ‘We should exterminate all Tigrayan residents in the city. We must cleanse them all,” said one man who claims he attended the public meeting.

Multiple residents said that a massive campaign of arrests started soon after the meeting.

“They have been going from house to house arresting everyone. No Tigrayan is left except those who fled to Sudan or found a hiding place in the city. They have a list of Tigrayan residents from the administrative offices,” said another man.

“If it is written in your identity card that you are Tigrayan, there is no mercy,” said another.

Children displaced by fighting in northern Ethiopia play among sacks of clothes at the Addis Fana School where they are temporarily sheltered,

At the beginning of August, 43 bloated and bloodied bodies were found floating down the Tekeze River, which separates the region from Sudan.

The Telegraph understands that these were some of the original victims of the purge. Residents say that when the floating bodies attracted huge international attention, Amhara forces started dumping bodies elsewhere.

Elderly people, children and pregnant women have all been taken to several detention centres and three different warehouses across the city, which have been turned into makeshift “concentration camps”, survivors said.

The Telegraph could not confirm these accounts because of major reporting restrictions in Tigray.

However, imagery analysis by Vigil Monitor (previously DX Open Network), an atrocity early warning and detection research organisation based in the UK, shows that ethnic Amhara forces and allied Ethiopian troops have been stationed at ‘numerous’ centres for the past few months.

One man the Telegraph spoke to called Gizau claimed that he had escaped one of the centres by convincing militiamen he was not fully ethnic Tigrayan.

“We were 250 detainees. The Amhara forces take detainees every night and bring new ones. The ones they take never come back,” he said.

Gizau and ten other witnesses said that people were being killed and dumped in pits around the three warehouses and in craters outside the city.

Satellite imagery partially corroborates the sources. It shows a pit roughly the size of a swimming pool outside one of the warehouses, which has been gradually filled up since mid-July.

There is a similar pattern of suspicious pits being filled up slowly over the same time period at the other locations.

“There are very suspicious holes in the ground next to the camps, in an area where no other hole gets filled with earth,” say analysts at Vigil Monitor.

The state president for Ethiopia’s Amhara region Agegnuh Teshager and the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s Office were both approached for comment on The Telegraph’s findings bit neither responded.

*Names have been changed in this article to protect identities.

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ምስጢራዊቷ የዓብይ አዲ ከተማ | ጋኔኑ በነፋስ ከመስጊዱ ተላከ ፥ ግራኝ በአላሙዲን ተመለመለ | የሉሲፈር ኮከብ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on August 25, 2021

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉መድኃኔ ዓለም

✞✞✞ረቡዕ ፥ ሚያዝያ ፲፱/19 ፪ሺ፫ /2003 .(ቅዱስ ገብርኤል ፥ ትንሣኤ ማግስት)✞✞✞

👉 ልክ እንደ ዛሬው ያኔም ቅዱስ ገብርኤል በረቡዕ ዕለት ነበር የዋለው፤ ዋው!

ዘንድሮ ሁለት መቶ ክርስቲያን የጽዮን ልጆች በሉሲፈራውያኑ ወኪል በግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ተጨፍጭፈው የሰማዕትነት አክሊል በተቀዳጁባት በ ዓብይ አዲ ከተማ ከ ፲/10 ዓመታት በፊት ብዙ ምስጢራዊ ነገሮች ተከስተዋል። ይህ ተሽከርካሪ ነፋስ ጋኔን (አቧራ) ከዚህ መስጊድ ከተላከ በኋላ ልክ በዓመቱ

ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ + የግብጹ ሙርሲ + ሸህ መሀመድ አላሙዲን + ፕሬዚደንት ባራክ ሁሴን ኦባማ ብጹእ አቡነ ጳውሎስን እና ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር መለስ ዜናዊን ገደሏቸው።

💭 በሁለተኛው ክፍል ስለ ኮከቡ እና ስለ ክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚ ሃገር ስለ ቱርክ የቀረበውን መረጃ በጥሞና እንከታተለው። በጣም ጠቃሚ ነውና!

