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Posts Tagged ‘CNN’

ከንቱውን ‘Ethio 360’ን እርሱትና ‘Ethio 2021’ ን ተከታተሉት | መረን የለቀቀ አምባገነን

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 18, 2021

ወንድማችን ያስተላለፈልን መልዕክት ፻/100% ትክክል ነው! የዛሬዋ ኢትዮጵያ ጤናማ የሆነ ሕዝብ የሚኖርባት አገር ብትሆን ኖሮ ፋሺስቱ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ በሠራው ከፍተኛ ግፍ ለአንዲትም ሰዓት እንኳን የስልጣን ወንበሩን ይዞ ባልቆየ ነበር። ይህ ትውልድ ግን ሕዝብ ሳይሆን መንጋ ነው። እንደዚህ ያለ አሳፋሪ ክስተት በየትም ሌላ ሃገር የተከሰተ አይመስለኝም።

💭 ከዓመት በፊት ይህን አቅርቤ ነበር፤ በወኔ “ጠቅላይ ሚንስትሩን እንገድለዋልን!”፤ ያለችው ወጣቷ የሊባኖስ ሴት ነበረች፤

ጀግኖቹ የሊባኖስ ክርስቲያኖች ወስላታ መንግስታቸውን ገነደሱት | በአንድ ሳምንት ትግል”

👉 የሊባኖስ መንግሥት ሙሉ በሙሉ ስልጣን እንዲለቅቅ ተገደደ።

ለዚህ መንግስት ነበር ጂኒ አቢይ ገና የቦንቡ ፍንዳታ ሳያልቅ የሃዘን መልዕክት አስተላልፎ የነበረው!

በቤይሩት ከተከሰተው ከፍተኛ ፍንዳታ በኋላ ህዝባዊ የአደባባይ ተቃውሞ የበረታበት የሊባኖስ መንግስት በፈቃዱ ከኃላፊነት ወርዷል።

የሀገሪቱ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ሀሳን ዲያብ በብሔራዊ ቴሌቪዥን ቀርበው መንግሥታቸው ስልጣን ለማስረከብ መወሰኑን አስታውቀዋል። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ይህን ያስታወቁት፣ ለተከታታይ ቀናት የተካሄደውን ህዝባዊ ተቃውሞ ተከትሎ፣ የተለያዩ ሚኒስትሮች እና ሌሎች ባለስልጣናት የስልጣን መልቀቂያ ካስገቡ በኋላ ነው።

የመንግሥት ተቃዋሚዎች የሀገሪቱ ባለስልጣናት በሀገር ጉዳይ ቸልተኞች እና በሙስና የተተበተቡ መሆናቸውን በመግለጽ መንግሥትን ይወነጅላሉ። ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩም በንግግራቸው ይህን ውንጀላ ተቀብለዋል። በሊባኖስ ሙስና ከሀገሪቱ ከራሷ በላይ የገዘፈ ነው ያሉት ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዲያብ ይህም ለውጥ እንዳናመጣ አድርጎናል ብለዋል።እኛ ብቻችንን ነበርን እነርሱ ደግሞ ሁሉም (ሙሰኞቹ ) ከእኛ በተቃራኒ ናቸውሲሉም ፈታኝ ጊዜ ማሳለፋቸውን ገልፀዋል።

ወንድ በጠፋባት ኢትዮጵያ ግን ገዳይ ዐቢይ ያው ለሦስት አመታት አሰቃቂ ጀነሳይድ እየፈጸመ፣ ኢትዮጵያውያንን እያፈናቀለ፣ ህፃናትን እያገተ፣ ክርስቲያኖችን እየጨፈጨፍ፣ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናት እያቃጠለ ባጠቃላይ ኢትዮጵያን በብርሃን ፍጥነት እንዳሻው እያፈራረሰ እንኳን ይህን ሁሉ ግፍና ሰቆቃ ስቃይ እና ሰቆቃ ለመቃወም አደባባይ የወጣ አንድም ኢትዮጵያዊ የለም። ሕዝቡ ከሊባኖስ ዜጎች እጅግ በጣም የከፋ የኑሮ ሁኔታ ላይ ነው የሚገኘው፤ እየተራበም ነው፤ ነገር ግን አሁንም በጂኒ ዐቢይ እና ደጋፊዎቹ እያተታለለ ውዳቂዎቹ ኦሮሞዎች እንዲሳለቁበትና እያላገጡ የጥፋት ዘመቻቸውን እንዲቀጥሉበት ዕድሉን ሰጥቷቸዋል። ምን ዓይነት ሰነፍ፣ አልቃሻና ደካማ ትውልድ ቢሆን ነው!? ወሬና ጉራ ብቻ! ለዚህም እኮ ነው በዘር ጥፋት ያ ሁሉ ሰው አልቆ የዓለም አቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ ዜሮ ትኩረት ለኢትዮጵያ ሊሰጡ ያልበቁት።

እስኪ ተመልከቱ በሊባኖስ አንዲት ፍንዳታ ለሁለት ሳምንታት ያህል የመላው ዓለም መነጋገሪያ ርዕሰ ጉዳይ ለመሆን በቅቷል። የዓለም አቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ ባጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ እስከ ግማሽ ቢሊየን ዶላር ለሊባኖን እርዳታ ለመሰብሰብ በቅቷል።”

👉 ወደዚህ ይግቡ፤ Ethio 2021

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

‘Too Little Too Late’ for U.S. Sanctions on Ethiopia?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 18, 2021

💭 The World Watches as Abiy Loses it — And Risks Losing Ethiopia, Too.

Today, President Biden announced an Executive Order that declared the war, humanitarian crisis and human rights crisis in Ethiopia “an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States” and put in place mechanisms to impose sanctions on individuals and entities engaged in the war and abuses.

This comes not a moment too soon: out of the headlines, the civil war has been raging on. Thousands are dying in bloody battles between Tigrayan resistance fighters and the ill-trained recruits that the Ethiopian government is deploying to shore up its shattered army. More than 200 massacre sites have been documented in Tigray, and thousands of women were cruelly raped. There’s a man-made famine. Ethnic hatred whipped up by government propaganda threatens to dismember the country.

These brute facts are obscured by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s bizarre confidence that he is destined to re-create the mythic glory days of the Ethiopian empire and by his loyalists’ aggressive media campaigns. The United Nations and African Union have taken the path of least resistance, taking Ethiopia’s diplomatic blandishments at face value. The United States has called out Abiy on his deceptions and self-destruction. That’s the correct position, but no outside power can save a country whose leader is blithely leading it into disaster.

The war began on the night of November 3-4, 2020, when a political dispute between the Federal Government in Ethiopia, headed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and the Regional National Government in Tigray, headed by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, turned violent.

The causes of the war are complex and controversial. The two sides quarreled over the rights of states within the federation: the Tigrayans had held an election against the federal government’s decision to postpone elections due to COVID, and each side denounced the other as illegitimate. The first shots were fired by the Tigrayans and within days, a well-prepared ground and air attack was launched by a combination of Ethiopian federal troops, militia from the next-door Amhara region, and Eritrean troops to the north. Before the month was out, this coalition captured the Tigrayan capital Mekelle, forcing the Tigrayan leadership to flee to mountain redoubts.

For the next seven months, the Ethiopian government repeatedly assured the world that it was on the verge of wiping out the remnants of the TPLF. Despite a tight information blackout, disturbing information leaked out about egregious violations of human rights, certainly crimes against humanity. Ethiopian and Eritrean troops were branded as war criminals. The atrocities also drove Tigrayans — TPLF and non-TPLF — to unite in armed resistance. The war — with its mounting battlefield casualties — stayed below the media’s radar.

In June, Tigrayan guerrillas turned the military tables on the Ethiopian army, scoring decisive victories and forcing the federal army to abandon most of Tigray, including Mekelle, in disarray. The government, however, retained control of Western Tigray, an area bordering Sudan, where ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans continues. The Eritreans withdrew to defensive lines along the international border.

After this rout, Abiy announced a ceasefire but made it clear that he intended to regroup and return by force as soon as possible. With good reason, the TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda, who enjoys a reputation for provocative tweets, dismissed the ceasefire announcement as a “sick joke.”

