King Charles III Faces Pressure to Return Sacred Tabot—Which Symbolically Represents The Ark of The Covenant to Ethiopia

👉 ገብርኤል 😇 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

💭 አዲሱ ‘ንጉሥ ቻርለስ ሳልሳዊ’ የቃል ኪዳኑን ታቦት (ጽላተ ሙሴን) የሚወክለውን የተቀደሰውን ታቦት ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እንዲመለስ ግፊት ተደረገበት።

በቀጥታ በንጉሣዊው ሥልጣን ሥር የሚገኘው ዌስትሚኒስተር አቤይ፣ በአሁኑ ጊዜ ቅዱሱን ጽላት ለመመለስ ፈቃደኛ አልሆነም።

💭 ጊዜውን በደንብ እንዋጅ፤ ይህ በአጋጣሚ አይደለም፤ ንግሥቲቱም የተቀበረችው እዚሁ ጽላታችን አጠገብ ነው፤ ለማንኛውም ሁሉም ተደናግጠዋል!

የንግሥት ኤልሳቤጥ ዳግማዊ ሞት፣ ‘አዲስ‘ ንጉሥ አዲስ የ፳፻፲፭ አመት የጽዮንና የጽዮናውያን ጠላቶች ተርበድብደዋል፣ በሃገራችን አረመኔዎቹ ጋል–ኦሮሞዎችና እኵዩ ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ወኪሎች ንጹሐን ወገኖቼ ከአዲ ደዕሮ እስከ ወለጋ በመጨፍጨፍና በማስቃየት ላይ ናቸው። (ወዮላችሁ እናንተ አረመኔዎች፤ ሕዝባችንን ቶሎ ልቀቁ!)

ያው እንግዲህ፤ ከኢትዮጵያ እስከ ፍሎሪዳ አሜሪካ፣ ከብሪታኒያ እስከ ኢራን፤ በመላው ዓለም ጽላተ ሙሴ ድንቅ ሥራውን እየሠራ ነው። ሞኞቹና ግትሮቹ የሕወሓት ደጋፊዎች የደምና መቅኔ ተምሳሊት የሆኑትን ሁለት ቀለማት(ፀረ–ሥላሴ/Antitrinitarian፣ ሁለትዮሽ/Dualistic)) በመልበስ ፈንታ፣ የሉሲፈር/ቻይና ባንዲራን በማውለብለብ ፈንታ ነጭ ለብሰው፣ የቃልኪዳኑን ታቦት ተሸክመውና የጽዮን ሦስት ቀለማት (Trinity/ሥላሴ)ያረፉበትን የንጉሠ ነገሥት አፄ ዮሐንስ ሰንደቅን እያውለበለቡ በምዕራባውያን ከተሞች ጎዳናዎች ላይ ለሰልፍ መውጣቱን ቢያዘወትሩ፣ እንዲሁም በጦር ሜዳው ሆነ በሌሎች ቦታዎች “ድል” በተቀዳጁ ቁጥር ለእግዚአብሔር፣ ለጽዮን ማርያም፣ ለቅዱሳኑ እና ለጽላተ ሙሴ ምስጋናቸውን ቢያሳዩ ኖሮ የሕዝባችን የስቃይና ሰቆቃ ጊዜ ባጠረልን እንዲሁም የጽዮን ጠላቶችም በሳምንት ውስጥ በተጠራረጉ ነበር።

እጅግ በጣም ከሚያሳዝኑኝ ጉዳዮች መካከል አንዱ ይህን መጠቆም የሚችል አባት፣ ልሂቅና ባለሥልጣን አለመኖሩ ነው። ከሌላውስ ምንም ነገር አልጠብቅም፤ ግን በተለይ ከትግራይ የወጡ መንፈሳውያን አባቶች ይህ ትልቅ መለሎታዊ ምስጢር በግልጽ ሊታያቸው በቻለ ነበር። አልማር ስላልን፣ ልባችንም ስለደነደና የተመረጡትም እየሳቱ ስለሆኑ ወጥቶ እውነቱን በድፍረት ሊናገር የሚችል አባት እናገኝ ዘንድ አልተፈቀደልንም። በዚህ እጅግ በጣም አዝናለሁ!

ሆኖም ግን ኃያሉ የቃልኪዳኑ ታቦት ድንቅ ሥራውን መሥራቱን ይቀጥላል። ታቦተ ጽዮን፤ ፈጠነም ዘገየም፡ በአክሱም ጽዮን ላይ የዘመቱትን ሉሲፈራውያን ሁሉ ከእነ ጭፍሮቻቸው፣ ንብረቶቻቸውና ምልክቶቻቸው አንድ በአንድ ይጠራርጋቸዋል። ፻/100%!