👉 ሉሲፈር የዋቄዮ-አላህ ባሪያውን ሙስሊሙን አብዮት አህመድ አሊን በዚህ ከዓብይ አዲ መስጊድ በወጣው ጋኔን ቀብቶታልን?

😈 ከቀናት በፊት ግራኝ ለቱርኩ ኤርዶጋን የሚከተለውን መናዘዙን የማውቃቸው ቱርኮች አውስተውኛል፤

እኔ ሙስሊም ነኝ፣ ለእስልምና ጉዳይ የቆምኩ አህመድነኝ፣ ከአምስት መቶ ዓመታት በፊት ሙስሊሞቹ ቱርኮችንና ግብጾችን ወንድሞቻችንን ያዋረዷቸውን ተዋሕዶ ትግራዋይንና አማራዎችን እርስበርስ እያባላሁ በመጨረስ ኢትዮጵያን አፈራርሰን ልክ እንደ አፍጋኒስታን ታሊባኖች የእስላማዊቷን ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራት ለመመስረት ቆርጬ ተንስቻለሁ፤ ታሪካዊዎቹን ቦታዎችን በማውደም ላይ ነኝ፣ ታሪካዊ የሆኑት የኢትዮጵያ ኤምባሲዎችንም በማዘጋትና በምትካቸውም የእስላማዊቷን ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራት ኤምባሲዎች ለመተካት አቅደናል፤ ይህ እድል እንዳያመልጠን የግራኝ ቀዳማዊን መሸነፍና ሞት አብረን እንበቀል፣ ድሮንህን ስጠኝ፣ ገንዘብ ካስፈለገም ከሸህ አላሙዲን ይገኛል‘” በማለት የኢትዮጵያ ቀንደኛ ታሪካዊ ጠላት የሆነችውን የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚ ቱርክን ከአምስት መቶ ዓመታት በኋላ ፀረክርስቲያን ጂሃዷን እንድትደግመው በር ከፍቶላታል።

ጂኒው አብይ ከመስጊዱ በወጣው ጋኔን ልክ በቅዱስ ገብርኤል ዕለት ተጠመቀ ፥ በዓመቱም ብጹዕ ወቅዱስ አቡነ ጳውሎስን እና ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር መለስ ዜናዊን ከእነ አላሙዲን እና ኦባማ ጋር ሆኖ በመግደል እራሱን በሉሲፈራውያኑ አስመረጠ። የተቀባው በዓብይ አዲ ጋኔን ነውን?

ስለ እኔ ትንሽ ላውሳ፤ ቤተሰቦቼ አክሱማውያን ሲሆኑ ከፊሎቹ ከፍተኛ የመንፈሳዊ ፀጋ የተሰጣቸው ምናልባትም እስከ ንጉሥ ኢዛና ድረስ የሚዘልቅ የዘር ሐረግ የነበራቸው “ቅዱሳን” ነበሩ/ናቸው። ከአምስት መቶ ዓመታት በፊት ከጎንደር ፈልሰው ወደዚህ ወደ አብይ አዲ አካባቢ ሰፈሩ። መለስ ዜናዊ በአባቱ በኩል የቤተሰቦቼ የቅርብ ዘመድ ሲሆን፤ ሸህ አላሙዲን ደግሞ፤ ከሃዘን ጋር ነው የምናገረው፤ በእናቱ በኩል ከዚሁ አካባቢ የተገኘ የስጋ ዘመዳችን ነው፤ ታሪኩ ረጅምና ውስብስብ ስለሆነ እዚህ ላይ ላቋርጠው። ግን ሰይጣን ከቤተክርስቲያን አይርቅም እንደሚባለው፤ ቅድስት ምድር ትግራይንም ሰይጣን መጀመሪያ በወደቀው ንጋት ኮከብ በኩል ቀስበቀስም ስጋ በለበሱ ልጆቹ (መሀመዳውያን በኩል) እነ ንጉሥ አርማህን ሳይቀር ለማታለል በቅቷል። እርኩሱ ቃኤል ቁዱሱን አቤልን፣ የዱር አህያው እስማኤል ቃልኪዳን የተገባለትን ይስሐቅን፣ እርኩሱና በእግዚአብሔር የተጠላው ኤሳው መንትያ ወንድሙን ያዕቆብን እንደተፈታተኗቸውና እንዳጠቋቸው ሁሉ በትግራይም በአምልኮ እግዚአብሔር ጠንካራ የሆኑትን የጽዮን ልጆችን የሚያጠቃቸው በቅድሚያ ከራሳቸው በወጡ እና ወዳጅ መስለው በተጠጉት ቃኤላውያን፣ እስማኤላውያንና ኤዶማውያን ነው። አምላካችንንና ጌታችንን ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስንም የካዱት እኮ ወንድሞቹና አጋሮቹ ነበሩ፣ ፈርደውና አስፈርደው የሰቀሉትም እኮ የቅድስት ከተማ ኢየሩሳሌም ልጆች ነበሩ።