Most importantly, Abiy continued to use his most potent weapon — starvation. Ethiopia and Eritrea encircle Tigray and enforce a blockade. Banks are closed, commercial traffic is stopped, and humanitarian aid is confined to a trickle. Over five million people in Tigray need emergency aid — an estimated 4,000 tons per day that would take 100 trucks to transport. Since the Tigrayans took back control, a total of just 435 trucks have been allowed in. That’s an average daily ration of about 40 grams, little more than a third of a cup of flour, per person. The obstacle isn’t generalized insecurity but a government policy of using starvation against a civilian population — a war crime.

The Regional National Government of Tigray says it is defending Ethiopia’s federal constitution. Adopted in 1995 when the TPLF was in government, that constitution controversially provides for each Ethiopian region to have the right of self-determination up to and including independence. This is exactly what Abiy’s vision of a unified Ethiopia seeks to deny. He has become an ultra-nationalist, seeking to resurrect the glory days of the Abyssinian empire.

After recapturing Mekelle, the Tigrayans did not wait for a counterattack. Armed with captured tanks and artillery, they took the offensive while their adversary was in disarray. They swept out of Tigray into Afar and Amhara regions, but TPLF leaders haven’t explained their war aims. Did they seek to break the blockade and secure roads for aid? Did they want to overthrow the government in Addis Ababa? And if so, did they want to return the TPLF to power or to form a coalition with insurgents in the south of Ethiopia?

With half his army destroyed and his triumphalist claims punctured, a leader might be expected to panic or flee. Not so Abiy Ahmed. With serene confidence, he proclaimed that he was destined to prevail. He showed visiting diplomats his gleaming refurbished palaces and parks and waved away the Tigrayans as a minority that had blighted the country, insisting that no tears should be shed over their destruction. Abiy assures African leaders that he has a plan to win the war and, they add, he truly believes it.

And Abiy has turned up the volume of nationalist-populist rhetoric to maximum. Ethnically charged, often frankly hateful messages that had previously been confined to fringe diaspora groups are now mainstream. Abiy describes the TPLF, and Tigrayans in general, as hyenas, cancers, and weeds to be uprooted. Many Ethiopians, especially from the historically dominant Amhara group, are heeding his call for every able-bodied Ethiopian to take up arms to fight for their land against the Tigrayan “traitors” and “terrorists.” They fight with zeal. Peasants, students, and urban youth, with just a few weeks’ basic training, charge TDF positions in human wave attacks. Sometimes the second wave doesn’t even have guns and have been told to take weapons from the enemy. Among them are priests and nuns with crosses and tabots (replicas of the Arc of the Covenant).

This kind of war blurs the line between combatant and civilian and between combat and massacre. There are half a dozen reports of TDF killings of villagers, each case trumpeted by Ethiopian media.

The mass attacks are a hemorrhage of young lives and a stark warning of future grievance. But they stalled the TDF advance and bought time for Abiy. The Eritrean army has sent armored divisions back into Ethiopia, and the government has been shopping for new equipment including drones (reportedly from Iran, Azerbaijan, and Turkey).

With every setback, Abiy digs in deeper. When his ambassadors failed to convince foreign governments, he eviscerated the diplomatic corps, reducing embassies such as the one in Washington to just the ambassador and a skeleton support staff. Abiy reportedly said that diaspora volunteers do a better job of presenting his case than professional diplomats, though he has also hired commercial lobbyists too. Ethiopian “twitter lions” engage in social media combat with venom and determination. Every independent journalist or human rights advocate faces the online version of a human wave attack — relentless twitter trolling and hate mail.

Intimidation works in tandem with standard diplomatic blandishments. In a world beset by crises, Ethiopia is no one’s priority disaster, and so it’s convenient to dilute the frightening realities. The default storyline of foreign affairs officials is that the conflict is complicated, the facts aren’t clear, there are no good guys — and the government has given solemn assurances to make things better. Such thinking is lazy and demonstrably false — but pervasive.

Foreign leaders who have discussed the war in detail with Abiy and who have examined the grim evidence on the ground don’t buy his story; they think he is delusional and is leading Ethiopia into self-destruction. To its credit, the Biden administration is in this camp. Among its few public allies are Ireland, Norway, and the European Union Commission.

Privately, African leaders are terrified that Abiy will drive Ethiopia into state failure, which would in turn deepen instability throughout the Horn of Africa, but they can’t bear to admit that there’s no African solution for this African problem. In reaction to Washington’s tough measures announced today, Africans may publicly complain about American bullying but they will be privately thankful. Such arm-twisting cannot come quickly enough. Ethiopia’s tragedy may be that the country unravels before its leader’s reputation does.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 2 Comments »

A Horrible Sight’: CNN Investigation Reveals Evidence of Torture, Detention & Execution in Ethiopia

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 10, 2021

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

👉 ይህ እጅግ በጣም አሰቃቄና አሳዛኝ ዜና የፋሺስቱ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ የአዲስ ዓመት ስጦታ “ለኢትዮጵያውያን” መሆኑ ነው! ጊዜውን ጠብቆ ልክ በ 9/11 የሃያኛው ዓመት መታሰቢያ። አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! የስጋ ማንነታችሁና ምንነታችሁ እንዲሁም ጥላቻችሁ ለሰባ ትውልድ የሚተርፍ እዳ ውስጥ እያስገባችሁ መሆኑን እንዳታዩትና እንዳትረዱት አድርጓችኋል። እናት ኢትዮጵያን ምን ያህል ብትጠሏት ነው ሰንደቋን እያውለበለባችሁ በወገናችሁ ላይ ይህን ዓይነት ግፍ ያለማቋረጥ የምትሠሩት?! እህ ህ ህ! እግዚአብሔር ሁሉንም ነገር በቪዲዮ ቀርጾ መዝግቦታል።

#HumeraMassacre #የሑመራእልቂት

💭 አሰቃቂ እይታ ከሁመራ፤ የሲ.ኤን.ኤን ምርመራ የግርፋት ፣ የእስራት እና የግድያ ማስረጃዎችን ያሳያል።

A CNN investigation has uncovered evidence of the torture, mass detention and execution of residents in the the town of Humera in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. CNN’s Nima Elbagir reports.

💭 Selected Comments from CNN Channel:

This is horrible. I can’t wrap my brain around the amount of violence human beings are willing to inflict on each other.

The people who did this are nothing at all but rabid, cruel and most reprehensible monsters on the planet. They deserve the same fate and THEN some.

People are capable of such horrific evil …. I don’t understand why, 😓, I hope there will be some justice. These people need help. International pressure must be placed on the Ethiopian govt. I have so much respect for those people in the Tigray region trying to help bury the dead and act as witnesses to the atrocities happening to their people. Such anguish and misery for these poor people.

I am ashamed by the callously apathetic attitude of the comments below. These are our fellow human beings! Maybe we cannot save all of them but the absolute minimum owed them, as people, is to speak respectfully of them and their experiences until independent investigation finds evidence that torture and murder is NOT at work. You always assume the victim is telling the truth until evidence to the contrary is found.

This is surely the tip of the iceberg! The world is just watching it with bare eyes…

I worked in Atlanta at a Whole Foods about 15 years ago, and we had a huge population of east africans there. Ethiopians, Somalis and Yemenis. There was a huge amount of tension between one of our Ethiopian workers and the two Tigrayans, and one of the Tigrayan women told me about all sorts of hideous things she witnessed at the hands of the Ethiopian military. The oppression has been there for years, but it seems like it’s escalating

The meek shall inherit the earth. May God rest their souls.