✞✞✞[፪ኛ ወደ ቆሮንቶስ ሰዎች ምዕራፍ ፲፬፥፭፡፮]✞✞✞

“የጦር ዕቃችን ሥጋዊ አይደለምና፥ ምሽግን ለመስበር ግን በእግዚአብሔር ፊት ብርቱ ነው፤ የሰውንም አሳብ በእግዚአብሔርም እውቀት ላይ የሚነሣውን ከፍ ያለውን ነገር ሁሉ እናፈርሳለን ለክርስቶስም ለመታዘዝ አእምሮን ሁሉ እንማርካለን፥ መታዘዛችሁም በተፈጸመች ጊዜ አለመታዘዝን ሁሉ ልንበቀል ተዘጋጅተናል።”

👉 From The Art Newspaper, 30 September 2022

+ 💭 Queen Elizabeth II in Ethiopia February 1965

💭 Westminster Abbey, which is directly under the monarch’s jurisdiction, currently refuses to return the Holy Tablet

George Carey, a former Archbishop of Canterbury, has told The Art Newspaper that he is “astonished and saddened” that Westminster Abbey is refusing to return a sacred Tabot to Ethiopia. For the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, a Tabot is a holy tablet that symbolically represents the Ark of the Covenant.

London’s Westminster Abbey is what is known as a Royal Peculiar, which puts it directly under the monarch’s jurisdiction. This means that returning the Tabot might well require the blessing of the monarch, the supreme governor of the Church of England.

In July 2018 The Art Newspaper revealed that the Ethiopian government was calling for the restitution of the abbey’s Tabot. Although King Charles III will now be dealing with a myriad of pressing issues, he is known to be sympathetic towards the Eastern Churches. More than 150 years after its acquisition, an appeal to the new king for the return of the Tabot might finally prove successful.

Westminster Abbey’s Tabot was looted at the battle of Maqdala (Magdala) in 1868, when British troops attacked the forces of emperor Tewodros. The Tabot was then acquired by Captain George Arbuthnot of the Royal Artillery.

Arbuthnot donated the Tabot to the abbey. Two years later a new altar was commissioned for the Henry VII Lady Chapel. The dean inserted the Tabot into the back of the altar, where it remained visible, along with two other sacred objects: fragments from the high altar of Canterbury Cathedral and the leading Greek Orthodox church in Damascus.

The Ethiopian Church has a strict belief that Tabot should not be seen, other than by priests. In 2010 the abbey therefore added a covering so that its Tabot is no longer visible behind the altar. Today a ghost-like rectangle where the front of the tablet could once be viewed can just be made out.

An abbey spokesperson said last month that “there are no current plans [for its return], but the future of the Tabot is kept under review”.

Carey, who served as archbishop from 1991 to 2002, told us just before the Queen’s death that he is disturbed that the Church of England “has not returned a sacred object belonging to another faith and country”.

💭 British Museum considers loan of ‘invisible’ objects back to Ethiopia

The British Museum holds 11 Tabot, the largest collection in the UK. To reflect the prohibition on them being seen, they are kept in an underground store that even the museum’s staff cannot enter.

The pressure group Returning Heritage last month submitted a Freedom of Information request to the British Museum, asking for details of claims for the Tabot since 1990. The group argues that the museum would legally be able to deaccession, under an exemption which allows it to dispose of objects that are “unfit to be retained”. Since the Tabot cannot be seen, the pressure group argues that there is no point in them remaining in the museum’s collection—and they should be returned to Ethiopia.

Since the summer of 2021, as part of its efforts to bridge cultures, The Scheherazade Foundation has been campaigning behind the scenes for the British Museum to repatriate eleven highly sacred Ethiopian altar tablets looted by British forces at the Battle of Maqdala in 1868. So sacred are these ‘Tabot’ to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, that in some 150 years the Museum has never put them on display nor allowed them to be studied, copied or even photographed. They therefore have no value to the Museum and should be returned to their rightful owners – a point made to the Museum Trustees in a letter sent by the Scheherazade Foundation last September and backed up by an opinion by Samantha Knights QC. Among the signatories to the Foundation letter were the former Archbishop of Canterbury Lord Carey, Lord Foster of the Liberal Democrats, and former Labour minister Lord Boateng. The British Museum answered that letter only last month, refusing to engage in any way with the comprehensive legal arguments that the Foundation had put forward for the Tabot’s return. Yesterday in the House of Lords, Lord Carey tabled an oral question on the matter, sparking a lively debate in which Lords Foster and Boateng, along with the Bishop of Worcester and Lord Bassam of the Labour Party also intervened to support the Foundation’s position. Here is the relevant clip from the debate.