ይህ ነፋስ ጋኔን የታየበትና መስጊዱ ያለበት አካባቢ በአላሙዲን፣ በኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ እና በአብዮት አህመድ አሊ መካከል እርኩስ መንፈሳዊ የሆነ ግኑኝነት ፈጥሮ ይሆን? ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂም ከዚሁ አካባቢ የተገኘ አውሬ ነው፣ አብዮት አህመድ አሊም በወጣትነት እድሜው ወደዚህ አካባቢ(አብይ የሚለውን መጠሪያ ተከትሎ ይመስላል) መምጣቱን እና ትግርኛ ቋንቋም እንዲማር መደረጉን እናስታውሳለን።

በእነዚህ የዓመቱ መጨረሻ ልዩ ቀናት በዝርዝር የምመለስበት ጉዳይ ነው፤ መስጊዱን፣ የሉሲፈርን ኮከብ (ሕወሓት ባለማወቅ እንዲይዝ የተደረገው ኮከብ ነው)እና ክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚዋ ቱርክን አስመልክቶ በጣም ፈጣን የሆኑ እንቅስቃሴዎች እየታዩ ነው። በዘንድሮው የአሸንዳ በዓል በማወቅም ሆነ ባለማወቅ በጽዮን ልጆች መኻል ሰርገው የገቡት ወገኖች ጥንታዊ እና ጽዮናዊ የሆነውን የትግራዋይ ኢትዮጵያውያን አለባበስ ለመቀየር ሉሲፈራዊ ተግባር ሲፈጽሙ ታዝቤአለሁ። ትናንትና እኅቶቻችንን ከሩቁ ሳያቸው ለየት ያለ አለባበስ የነበራቸው በመጀመሪያ ሙስሊሞች መስለውኝ፤ “እነርሱም አሸንዳ ያከብራሉ እንዴ?” በማለት እራሴን ጠይቄ ነበር፤ ጠጋ ብዬ ሳይ ግን በክቡሩ መስቀላችን ፋንታ የሉሲፈር ቀይ ኮከብ፣ በጽዮን ቀለማት ፈንታ “ሁለት ቀለም ብቻ” ያረፉባቸውን አልባሳት ተከናንበው ሳይ በጣም አሳዝኖኝ ነበር። ጠላትን የሚያበረታታና የሚያስደስት ፥ እግዚአብሔርን ግን የሚያሳዝን እና የሚያስቆጣ ተግባር ነበርና፤ አላስፈላጊ የሆነ ፈተና እና ስቃይ በወገኖቼ ላይ ከሚያመጡት ነገሮች አንዱ ይህ ነውና። አላስፈላጊ የሆነ ፈተና እና ስቃይ በወገኖቼ ላይ ከሚያመጡት ነገሮች አንዱ ይህ ነውና።