_____________________________

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#TigrayGenocide | 150 People Die from Starvation in Tigray, Humanitarian Intervention Blocked

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

This video reflects the severe humanitarian situation in Tigray with supplies of food aid running out and the United Nations warning that a de facto blockade is bringing millions to the brink of famine. Video by WORLD FOOD PROGRAMME via REUTERS

😈 አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! “የድል ዜናችሁ” ይህ ነው፤ አይደል?! ለአሥር ዓመታት በጋራ ያቀዳችሁትን ዲያብሎሳዊ ተግባር እየተገበራችሁት ነው፤ አይደል!? አዬዬ! በጌታችን ስም፤ በቅዱሳን አባቶቼ ስም በጭራሽ ለሰከንድ እንኳን አልለቃችሁም! እንደ ሌሎች በሃዘን የምፍረከሰከስ አይደለሁም፤ ከልጅነቴ ጀምሮ የገጠመኝና ያያሁት ብሎም ድል እየተቀዳጀሁ ያለፍኩበት ነገር ነው። አሁን ጸሎቴ ሁሉ በእናንተ ላይ ያተኮረ ነው! እ ህ ህ ህ!!! ከእነዚህ አውሬዎች ጋር፤ ከዚህ ፋሺስታዊ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ጋር ያበራችሁ ኦሮሞ፣ አማራ፣ ሶማሌ፣ ጉራጌ፣ ወላይታ፣ ሲዳማ፣ ጋሞ ወዘተ ሁሉ የአብርሐም፣ የይስሐቅና የያዕቆብ እግዚአብሔር አምላክ እሳቱን ያዝንብባችሁ ፤ ንብረታችሁ ኃብታችሁ ሁሉ ይውደም ፤ ጤናችሁ ይጉደል ፤ ዘራችሁ ይጥፋ ፤ በስብሳችሁ ተልታችሁ ኑሩ፣ ቀዝናችሁ ሙቱ ፤ ሬሳችሁን ውሾችና ጥንብ አንሳዎች ይብሉት! አሜን! አሜን! አሜን!

💭 እነ አቡነ ማትያስ፣ ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም፣ ዶ/ር ሊያ ታደሰ እና አቶ ተወልደ ገብረ መድሕን ምን እየሠሩ ነው? አዲስ አበባ ያሉ ጽዮናውያን ምን እየጠበቁ ነው? የአክሱማውያን አስቴር እና መርዶክዮስ የት ናቸው?

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ ተስፋ አታድርጉ፤ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁቢፈልጉ ቢችሉ ኖሮ በአንድ ቀን ሁሉንም ነገር በፈጸሙት ነበር፤ ፍላጎቱም ብቃቱም የላቸውም! አማራዎቹም እንዲሁ! አሁን ተስፋው ያለው በጽዮናውያን ላይ ብቻ እና ብቻ ነው፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

ጽዮናውያን፤ ባካችሁ እንደ እባብ ልባምና ብልህ ሁኑ፤ ረሃቡን፣ ጦርነቱንና ሰቆቃውን ሁሉ ባጭሩ ለመግታት አውሬውን መያዝ ወይም መድፋት ግድ ነው! እስካሁን አንድም የወንጀለኛው ግራኝ ባልደረባ አለመያዙ እና በእሳት አለመጠረጉ በጣም የሚያስገርም ነው፤ እነ ባጫ፣ ጁላ እና የፋሺስቱ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ፈላጭ ቆራጮች ይህን ሁሉ ግፍ ሠርተው ለአንድም ቀን እንኳን ቢሆን እንዴት አየር መሳብ ተፈቀደላቸው? ያውም እስከ ሃምሳ ሺህ የታጠቁ ጽዮናውያን በሚገኙባት በአዲስ አበባ። ኧረ ባካችሁ፤ አንድ በአንድ ድፏቸው!

💭 Ethiopia’s Tigray Crisis: Tplf Says 150 Have Died of Starvation

About 150 people died of starvation in Ethiopia’s war-hit Tigray region in August, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has said.

These are the first hunger-related deaths that the TPLF has reported since its fighters recaptured most of the region from federal forces in June.

There is no independent confirmation of its statement.

The UN previously said that about 400,000 were already living in famine-like conditions in Tigray.

The government has not responded the to the TPLF statement.

About 5.2 million people – or 90% of Tigray’s population – urgently needed aid “to avert the world’s worst famine situation in decades”, the UN said last week.

The TPLF and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed were once allies in the government, but fell out over his political reforms, triggering the war that has killed thousands and displaced millions since November.

TPLF recaptured most of the region, including the capital, Mekelle, in June after losing control of most of it early in the war.

The TPLF says it is the legitimate government of Tigray, having won regional elections in 2020. The Ethiopian government denounced the poll as illegal. It regards the TPLF as a terrorist organisation.

Dying ‘in front of our eyes’

In a statement on Monday, the TPLF said there was a “complete depletion of food stocks” in Tigray.

People living in camps after being displaced by conflict were receiving “no aid” and host communities were running out of food, it said.

The TPLF said the 150 deaths were recorded in the central, southern and eastern zones of Tigray, as well in camps in the city of Shire – the birthplace of the group’s leader Debretsion Gebremichael.

“One million people are at risk of fatal famine if they are prohibited from receiving life-saving aid within the next few days,” it added.

In a BBC Tigrinya interview, TPLF agriculture chief Atinkut Mezgebo said that people were dying “in front of our eyes”.

“In the villages and towns, there is a shortage of food and medicine, and the crisis might be bigger than what we know,” he said.

Dr Atinkut said that women and children were the main victims of hunger.

“Previously, people shared what they had, but now they don’t have anything to eat,” he added.

It is hard to confirm details of what is happening in Tigray as telephone and internet communications have been cut.

The BBC has asked the federal government for a reaction to the TPLF statement but has so far not got a response. But in a statement on Monday, the foreign ministry said the TPLF had exacerbated the humanitarian problems by invading neighbouring regions and looting aid supplies.

Last week, the UN’s acting humanitarian coordinator for Ethiopia, Grant Leaity, called on the Ethiopian government to allow the unimpeded entry of aid to Tigray.

On Sunday, the World Food Programme said that more than 100 trucks of its aid had reached Mekelle for the first time in a fortnight.

In the past, the government has denied that it is blocking aid but has said it is concerned about security.

On Saturday, it announced that 500 trucks carrying supplies had entered the region, with 152 arriving in the last two days.

Source

በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ትኩሱ የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት ከመጀመሩ ከዓመት በፊት የሚከተለውን መል ዕክት አስተላልፌ ነበር፦

አቡነ ማትያስ + /ር ቴዎድሮስ + /ር ሊያ ታደሰ + አቶ ተወልደ ገ/ማርያም ካልዘገየ የስልጣን ወንበራቸውን ባፋጣኝ እንዲያስረክቡ ትግራዋያን ወገኖቼ መጠየቅ አለባችሁ! የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለሚመጣው ጥፋት ተጠያቂ ለማድረግ ነው ያስቀመጧቸው ናቸው!”

“የጦር ወንጀል | ግራኝ አህመድ የተከዜን ግድብ አፈረሰው፥ ቀጣዩ የሕዳሴው ነው | ወላሂ! ወላሂ!”

አይሁዶቹ ንግሥት አስቴር እና አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ (ትግሬዎች) ለሐማ (ግራኝ) አንሰግድም ስላሉት ሊያጠፋቸው ወሰነ

👉 ‘ከዚህም ነገር በኋላ ንጉሡ አርጤክስስ የአጋጋዊውን (ኦነጋዊውን) የሐመዳቱን (የአሕመድን) ልጅ ሐማን ከፍ ከፍ አደረገው’

በመጽሐፍ ቅዱስ የመጽሐፍ አስቴር ታሪክ ንግሥት አስቴር እና አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ ፤ ሐማ ተብሎ በሚጠራው ተንኮለኛ ፣ እብሪተኛና፣ ፀረአይሁድ/ፀረሴማዊ በፋርስ ንጉሥ አርጤክስስ በተሾመ ባላባት ላይ ለአይሁድ ማንነታቸው እና ውርሻቸው እንዴት እንደቆሙ ይዘግባል።

ከህንድ ጀምሮ እስከ ኢትዮጵያ ባሉ መቶ ሀያ ሰባት አገሮች ሲገዛ የነበረው የፋርስ ንጉሥ የአርጤክስስ ባሪያዎች ሁሉ ለሐማ ተደፍተው ይሰግዱ ነበር። አሁዱ መርዶክዮስ ግን አልተደፋም፥ አልሰገደለትም። ታዲያ ሐማን መርዶክዮስ እንዳልተደፋለት እንዳልሰገደለትም ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቈጣ።። መርዶክዮስ እና አይሁድ ህዝቡ ስለ ሐማን ክብር፣ ቁመት እና ስልጣን ከሚያስቡት በላይ ሃይማኖታቸውን፣ እና እሴቶቻቸውን አብልጠው ስለሚወዱ ሐማን በጣም ይበሳጭ ነበር። ስለዚህ ሐማን በንጉሥ አርጤክስስ መንግሥት አገዛዝ ይኖሩ የነበሩትን አይሁዳውያኑን የመርዶክዮስን ሕዝብ ሁሉ ሊያጠፋቸው ወሰነ።

ንጉሥ አርጤክስስ ንግሥት አስቴርን ከልብ ይወዳት ነበር፤ ግን በፋርስ ስላደገች አይሁድ እንደሆነች አያውቅም ነበር። በተጨማሪም አሳዳጊዋ እና አይሁዳዊው አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ ንጉሡን ለመግደል እያሴሩ የነበሩትን ሁለት የንጉሡን ረዳቶች በማባረር የንጉሡን ሕይወት እንዳዳነውም ገና አላወቀም ነበር።

ታሪኩን ለማሳጠር ፣ አስቴር በመጨረሻ ሐማ ማን/ምን እንደ ሆነና ምን እንዳቀደ ለንጉሥ አርጤክስስ ለመንገር እራሷን በቆራጥነት ማሳመን ነበረባት። እርሷም መርዶክዮስ ምናልባት ንግሥት የሆነችው “እንደዚህ ላለው ጊዜ” ሊሆን ይችላል ብሎ ስላሳመናት ይህን አደረገች፦

ሐማ የንጉሡን ሕይወት ያተረፈውን መርዶክዮስን ጨምሮ ሕዝቧን ሁሉ ለመግደል ቆርጦ እንደወጣ ለንጉሡ ደፍራ በተናገረች ጊዜ ወዲያውኑ ንጉሡ ወደ ሐማ በቁጣ ዞረበት። ብዙም ሳይቆይ ሐማ ለእርሱ የማይሰግደውን መርዶክዮስን ለመስቀል ሲል እራሱ በሠራው ግንድ ላይ እንዲሰቀል ንጉሡ ትዕዛዝ ሰጥቶ ሐማ እንዲሰቀል ተደረገ።

ድንቁ የአስቴር ታሪክ አንዳንድ ትምህርቶችን ይጠቁመናል ፥ እንዲሁም አንዳንድ ትይዩዎችን ያሳየናል። ቆሻሻው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እንኳን በአቅሙ ለእርሱ የማይሰግድሉተን ሁሉ አግቷቸዋል፣ ገደሏቸዋል፤ መጨረሻ የቀሩት ትግሬዎቹ ነበሩ፤ ስለዚህ ባጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ ፊቱን ወደእነርሱ አዞረ፤ ዘራቸውን ሁሉ ለማጥፋትም ዘመተ። መጨረሻው ምን ሊሆን እንደሚችል መጽሐፍ አስቴር ጠቁሞናል። ይህ የሉሲፈር አሽከር የእባብነት ቆዳ ቀይሮ ሕዝቡን ሊገዛ የተገሰለ ጨካኝ አላጋጭ ነውና እንደ ሐማ ክፉ አሟሟትን ይሞታል፤ ወደ ምድር ጥልቅም ይገባል።

[መጽሐፈ አስቴር ምዕራፍ ፫]

፩ ከዚህም ነገር በኋላ ንጉሡ አርጤክስስ የአጋጋዊውን የሐመዳቱን ልጅ ሐማን ከፍ ከፍ አደረገው፥ አከበረውም፥ ወንበሩንም ከእርሱ ጋር ከነበሩት አዛውንት ሁሉ በላይ አደረገለት።

፪ ንጉሡም ስለ እርሱ እንዲሁ አዝዞ ነበርና በንጉሡ በር ያሉት የንጉሡ ባሪያዎች ሁሉ ተደፍተው ለሐማ ይሰግዱ ነበር። መርዶክዮስ ግን አልተደፋም፥ አልሰገደለትም።

፫ በንጉሡም በር ያሉት የንጉሡ ባሪያዎች መርዶክዮስን። የንጉሡን ትእዛዝ ለምን ትተላለፋለህ? አሉት።

፬ ይህንም ዕለት ዕለት እየተናገሩ እርሱ ባልሰማቸው ጊዜ አይሁዳዊ እንደ ሆነ ነግሮአቸው ነበርና የመርዶክዮስ ነገር እንዴት እንደ ሆነ ያዩ ዘንድ ለሐማ ነገሩት።

፭ ሐማም መርዶክዮስ እንዳልተደፋለት እንዳልሰገደለትም ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቈጣ።

፮ የመርዶክዮስን ወገን ነግረውት ነበርና በመርዶክዮስ ብቻ እጁን ይጭን ዘንድ በዓይኑ ተናቀ፤ ሐማም በአርጤክስስ መንግሥት ሁሉ የነበሩትን የመርዶክዮስን ሕዝብ አይሁድን ሁሉ ሊያጠፋ ፈለገ።

፯ በንጉሡም በአርጤክስስ በአሥራ ሁለተኛው ዓመት ከመጀመሪያው ወር ከኒሳን ጀምሮ በየዕለቱና በየወሩ እስከ አሥራ ሁለተኛው ወር እስከ አዳር ድረስ በሐማ ፊት ፉር የተባለውን ዕጣ ይጥሉ ነበር።

፰ ሐማም ንጉሡን አርጤክስስን። አንድ ሕዝብ በአሕዛብ መካከል በመንግሥትህ አገሮች ሁሉ ተበትነዋል፤ ሕጋቸውም ከሕዝቡ ሁሉ ሕግ የተለየ ነው፥ የንጉሡንም ሕግ አይጠብቁም፤ ንጉሡም ይተዋቸው ዘንድ አይገባውም።

፱ ንጉሡም ቢፈቅድ እንዲጠፉ ይጻፍ፤ እኔም ወደ ንጉሡ ግምጃ ቤት ያገቡት ዘንድ አሥር ሺህ መክሊት ብር የንጉሡን ሥራ በሚሠሩት እጅ እመዝናለሁ አለው።

፲ ንጉሡም ቀለበቱን ከእጁ አወለቀ፥ ለአይሁድም ጠላት ለአጋጋዊው ለሐመዳቱ ልጅ ለሐማ ሰጠው።

፲፩ ንጉሡም ሐማን። ደስ የሚያሰኝህን ነገር ታደርግባቸው ዘንድ ብሩም ሕዝቡም ለአንተ ተሰጥቶሃል አለው።

፲፪ በመጀመሪያውም ወር ከወሩም በአሥራ ሦስተኛው ቀን የንጉሡ ጸሐፊዎች ተጠሩ፤ ከህንድ ጀምሮ እስከ ኢትዮጵያ ድረስ ወዳሉ መቶ ሀያ ሰባት አገሮች፥ በየአገሩ ወዳሉ ሹማምትና አለቆች ወደ አሕዛብም ሁሉ ገዢዎች እንደ ቋንቋቸው በንጉሡ በአርጤክስስ ቃል ሐማ እንዳዘዘ ተጻፈ፥ በንጉሡም ቀለበት ታተመ።

፲፫ በአሥራ ሁለተኛው ወር በአዳር በአሥራ ሦስተኛው ቀን አይሁድን ሁሉ፥ ልጆችንና ሽማግሌዎችን፥ ሕፃናቶችንና ሴቶችን፥ በአንድ ቀን ያጠፉና ይገድሉ ዘንድ፥ ይደመስሱም ዘንድ፥ ምርኮአቸውንም ይዘርፉ ዘንድ ደብዳቤዎች በመልእክተኞች እጅ ወደ ንጉሡ አገሮች ሁሉ ተላኩ።

፲፬ በዚያም ቀን ይዘጋጁ ዘንድ የደብዳቤው ቅጅ በየአገሩ ላሉ አሕዛብ ሁሉ ታወጀ።

፲፭ መልእክተኞቹም በንጉሡ ትእዛዝ እየቸኰሉ ሄዱ፥ አዋጁም በሱሳ ግንብ ተነገረ። ንጉሡና ሐማ ሊጠጡ ተቀመጡ፤ ከተማይቱ ሱሳ ግን ተደናገጠች።

[መጽሐፈ አስቴር ምዕራፍ ፯]

፩ ንጉሡና ሐማም ከንግሥቲቱ ከአስቴር ጋር ለመጠጣት መጡ።

፪ በሁለተኛውም ቀን ንጉሡ በወይኑ ጠጅ ግብዣ ሳለ አስቴርን። ንግሥት አስቴር ሆይ፥ የምትለምኚኝ ምንድር ነው? ይሰጥሻል፤ የምትሺውስ ምንድር ነው? እስከ መንግሥቴ እኵሌታ እንኳ ቢሆን ይደረግልሻል አላት።