ትክክለኛዋ ኃይማኖት አንዲት ብቻ ናት፤ እሷም ክርስትና ናት። “አንድ ጌታ አንድ ሃይማኖት አንዲት ጥምቀት፤”[ወደ ኤፌሶን ሰዎች ምዕራፍ ፬፥፭]። ሰዎች ኃይማኖት የሚያደርጓቸው ሕጎች ሁሉ አስቀድመው በምድር አፈር በኩል የተዘጋጁ ናቸው። እስልምና የሚባለው አምልኮ አስቀድሞ የተዘጋጀው በአረቢያ የምድር አፈር ሕግ በኩል ነበር። ቅዱስ ጳውሎስም የእስልምናውን እምነት ሕግና ሥርዓት ነው እስልምና ከመታወቁ ከስድስት መቶ ዓመታት በፊት በዓረቢያ ምድር ሕግና ሥርዓት የገለጸው። ቅዱስ ጳውሎስ በሃጋር/እስማኤል ዲቃላዊ ማንነትና ምንነት በምድር አፈር ሕግ በኩል የግለጸውም የእስልምናው እምነት/አምልኮ የተዘጋጀበትን ሕግና ሥርዓት መሆኑን እናስተውል፤[ወደ ገላትያ ሰዎች ምዕራፍ ፬]። ሐዋርያው ጳውሎስ በሃጋር/እስማኤል ስምና ክብር “ስጋ” ያለውም የዓረቡ ምድር የተዘጋጀበትን የእስልምናውን ሕግ ነው። “ኃይማኖቱ”/አምልኮው የስጋ ሕግና ሥርዓት ነውና።

ሙስሊሞች ለአምላካቸው ዋቄዮ-አላህ በሚሠሩት መስጊድ “ሚናራ” በሚባለው የምሰሶውና በሙአዚኑ አዛን ጋኔን መጥሪያው ክፍል ላይ የተገለጸው የፈጣሪያቸውን ሉሲፈርን መልክና ምሳሌ (ሎጎ) ይህን ሙስሊሞች ቅዱስ ጳውሎስን እንዲጠሉ ያደረጋቸውን እውነት ለማሳየነት ላቅርብ። ይህ ትልቅ መንፈሳዊ ምስጢር ነው። የእስልምናው እምነት የተዘጋጀው በስጋ ሕግና ሥርዓት መሆኑን ከግንዛቤ በመውሰድ፤ በቪዲዮው በምናየው የሉሲፈር በባለ አምስቱ ፈርጥ ኮከበ መልክና ምሳሌ በኩል የተገለጠው የፈጣሪያቸው ሉሲፈር ስምና ክብር (የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት)ነው። ኮከቧ ምሳሌነቷ ለአምስቱ የስጋ የስሜት ሕዋሳት ነውና። ለስጋ ምሳሌ ናት። በድጋሚ፤ ቅዱስ ጳውሎስ በዓረብ ምድር ሕግና ሥርዓት በኩል “ስጋ!” በማለት የገለጸው አንድም የእስልምናውን ሕግና ሥርዓት ነው። የስጋ ሕግና ሥርዓት ደግሞ በመንፈስ ሕግና ሥርዓት ሞት በኩል የሚገለጥ የሞትና የባርነት ማንነትና ምንነት ወይም ስምና ክብር ነው። ይህም አዳም አትብላ የተባለውን ዕፀ በለስ በልቶ ለሕይወትና ለነጻነት የተሰጠውን ኪዳን (ሕግ) በሻረና በመንፈሱ በሞተ ጊዜ የተገለጠው ኃይማኖት ወይም የመንግስት ሕግና ሥርዓት ነው።