፫ ንግሥቲቱም አስቴር መልሳ። ንጉሥ ሆይ፥ በአንተ ዘንድ ሞገስ አግኝቼ እንደ ሆነ፥ ንጉሡንም ደስ ቢያሰኘው፥ ሕይወቴ በልመናዬ ሕዝቤም በመሻቴ ይሰጠኝ፤

፬ እኔና ሕዝቤ ለመጥፋትና ለመገደል ለመደምሰስም ተሸጠናልና። ባርያዎች ልንሆን ተሸጠን እንደ ሆነ ዝም ባልሁ ነበር፤ የሆነ ሆኖ ጠላቱ የንጉሡን ጉዳት ለማቅናት ባልቻለም ነበር አለች።

፭ ንጉሡም አርጤክስስ ንግሥቲቱን አስቴርን። ይህን ያደርግ ዘንድ በልቡ የደፈረ ማን ነው? እርሱስ ወዴት ነው? ብሎ ተናገራት።

፮ አስቴርም። ያ ጠላትና ባለጋራ ሰው ክፉው ሐማ ነው አለች። ሐማም በንጉሡና በንግሥቲቱ ፊት ደነገጠ።

፯ ንጉሡም ተቈጥቶ የወይን ጠጅ ከመጠጣቱ ተነሣ፥ ወደ ንጉሡም ቤት አታክልት ውስጥ ሄደ። ሐማም ከንጉሡ ዘንድ ክፉ ነገር እንደ ታሰበበት አይቶአልና ከንግሥቲቱ ከአስቴር ሕይወቱን ይለምን ዘንድ ቆመ።

፰ ንጉሡም ከቤቱ አታክልት ወደ ወይን ጠጁ ግብዣ ስፍራ ተመለሰ፤ ሐማም አስቴር ባለችበት አልጋ ላይ ወድቆ ነበር። ንጉሡም። ደግሞ በቤቴ በእኔ ፊት ንግሥቲቱን ይጋፋታልን? አለ። ይህም ቃል ከንጉሡ አፍ በወጣ ጊዜ የሐማን ፊት ሸፈኑት።

፱ በንጉሡም ፊት ካሉት ጃንደረቦች አንዱ ሐርቦና። እነሆ ሐማ ለንጉሡ በጎ ለተናገረው ለመርዶክዮስ ያሠራው ርዝመቱ አምሳ ክንድ የሆነው ግንድ በሐማን ቤት ተተክሎአል አለ። ንጉሡም። በእርሱ ላይ ስቀሉት አለ።

፲ ሐማንም ለመርዶክዮስ ባዘጋጀው ግንድ ላይ ሰቀሉት፤ በዚያም ጊዜ የንጉሡ ቍጣ በረደ።

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CNN: From Nobel Laureate to Global Pariah: How The World Got Abiy Ahmed And Ethiopia So Wrong

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

By Eliza Mackintosh, CNN, September 7, 2021

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁ፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.“”

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.””

“Abiy, Abiy,” the crowd chanted, waving Ethiopia’s tricolor flag and cheering as the country’s new prime minister, dressed in a white blazer with gold trim and smiling broadly, waved to a packed basketball arena at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles, part of a whirlwind three-city tour of the United States to woo the diaspora.

It was July 2018, just three months after Abiy Ahmed had been appointed leader of Africa’s second-most populous country, and his star was rising both at home and abroad. Excitement was surging into an almost religious fervor around the young politician, who promised to bring peace, prosperity and reconciliation to a troubled corner of Africa and a nation on the brink of crisis.

But even in those early, optimistic days of Abiy’s premiership, as he kickstarted a flurry of ambitious reforms — freeing thousands of political prisoners, lifting restrictions on the press, welcoming back exiles and banned opposition parties, appointing women to positions in his cabinet, opening up the country’s tightly-controlled economy to new investment and negotiating peace with neighboring Eritrea — Berhane Kidanemariam had his doubts.

The Ethiopian diplomat has known the prime minister for almost 20 years, forging a friendship when he worked for the governing coalition’s communications team and, later, as CEO of two state-run news organizations, while Abiy was in military intelligence and then heading Ethiopia’s cybersecurity agency, INSA. Before working for Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kidanemariam ran the country’s national broadcaster, the EBC, and he said Abiy sat on its board of directors.

In a recent phone interview, Kidanemariam said he, like many Ethiopians, had hoped Abiy could transform the nation’s fractious politics and usher in genuine democratic change. But he struggled to square his understanding of the man he’d first met in 2004 — who he described as power-hungry intelligence officer obsessed by fame and fortune — with the portrait emerging of a visionary peacemaker from humble beginnings.

In 2018, Kidanemariam was serving as Ethiopia’s consul general in Los Angeles and said he helped organize Abiy’s visit.

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.”

“One of the ironies of a prime minister who came to office promising unity is that he has deliberately exacerbated hatred between different groups,” Kidanemariam wrote in an open letter in March, announcing that he was quitting his post as the deputy chief of mission at the Ethiopian embassy in Washington, DC, in protest over Abiy’s monthslong war in Tigray, which has spurred a refugee crisis, atrocities and famine.

Kidanemariam said to CNN he believed Abiy’s focus had never been about “reform or democracy or human rights or freedom of the press. It is simply consolidating power for himself, and getting money out of it … We may call it authoritarianism or dictatorship, but he is really getting to be a king.”

“By the way,” he added, “the problem is not only for Tigrayans. It’s for all Ethiopians. Everybody is suffering everywhere.”

In an email to CNN, Abiy’s spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, described Kidanemariam’s characterization of the prime minister as “baseless” and a “reflection.”

‘The epitome of hell’

Much has changed since Abiy accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in November 2019, telling an audience in Oslo, Norway, that “war is the epitome of hell.”

In less than two years, Abiy has gone from darling of the international community to pariah, condemned for his role in presiding over a protracted civil war that, by many accounts, bears the hallmarks of genocide and has the potential to destabilize the wider Horn of Africa region.

The 45-year-old’s fall from grace has confounded many observers, who wonder how they could have gotten him so wrong. But diplomats, analysts, independent Ethiopian journalists, acquaintances and others who have followed his career closely say that even at the height of “Abiymania,” there were warning signs.

Critics say that by blessing Abiy with an array of international endorsements, the West not only failed to see — or willfully ignored — those signals, but gave him a blank check and then turned a blind eye.

“Soon after Abiy was crowned with that Nobel Peace Prize, he lost an appetite in pursuing domestic reform,” Tsedale Lemma, founder and editor-in-chief of Addis Standard, an independent monthly news magazine based in Ethiopia, told CNN on a Skype call. “He considered it a blanket pass to do as he wishes.”

The war in Tigray is not the first time he’s used that pass, she said, adding that since Abiy came to power on the platform of unifying Ethiopia’s people and in its state, he has ruthlessly consolidated control and alienated critical regional players.

Lemma has covered Abiy’s rise for the Addis Standard — which was briefly suspended by Ethiopia’s media regulator in July — and was an early critic of his government when few were sounding the alarm. Days after Abiy was awarded the Nobel Prize, she wrote an editorial warning that the initiatives he had been recognized for — the peace process with Eritrea and political reforms in Ethiopia — had sidelined a key stakeholder, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and were in serious jeopardy.

The TPLF had governed Ethiopia with an iron grip for decades, overseeing a period of stability and economic growth at the cost of basic civil and political rights. The party’s authoritarian rule provoked a popular uprising that ultimately forced Abiy’s predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn, to resign. Abiy was appointed by the ruling class to bring change, without upending the old political order. But almost as soon as he came to power, Abiy announced the rearrangement of the ruling coalition that the TPLF had founded — the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front, or EPRDF, which was composed of four parties — into a single, new Prosperity Party, ostracizing the TPLF in the process.

Abiy’s appointment had been intended to quell tensions. Instead, his drive for a new pan-Ethiopian political party sparked fears in some regions that the country’s federal system, which guarantees significant autonomy to ethnically-defined states, such as Tigray, was under threat.

The Tigrayans weren’t the only ones who were worried. In Abiy’s home region, Oromia, and other administrative zones, people began to demand self-rule. Soon, the government began backsliding into the authoritarian practices Abiy had once renounced: Violent crackdowns on protesters, the jailing of journalists and opposition politicians, and twice postponing elections.