በሌላ በኩል ሰማያዊቷ ኢየሩሳሌም የተዘጋጀችበት የምድር አፈር ሕግ ትክክለኛዋ ኃይማኖት ክርስትና ናት። “ሰማያዊ” የተባለችው ኢየሩሳሌም ደግሞ ዛሬ ሉሲፈር በትግራይ በወረወራት ኮከብ አማካኝነት ሊያጠፋት በመታገል ላይ ያለችው የተቀደሰችው ምድር አክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ናት። በዚህም መረዳት የተቀደሰችው ምድር ኢትዮጵያ የተዘጋጀችበት የምድር አፈር ሕግ (መንግስት)፤ ከእስላማዊው የዓረቢያው ምድር በተጻራሪ፤ ክርስትና የተባለው። ቅዱስ ጳውሎስ ይህን ይህን የምድር አፈር ሕግ በይስሐቅ ማንነትና ምንነት “መንፈስ” በማለት ይገልጸዋል። በዚህም ክርስትና የመንፈስ ሕግ መሆኑን ይመሰክራል። የስጋ ሕግ ማለት የሞትና ባርነት ሕግ ማለት ነው። የመንፈስ ሕግ ማለት ግን የሕይወትና የነጻነት ሕግ ማለት ነው። ቅዱስ ጳውሎስ፤ “አንዲት ኃይማኖት” በማለት የጠራትም ይህችን የመንፈስ ስምና ክብር ነው። ይህችም ደግሞ ፍቅር የተባለችው የተፈጥሮ ሕግ ናት። የክርስትናው ሕግና ሥርዓት የመንፈስ ሕግ መሆኑን የሚመሰክርልን ደግሞ የእግዚአብሔር መንግስት ምሳሌ የሆነው የዳዊት ኮከብ ይሆናል። የዳዊት ኮከብ ስድስት ፈርጥ ያለው የኮከቡ መልክና ምሳሌ ስለ መንፈስ አካል የሚናገር ሕግ ነበርና።

👉 ከዚህ ቀደም ይህን አቅርቤ ነበር፦

G7 + የለንደን ጉባኤ + የሉሲፈር ባንዲራ የተሰጣቸው የትግራይ እና አማራ ክልሎች ብቻ ናቸው”

ልብ እንበል፦

ባለ አምስት ፈርጥ የሉሲፈር ኮከብ ያረፈባቸው የክልል ባንዲራዎች የሚከተሉት ክልሎች ብቻ ናቸው፦

የአፋር ክልል ባንዲራ

የአማራ ክልል ባንዲራ

የጋንቤላ ክልል ባንዲራ

የሶማሊ ክልል ባንዲራ

የትግራይ ክልል ባንዲራ

በዚህ አላበቃም፤ ከእነዚህ ባንዲራዎች መካከል ባለ“ሁለት ቀለም ብቻ”

(ፀረሥላሴ/Antitrinitarian፣ ሁለትዮሽ/Dualistic)ባንዲራ እንዲያውለበልቡ የተደረጉት ክልሎች፦

የአማራ ክልል

የትግራይ ክልል

ብቻ ናቸው። የአማራ ክልል ባንዲራውን ለመለወጥ ወስኗል፤ ነገር ግን ለጊዜው ግራኝ እያስፈራራ ስላገተው የሉሲፈር ኮከብ ያረፈችበትን ባንዲራ ማውለብለቡን ቀጥሏል። ኮከቡን ይዛው እንድትቆይ የምትፈለግዋ ትግራይ ብቻ ናት። የሳጥናኤል ጎልም ሆነ የዚህ የጭፍጨፋ ጦርነት ዋናው ዓላማም አክሱም/ትግራይ፤ ኢትዮጵያዊነቷን + ተዋሕዶ ክርስትናዋን( እስራኤል ዘነፍስነቷን) እንዲሁም ትክክለኛውን አጼ ዮሐንስ የሰጧትን “ቀይ፣ ቢጫ፣ አረንጓዴ” የጽዮን ሰንደቋን በፈቃዷ በመተው የሉሲፈር ባንዲራ የምታውለበለብና በስጋ የምትበለጽግ ብቸኛው የኢአማናይ/የሉሲፈር ሃገር ማድረግ ነው።

💭 “The Abi Addi Massacre in Tigray | 200 Civilians Killed by Ethiopia & Eritrean Militaries”

‘Their Bodies Were Torn into Pieces’: Ethiopian & Eritrean Troops Accused of Massacre in Abi Addi, Tigray”