Ahmed Soliman, a research fellow at Chatham House and an expert on the Horn of Africa, said Abiy’s reform plan also increased expectations among constituencies with conflicting agendas, further heightening tensions.

“Abiy and his government have rightly been blamed for implementing uneven reforms and for insecurity increasing throughout the country, but to an extent, some of that was inherited. These simmering ethnic and political divisions that exist in the country have very deep roots,” he said.

Tensions reached a boiling point last September, when the Tigrayans defied Abiy by holding a vote which had been delayed due to the pandemic, setting off a tit-for-tat series of recriminations that spilled into open conflict in November 2020.

This July, in the midst of the war, Abiy and his party won a landslide victory in a general election that was boycotted by opposition parties, marred by logistical issues and excluded many voters, including all those in Tigray — a crushing disappointment to many who had high hopes that the democratic transition Abiy promised three years ago would be realized.

“He sees himself as a Messiah, as chosen, as someone who’s destined to ‘Make Ethiopia Great Again,’ but this country is collapsing,” Lemma said, adding that the international community’s folly was falling for the picture Abiy painted of himself — “a post-ethnic, contemporary capitalist” — in their desperation for a dazzling success story.

‘A monumental failure of analysis’

Still, many Ethiopians are reluctant to lay the blame for the country’s unravelling at Abiy’s feet. Ahead of the election in June, residents in Addis Ababa told CNN they felt Abiy had inherited a mess from the previous regime and had always faced an uphill battle pushing reforms forward — an assessment shared by some regional experts.

“Lots of people were hopeful that the liberalizing changes, after those years of anti-government protests and all of the state violence in response, […] marked a moment where Ethiopia would start to conduct its politics more peacefully. But that thinking glossed over some of the major problems and contradictions in Ethiopia,” said William Davidson, senior Ethiopia analyst with the International Crisis Group.

“There was always a massive challenge ahead for Abiy, and for everyone. Just the promise of a more pluralistic political system did nothing necessarily to resolve the clashing nationalisms, opposing visions, and bitter political rivalries.”

In recent months, Abiy has tried to dodge international condemnation by pledging to protect civilians, open up humanitarian access to stave off famine and kick out Eritrean troops, who have supported Ethiopian forces in the conflict and stand accused of some of the most horrifying of the many atrocities in Tigray — pledges that American officials say he has not delivered on. After the United States issued sanctions in May, Ethiopia’s foreign ministry accused it of meddling in the country’s internal affairs and misunderstanding the significant challenges on the ground.

As the tide of international opinion has turned against Abiy, the prime minister’s office has maintained he is not concerned about his deteriorating reputation; his supporters have increasingly blamed the West for the crisis unfolding in the country. “The prime minister need not be a darling of the west, east, south or north,” Abiy’s spokeswoman Billene Seyoum told reporters in June. “It is sufficient that he stands for the people of Ethiopia and the development of the nation.”

But it is difficult to reconcile the government’s narrative with reality. Setting to one side the staggering loss of life and destruction inside Tigray, the war has eroded Abiy’s aggressive development plans and derailed the country’s economic trajectory, experts say. Ethiopia’s economy had grown at nearly 10% for the last decade, before slowing in 2020, dragged down by a combination of the Covid-19 pandemic, debt and conflict. The war has also drained national coffers, decimated a large slice of the country’s industry and eroded its reputation among foreign investors and financial institutions.

“From where I sit, I think there was a monumental failure of analysis, internationally,” Rashid Abdi, a Kenya-based analyst and researcher who specializes in the Horn of Africa, said, including himself in that group. “I think people failed to apprehend the complex nature of Ethiopia’s transition, especially they failed to appreciate also the complex side of Abiy, that he was not all this sunny, smiling guy. That beneath was a much more calculating, and even Machiavellian figure, who eventually will I think push the country towards a much more dangerous path.”

“We should have begun to take notice of some of the red flags quite quickly. A lot of complacency is what got us here,” he added.

The seventh king of Ethiopia

During his inaugural address to parliament in 2018, Abiy made a point of thanking his mother, a Christian from the Amhara region, who he said had told him at the age of seven that, despite his modest background, he would one day be the seventh king of Ethiopia. The remark was met with a round of laughter from his cabinet members, but Abiy’s belief in his mother’s prophecy was no joke.

“In the initial stages of the war, actually, he spoke openly about how this was God’s plan, and that this was a kind of divine mission for him. This is a man who early in the morning, instead of meeting his top advisors, would meet with some of his spiritual advisers, these are pastors who are very powerful now in a sort of ‘kitchen cabinet,'” Abdi said.

But the most glaring of warning signs, by many accounts, was Abiy’s surprise allegiance with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, for which he ultimately won the Nobel Prize.

Abiy’s critics say that what cemented his status as a peacemaker on the world stage was based on a farce, and that the alignment with Eritrea was yet another effort to consolidate his power, paving the way for the two sides to wage war against their mutual enemy, the TPLF. Soon after the Eritrea-Ethiopia border reopened in 2018, reuniting families after 20 years, it closed again. Three years on, Eritrean troops are operating with impunity in Tigray, and there is little sign of a durable peace.

In response, Abiy’s spokeswoman rejected this assertion, calling it a “toxic narrative.”

Mehari Taddele Maru, a professor of governance and migration at the European University Institute, who was skeptical of the peace deal early on — a deeply unpopular view at the time — believes the Nobel Committee’s endorsement of Abiy has contributed to the current conflict.

“I am of the strongest opinion that the Nobel Prize Committee is responsible for what is happening in Ethiopia, at least partially. They had reliable information; many experts sounded their early warning,” Mehari, who is from Tigray, told CNN.

“The Committee was basing its decision on a peace deal that we flagged for a false start, a peace that is not only achieved but perhaps unachievable and an agreement that was not meant for peace but actually for war. What he [Abiy] did with Isaias was not meant to bring peace. He knew that, Isaias knew that. They were working, basically, to execute a war, to sandwich Tigray from South and North carefully by ostracizing one political party first.”

The most palpable and lasting impact of the award, according to several analysts and observers, was a chilling effect on any criticism of Abiy.

The persona he cultivated, cemented in part through his many early accolades — being named African of the Year in 2018, one of Time’s 100 Most Influential People, and one of Foreign Policy’s 100 Global Thinkers in 2019 — captivated the imagination of Ethiopians, the country’s large diaspora and the world. Many now feel betrayed, having lost any optimism about the future of the country, but others are still intent on retaining that glittering image of Abiy, reluctant to see the writing on the wall.

“By the time the war started in November, the international community was extremely committed to the idea of Abiy Ahmed as a reformer still, and they didn’t want to give up on that,” said Goitom Gebreluel, a Horn of Africa researcher from Tigray, who was in Addis Ababa at the start of the conflict.

“I had meetings with various diplomats before the war and it was obvious that the war was coming, and what they were saying was, ‘you know, he still has this project, we have to let him realize his political vision,'” he said. “To this day, I think not everyone is convinced that this is an autocrat.”

Now, with Ethiopia facing a “man-made” famine and a war apparently without end, Abiy stands alone, largely isolated from the international community and with a shrinking cadre of allies.

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.”

“Like so many others who thought the prime minister had the potential to lead Ethiopia to a bright future, I am filled with despair and anguish at the direction he is taking our country.”

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Allan Rock President Emeritus of University of Ottawa | The UN is a Disgrace – Where’s Mr Guterres?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 7, 2021

💭 Allan Rock is President Emeritus of the University of Ottawa, and a Professor in its Faculty of Law, where he teaches International Humanitarian Law and Armed Conflict in International Law.

He practised in civil, administrative and commercial litigation for 20 years (1973-93) with a national law firm in Toronto, appearing as counsel in a wide variety of cases before courts at all levels, including the Supreme Court of Canada. He was inducted in 1988 as a Fellow of the American College of Trial Lawyers. He is a former Treasurer (President) of the Law Society of Ontario.

Allan Rock was elected to the Canadian Parliament in 1993, and re-elected in 1997 and 2000. He served for that decade as a senior minister in the government of Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, in both social and economic portfolios. He was Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada (1993-97), Minister of Health (1997-2002) and Minister of Industry and Infrastructure (2002-03).

He was appointed in 2003 as Canadian Ambassador to the United Nations in New York during a period that involved responding to several complex regional conflicts, including those in Sri Lanka, Democratic Republic of Congo and Darfur. He led the successful Canadian effort in New York to secure, at the 2005 World Summit, the unanimous adoption by UN member states of The Responsibility to Protect populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing and other mass atrocities. He participated in the negotiation (in Abuja, Nigeria) of the Darfur Peace Agreement in May, 2006. He later served as a Special Envoy for the United Nations investigating the unlawful use of child soldiers in Sri Lanka during its civil war.

In 2008, Allan Rock became the 29th President and Vice Chancellor of the University of Ottawa, a comprehensive university of 50,000 students, faculty and staff. uOttawa is ranked among the Top Ten in Canada for research intensity, and is the largest bilingual university (French-English) in the world. He completed two terms as uOttawa President in 2016.

Allan Rock was subsequently a Visiting Scholar at Harvard Law School, associated with the Program on International Law and Armed Conflict.

He is a member of the Transatlantic Commission on Election Integrity, and a Senior Advisor to the World Refugee and Migration Council.

Allan Rock is a member of the Order of Canada and the Order of Ontario. He is married to Deborah Hanscom and they have four children.

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መደመጥ ያለበት | የማይካድራና ዳንሻ የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ በማን ነው የተፈፀመው? ቆይታ ከጂኦሎጂስትዋ ፋና በላይ ጋር

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 7, 2021

💭 በጣም የሚያሳዝነውና የሚያስቆጣው ነገር ደግሞ፤ የሠሩት እጅግ በጣም ከባድ የሆነ ወንጀል ስላልበቃቸው የወንጀላቸው ሰለባ የሆነውን ምስኪን ሕዝብ ለሠሩት ወንጀል ተጠያቂ ለማድረግ እስከ ዛሬ ድረስ ሲለፍፉና ሲጮሁ መሰማታቸው ነው። 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

👉 ኦሮሞዎች፣ አማራዎች፣ ኤርትራውያን፣ ደቡቦች፣ ሶማሌዎች፣ አፋሮችና አረቦች በትግራይ ላይ በፈጸሙት ከባድ ወንጀል፤

አባትህንና እናትህን አክብር፤ እግዚአብሔር አምላክህ በሚሰጥህ ምድር ዕድሜህ እንዲረዝም። አትግደል። አታመንዝር። አትስረቅ። በባልንጀራህ ላይ በሐሰት አትመስክር።

የባልንጀራህን ቤት አትመኝ፤ የባልንጀራህን ሚስት ሎሌውንም ገረዱንም በሬውንም አህያውንም ከባልንጀራህ ገንዘብ ሁሉ ማናቸውንም አትመኝ።”[ኦሪት ዘጸአት ምዕራፍ ፳]

የሚሉትን አሥሩንም የእግዚአብሔር አምላክ ትዕዛዛት ጥሰዋቸዋል። ወዮላችሁ!

✞✞✞[መዝሙረ ዳዊት ምዕራፍ ፴፭፥፲፱፡፳፬]✞✞✞

በግፍ የሚጠሉኝ በላዬ ደስ አይበላቸው፥ በከንቱ የሚጣሉኝም በዓይናቸው አይጣቀሱብኝ። ለእኔስ ሰላምን ይናገሩኛልና፥ በቍጣም ሽንገላን ይመክራሉ። አፋቸውንም በእኔ ላይ አላቀቁ፤ እሰይ እሰይ፥ ዓይናችን አየው ይላሉ። አቤቱ፥ አንተ አየኸው፤ ዝም አትበል፤ አቤቱ፥ ከእኔ አትራቅ። አምላኬ ጌታዬም፥ ወደ ፍርዴ ተነሥ፥ አቤቱ፥ ፍርዴን አድምጥ። አቤቱ አምላኬ፥ እንደ ጽድቅህ ፍረድልኝ፥ በላዬም ደስ አይበላቸው።”

አሁን የጽዮን ሠራዊት ተገቢ የሆኑ ቦታዎችን በቁጥጥር ሥር ካዋለ በኋላ ጦርነት እንኳን ማካሄድ አያስፈልግም፤ የተሠሩትን ወንጀሎች የሚያጋልጡ መረጃዎች በገለልተኛ የዓለም ዓቀፍ መርማሪዎች እጅ ከገቡ በኋላ ሁሉም ለሁለተኛና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ ጦርነቱን ተሸንፈው ለፍርድ ይቀርባሉ።

ወንጀለኞቹ የኦሮሞ፣ አማራ እና ኤርትራ ሰአራዊቶች ሆን ብለው የትግራይ ሕዝብ ኦርጋኒክ የሆኑትን የጤፍ እንጀራዎች፣ ጥራጥሬዎች፣ አታክልቶችና ፍራፍሬዎች እንዳይመገብ ነው ማሳዎችን፣ እርሻዎችን፣ የአታክልት ቦታዎችን፣ የእኅል ጎተራዎችን እንዲሁም ቤት ውስጥ ያሉ ሊጦችን ሲያቃጥሉ፣ ሲያበላሹና ሲመርዙ የነበሩት። እንስሳቱን እና ከብቶችንም ገድለዋቸዋል፣ ዘርፈዋቸዋል። እንግዲህ ይህ ሁሉ አረመኔያዊ ተግባር የትግራይን ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ከማስራብ ዘልቆ የተረፉት በእርዳታ ለሚመጡ የተዳቀሉ/GMO ተጋላጭ እንዲሆኑና ማንም በማይመረመረው የእርዳታ ምግብ፣ መጠጥና ክትባት መንፈሳዊ ፀጋቸውንም እንዲያጡ በማሰብ ነው።ለአሚሪካ አውሎ ነፋሳት ምክኒያት ይሆናሉ የሚሏቸውን ፩ሺህ ትግርኛ ቋንቋ ተናጋሪ የጸሎት አባቶች/መነኮሳት ከዋልድባ ገዳም እንዲባረሩ የተደረጉበት አንዱ ዓላማቸው ይህ ነው፤ አዎ! አባቶች በእርዳታ ለሚመጡ የተዳቀሉ/GMO

ምግቦች ተጋላጭ ሆነው ከእግዚአብሔር እንዲለዩ ለማድረግ በማሰብ ነው። ወደ ገሃነም እሳቱ ይጣላችሁ እናንት እርኩሶች የዲያብሎስ ጭፍራዎች! 😠😠😠

💭 የትግራይ ሠራዊት ባፋጣኝ ወደ ኦሮሞ እና አማራ ክልሎች ዘልቆ በመግባት አገር በቀል/አገር ወለድ የሆኑትን ጤፉንም፣ ጥራጥሬውንም፣ ከብቱንም፣ ዘይቱንም፣ ውሃውንም፣ ዶሮውንም በግድ ወደ ትግራይ ጭኖ መውሰድ ይኖርበታል። ከተቀዳሚ ተግባራቱና ግዴታው መካከል ይህ አንዱ ነው!

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

CNN | Abiy Ahmed Has Unleashed Demons in Ethiopia | ግራኝ በኢትዮጵያ አጋንንትን ፈቷል

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 30, 2021

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

አዎ! 100%! እኛም የምንለው እኮ ይህን ነበር! “ይህ የዲያብሎስ ጭፍራ ከአጋንንት መንጋው ጋር ኢትዮጵያን የገሃነም እሳት እራት አድርጓታል፤ ግራኝን በእሳት የሚጠርግ የተቀደሰ ነው!” ስንል ያው ሦስት ዓመታት አስቆጥረናል።

ጋዜጠኛው ሪቻር ኩዌስት፤ “መላው ዓለም በኮቪድ19 በተጨነቀበትና ፬ኛ ዙር ቫይረስ በጀመረበት በዚህ ከባድ ዘመን እንደ ኢትዮጵያ ያለች ድኻ አገር ለምን በራሷ ሕዝብ ላይ ጦርነት ታካሂዳለች?” በማለት በጣም ተገርሞ ይጠይቃል።