በዓብይ ዓዲ ከተማ ተዋሕዷውያን አካሎቻቸው ተቆራርጠዋልየኢትዮጵያ እና የኤርትራ ወታደሮች በትግራይ ዓብይ ዓዲ በተፈፀመ ጭፍጨፋ ተከሰሱ። ፻፹፪/182 ንጹሐን በአብይ አህመድ የጋላ እና በኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ የቤን አሚር አህዛብ ሰአራዊቶች በጅምላ ተጨፍጨፈዋል። 😢😢😢

In Abi Addi Most corps were already eaten by wild animals. Others were half-eaten by dogs. Their bodies were torn into pieces”

በትግራይ ዓብይ አዲ ከተማ አብዛኛው አስከሬን ቀድሞውኑ በዱር እንስሳት ተበልቷል። ሌሎች ደግሞ በከፊል በውሾች ተበሉ፡፡ አካላቸው ተቆራርጧል።„

እህ ህ ህ! አይ ጋላ! አይ አማራ! አይ ኢሳያስ ቤን አሚር!እግዚኦ!እግዚኦ!እግዚኦ!

የአክሱም ጽዮን ልጆች የትግራይ ወገኖቼ ቅዱስ የሆነውን ቍጣ ተቆጡ! በጣም ተቆጡ! ግን በእነዚህ ምስጋናቢስ አረመኔ ወገኖች አትበሳጩ፣ አትዘኑ፤ እነርሱ ወደ ጥልቁ የሚገቡ ናቸውና እንዲያውም ለእነርሱ እዘኑላቸው! አዎ! ምንም ወለም ዘለም እያሉ እራስን ማታለል የለም፤ እግዚአብሔር ሁሉንም አይቶታል፤ በወገኖቻችን ላይ ግፍ እየሰሩ ያሉት ኦሮሞዎችና አማራዎች ናቸው። እየሠሩት ባሉት ወንጀል ትንሽም እንኳን ቢሆን ተጸጽተው ንስሐ ለመግባት ወደ ቤተ ክርስትያን በመሄድና ተድብቀውም በማልቀስ ፈንታ የትግራይን እናቶች እንባና ጩኸት በድፍረትና በፈሮዖናዊ ዕብሪት ለመንጠቅ ሲሉ ሰሞኑን ሰልፍ ወጥተው በመጮኽ ላይ ናቸው፤ በጣም ነው የሚያሳዝነው፤ ግን ምን ይደረግ የአቤል ደም ጩኸት እያቅበዘበዛቸው እኮ ነው! ገና ምኑን አይተው!

ምንም ወለም ዘለም እያሉ እራስን ማታለል የለም፤ እግዚአብሔር ሁሉንም አይቶታል፤ በወገኖቻችን ላይ ግፍ እየሰሩ ያሉት ኦሮሞዎችና አማራዎች ናቸው። እየሠሩት ባሉት ወንጀል ተድብቀው በማልቀስ ፈንታ የትግራይን እናቶች እንባና ጩኸት በድፍረትና በፈሮዖናዊ ዕብሪት ለመንጠቅ ሲሉ ሰሞኑን ሰልፍ ወጥተው በመጮኽ ላይ ናቸው። 😢😢😢

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ከንጉሡ አብረው የሚገለጡ የኢትዮጵያ ጳጳስ ሆነው የሚሾሙት አቡነ አረጋዊ ዘደብረ ዳሞ ናቸው

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on August 19, 2021

❖❖❖ ተስዐቱ ቅዱሳን ❖❖❖

ከሮማ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ከገቡ ፃድቃናት ሶስት የተሰወሩ ናቸው፡፡ ከሶስቱም አንዱ አባታችን አቡነ አረጋዊ ዘደብረ ዳሞ ናቸው። አባታችን አቡነ አረጋዊ የአቡነ ገሪማ የእህት ልጃቸው ናቸው።

ከተስዐቱ ቅዱሳንም በዕደሜ ያነሱ ነበሩ። ነገር ግን የሚናገሩትና የሚሰሩትም ሁሉ አብሯዋቸው ለነበሩ ሌሎች ቅዱሳን የሚያስገርም ነበር።