ጋዜጠኛው ሪቻር ኩዌስት፤ “መላው ዓለም በኮቪድ19 በተጨነቀበትና ፬ኛ ዙር ቫይረስ በጀመረበት በዚህ ከባድ ዘመን እንደ ኢትዮጵያ ያለች ድኻ አገር ለምን በራሷ ሕዝብ ላይ ጦርነት ታካሂዳለች?” በማለት በጣም ተገርሞ ይጠይቃል። አዎ! ጤናማውን ዓለም ሁሉ በጣም ያስገረመው እና ያሳዘነው ይህ ጉዳይ ነው። መልሱ፤ “ጥላቻ”፣ “ሰይጣናዊ ጥላቻ” ነው! በአጋንንት የተለከፉት አማራዎችና ኦሮሞዎች ለትግራይ ኢትዮጵያውያን ያላቸው ጥላቻ በጣም ስር ሰደድ እና መንፈሳዊ ነው” የምንለው ለዚህ ነው። “ክርስቲያን ነን” እያሉ እንኳን ለክርስቶስ ካላቸው ፍቅር ይልቅ ለትግራይ ኢትዮጵያውያን ያላቸው ጥላቻ በጣም ይበረታል። ይህን በሁሉም አቅጣጫ እያየነው ነው፤ አማራውም መተከልን ከኦሮሞ ተስፋፊዎች ከመጠበቅ እና ጎንደርንም ከሱዳን አህዛብ ወራሪዎች ከመካለከል ይልቅ “ወልቃይት ላይ ሙጭጭ ብዬ እሞታታለሁ እንጂ ለትግራዋያን አሳልፌ አልሰጥም እያሉ ነው።” የደምቢዶሎ ዩኒቨርስቲ ሴት ተማሪዎችን ለኦሮሞ አውሬ አስላፈው ከሰጧቸው በኋላ አሁን “በመቀሌ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ስላሉ የኦሮማራ ተማሪዎች ጉዳይ አሳስቦናል።” ማለት ጀምረዋል። የቆጡን አወርድ ብላ የብብቷን ጣለች” እንዲሉ። እነዚህ አታካች፣ ሰነፍና ከንቱ አማራዎች በአቴቴ አጋንንት የተለከፉ የዋቄዮ-አላህ ባሪያዎች መሆናቸውን እነዚህ ቀናት በይበልጥ ያሳዩናልና ከሃዘን እና ከመገረም ጋር እንከታተላቸው።

❖ ❖ ❖ አብ ወልድ መንፈስ ቅዱስ ሆይ በስማችሁ ብዙ ተአምራትን ያደረገና ‘ኮከብ ክብር’ የተባለ የሰማዕታት አለቃ በሚሆን በኃያሉ በቅዱስ ጊዮርጊስ ላይ ለመፍረድ በልዳ ሀገር የተሰበሰቡትን ፯ (ሰብዓ) ነገሥታትን ደምስሰው እንዳጠፏቸው፡ የተነሱብንን የጽዮንን ተቃዋሚዎች፣ የኔንም/የኛንም ጠላቶች ሁሉ ይደመስሱልን ዘንድ እማፀናለሁ። አሜን! አሜን! አሜን!❖ ❖ ❖

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CNN Finds Evidence of Atrocities, Executions, Bodies Dumped Over a Cliff in Central Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 29, 2021

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

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New Video of Ethiopia Massacre Shows Soldiers Passing Phone Around to Document Their Executions of Unarmed Men

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 27, 2021

A few scattered human bones lay on the rocky ground, along with a broken skull and several half-burned identification cards.

That is all the villagers could find, six months after Ethiopian troops rounded up their loved ones and shot them at point-blank range, throwing the bodies off a rocky hillside deep in the mountains of central Tigray in Ethiopia.

An April 2021 CNN investigation, in collaboration with Amnesty International, examined video clips of the January massacre and used geolocation techniques to verify the video was filmed on a ridge near Mahibere Dego in January 2021. The investigation revealed at the time that at least 11 unarmed men were executed, and 39 others were unaccounted for.

CNN was sent the gruesome footage in March this year by a pro-Tigray media organization, the Tigrai Media House (TMH). TMH told CNN at the time that the video was filmed on a mobile phone by an Ethiopian army soldier turned whistleblower involved in the mass killing.

An additional longer video clip of the massacre has now been shared with CNN by TMH, revealing new details about the atrocity and the soldiers behind it.

CNN used geolocation techniques to determine the extended footage was also filmed at the ridge near Mahibere Dego. A voice at the end of the new clip identifies the Ethiopian soldier filming the video as “Fafi.” He also reveals his military brigade and division.

In the extended video seen by CNN, Fafi swaps the phone with another soldier, takes the gun and shoots. The phone is then swapped back as others clamor to be filmed executing the captives, brazenly documenting their crimes.

This extended footage has all the hallmarks of a trophy video and yet — despite the evidence — the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s Office dismissed the findings of CNN’s original investigation saying, “social media posts and claims cannot be taken as evidence.”

Six months after the attack, two people in Mahibere Dego told CNN they had collected the national identification cards of 36 people who were killed, but another 37 people remain missing, indicating the toll of the massacre could have been more than double what was initially reported.

CNN reached out to the Ethiopian government but it did not respond.

Ethiopia is under growing international pressure over a number of reported atrocities in its war-torn northern Tigray region that could amount to war crimes.

Thousands of civilians are believed to have been killed since early November, when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed launched a major military operation against the ruling Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), sending in national troops and militia fighters from Ethiopia’s Amhara region.

CNN has previously compiled extensive eyewitness testimony that Ethiopian soldiers and soldiers from neighboring Eritrea were perpetrating massacres, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence and other abuses in the region.

Since January, families of the victims in Mahibere Dego say they have been unable to access the ridge due to the continued presence of Ethiopian troops in the area — leaving them without a way to bury their loved ones.

They thought they’d be safe at a church

But last Friday, the soldiers departed for nearby Axum, giving locals a long-awaited opportunity to search for any remains, according to nine people CNN interviewed who had visited the massacre site.

Over a period of days, family members of the victims filmed the church burials, documented evidence of bullet casings at the massacre site and took photographs of skeletal remains which they sent to CNN. We are not naming the family members who fear for their safety.

One family member told CNN that even while villagers were gathering up the remains of their loved ones, the area came under attack. Violence in Tigray has once again intensified in recent weeks after Tigrayan forces launched a renewed offensive last week.

Even after Ethiopian soldiers withdrew, the massacre site remained under attack.

“The soldiers from Axum started to bomb the area with artillery [fire] around 9-10 p.m. Everyone scattered and ran back home,” the family member said.

But the villagers refused to stay away, he said, waiting a few days to come back at night to finish what they had started.

In images too graphic to publish, it’s clear the remains were too decomposed to allow for identification of the victims — for some there were only metal belt buckles. Families said they instead relied on items of clothing and ID cards to identify their relatives.

Villagers told CNN the continued presence of soldiers in the area was an attempt to hide evidence of the killings.

Images of bullet casings found by villagers as they scoured the area for their relatives’ remains, were shared with CNN. An arms expert told CNN these would normally be used in light machine guns and assault rifles like those seen in the massacre video.

“The village couldn’t wait any longer, [they were] saying ‘we can’t get peace unless we bury them'”

CNN used geolocation to verify that the video of the bullet casings was from the same massacre site.

CNN also obtained images taken on June 21 that show bones, charred remains, clothes and ID cards at site of the attack. Some of the clothes were also seen in the original video clips investigated by CNN.

Families brought the remains they could find to Mariam Megdelawit church, a few kilometers from the massacre site, for an emotional ceremony where they prayed for justice, and to heal their loss on June 21.

Video sent to CNN by family members of the victims show the bones of victims being carried into the service in large jute bags and placed together while crowds gathered in a circle around them to mourn and weep.

“The village couldn’t wait any longer, [they were] saying ‘we can’t get peace unless we bury them,'” he said.

CNN geolocated the footage of the ceremony by matching it to satellite imagery of the area that showed the same church structure, vegetation layout, soil color and topography.

Sunlight in the footage indicates that the burials took place at approximately 9 a.m. This corresponded to the timings stored in metadata, which some of the footage retained.

Many of those targeted in the extrajudicial executions were young men of so-called “fighting age.”

One of the young men executed in the massacre was 23-year-old Alula. His brother told CNN he discovered Alula’s ID card amid the remains.

CNN first reported on Alula in April when his brothers discovered his fate while watching a TV report about the massacre. At the time, another one of Alula’s brothers told CNN it was hard to accept.

Though the family says they have been unable to find his remains, Alula’s ID card is enough, they say, to give them some closure.

Source

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Posted in Faith, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

 
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