አባታችን አቡነ አረጋዊ የመጀመርያ ስማቸው ዘሚካኤል ነበር። የሚሰሩትም ሆነ የሚናገሩት ሁሉ ያስገረማቸው አጎታቸው አቢነ ገሪማ አረጋዊ” “አረግከነሲሉ ጠሩዋቸው።

አረጋዊ ማለት አረግከነ ከሚል የግእዝ ቋንቋ የመጣ ሲሆን ትርጉሙም አንተ ከእኛ በእድሜ ያነስክ ነህ ነገር ግን በምታደረገው ሁሉ ከእኛ በላይ ታላቅ ሰው ነህ ማለት ነው።

ከንጉሱ አብረው የሚገለጡ የኢትዮጵያ ጳጳስ ሆነው የሚሾሙም አባታችን አቡነ አረጋዊ ዘደብረ ዳሞ ናቸው፡፡ በመጨረሻ ዘመንም አባታችን አቡነ አረጋዊ በሀሳዊ መሲሁ ተሰይፈው ሞትን ይቀምሳሉ።

❖❖❖ የአባታችን አቡነ አረጋዊ በረከታቸውና ረዲኤታቸው ከእኛ ይሁን።❖❖❖

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Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

The Genocidal Legacy of Evil A. Ahmed in Ethiopia: Rape, Terror-Famine & Hate Speech

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on August 16, 2021

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

💭 የጽዮን ልጆች፤ በተለይ ወንዶቹ፤ በእናቶቻችንና እኅቶቻችንን ላይ ለተፈጸመው ለዚህ ዓለምን ‘ጉድ!’ ላሰኘ ጭካኔና ግፍ ካልተበቀልን ወንዶች አይደለንም። ሌላው ሁሉ ይቅር! በስጋ የገደሏቸውንም ‘ገድለዋቸዋል’ ማለት እንችል ይሆናል፤ ይህን ጉዳይ ግን በቸልተኝነት፣ በዝምታና በይቅርታ የምናልፈው ጉዳይ በጭራሽ አይደለም! ለትውልድ የምናስተላልፈውን፤ ይህን የዱር አራዊቶች እንኳን በፍጹም የማይፈጽሙትን አረመኔያዊ ተግባር ሁሌ እያስታወሰን ጠላቶቻችንን ለሰባት ትውልድ ያህል እናሳድዳቸዋለን። እግዚአብሔር አምላክ ከእነ ዘርማንዘራቸው ወደ ገሃነም እሳት ያውርዳቸው! አሜን!

The severity and scale of the sexual crimes committed are particularly shocking, amounting to war crimes and possible crimes against humanity.”

All of these forces from the very beginning, everywhere, and for a long period of time felt it was perfectly OK with them to perpetrate these crimes because they clearly felt they could do so with impunity, …. it is intended to humiliate both the women and their Tigrayan ethnic group but described the violence as some of the worst she had ever seen.

Hundreds of women and girls have been gang-raped, subjected to genital mutilation and weeks of sexual slavery by Ethiopian soldiers, Amnesty International has revealed.

Drawing from interviews with 63 survivors, the report sheds new light on a scourge already being investigated by Ethiopian law enforcement officials, with at least three soldiers convicted and 25 others charged.

Some survivors said they had been gang-raped while held captive for weeks on end. Others described being raped in front of their family members.

And some reported having objects including nails and gravel inserted into their vaginas, ‘causing lasting and possibly irreparable damage’, Amnesty said.

‘It’s clear that rape and sexual violence have been used as a weapon of war to inflict lasting physical and psychological damage on women and girls in Tigray,’ said Amnesty’s secretary general Agnes Callamard.

‘Hundreds have been subjected to brutal treatment aimed at degrading and dehumanizing them.

‘The severity and scale of the sexual crimes committed are particularly shocking, amounting to war crimes and possible crimes against humanity.’

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Life, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

 
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