✞✞✞[2 Corinthians 10:4-6]✞✞✞

“The weapons we fight with are not the weapons of the world. On the contrary, they have divine power to demolish strongholds. We demolish arguments and every pretension that sets itself up against the knowledge of God, and we take captive every thought to make it obedient to Christ. And having in a readiness to revenge all disobedience, when your obedience is fulfilled.”

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The Ark of The Covenant: Hurricane in FlorIDA – ADI rolf = ADI Daero-Massacre

❖❖❖ R.I.P ለሁሉም ነፍሳቸውን ይማርላቸው ❖❖❖

😇 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

በላቲኑ ፊደላት “ፍሎሪዳ” ተገልብጦ ሲነበብ “አዲ ሮልፍ” ይሰጠናል። “አዲ ዳእሮ” ን ጠቆመን። የተጓደሉት ሦስት ፊደላት ደግሞ ‘ELF’ ጀብሃን ሠርተዋል። ጀብሃ አረቦች የፈጠሩት የሻዕቢያ እናት ነው። የዛሬው ሻዕቢያ በአረቦች የሚደገፈውና የክርስቲያኖች ጠላቱ ጀብሃ ነው። በተለይ በሶሪያና ኢራቅ ይደገፍ ነበር፤ ሶሪያንና ኢራቅን አየናቸው፤ አይደል?! በተረፈ ሁለቱ ቃላት “አዶልፍ”ን ሰርተውልናል። ጥቁሩ አዶልፍ ሂትለር = ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ። ስለዚህ በቅርቡ አረመኔዎቹ ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ እና ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ በእሳት ተጠርገው በኤርታ አሌ እሳተ ገሞራ በኩል ወደ ዘላለማዊው ገሃነም እሳት ይወርዳሉ!

💭 Florida (FL) – ADI rolf = ADI Daero (E) – ADOLF + ELF (Eritrean Liberation Front ‘Jebha’)

Eritrean war planes bombed ADI Dearo. ELF is a Jihadist group created by Arabs. USA + Canada + Europe + Israel + Russia + Ukraine + China supported UAE + Iran + Turkey drones massacring Orthodox Christians in Tigray, Ethiopia.

The DAY after the ADI Daero (The region of Ethiopia where The Ark of The Covenant is preserved) Massacre – this tragedy in Florida – ADI rolf = ADI Daero

💭 Catastrophic Destruction Leaving Hundreds Dead In Florida Hurricane Aftermath. Hurricane Ian ravaged the area and collapsed part of the Sanibel Causeway

💭 The Conspiracy of Silence: The world and its media outlets are of course silent on this story: Ethiopia: Christians Carpet Bombed by The Nobel Peace Laureate & His Foreign Mercenaries – over 50 children massacred.

💭 Residents in the Northern Ethiopian city of Adi Daero, in Tigray scream in agony while searching for their families in the ash and trying to rescue people trapped under a rubble. A mother is heard shouting loudly “my son, my son, I lost him…”

The unEthiopian fascist Oromo regime’s and Eritrean air forces bombarded many towns in Tigray including Shire, Adi Daero and Mekelle.

Adi Daero Massacre, in Tigray Ethiopia, 27 September 2022

This barbaric act was carried out on 27 September 2022 – on the very day Christians celebrated the annual Christian festival of the Meskel (which means “CROSS” in Ethiopic), marking the finding of the “True Cross” on which Jesus Christ was crucified. The festival is one of the major religious celebrations of the Orthodox Church in Ethiopia.

• 💭 Six million People Silenced: A Two-Year Internet and Phone Outage in Ethiopia
• 💭 ስድስት ሚሊዮን ሕዝብ ታፈነ፤ በኢትዮጵያ የሁለት ዓመት የኢንተርኔት እና የስልክ አገልግሎት መቋረጥ

✞✞✞[2 Corinthians 10:4-6]✞✞✞

“The weapons we fight with are not the weapons of the world. On the contrary, they have divine power to demolish strongholds. We demolish arguments and every pretension that sets itself up against the knowledge of God, and we take captive every thought to make it obedient to Christ. And having in a readiness to revenge all disobedience, when your obedience is fulfilled.”

✞✞✞[፪ኛ ወደ ቆሮንቶስ ሰዎች ምዕራፍ ፲፬፥፭፡፮]✞✞✞

“የጦር ዕቃችን ሥጋዊ አይደለምና፥ ምሽግን ለመስበር ግን በእግዚአብሔር ፊት ብርቱ ነው፤

የሰውንም አሳብ በእግዚአብሔርም እውቀት ላይ የሚነሣውን ከፍ ያለውን ነገር ሁሉ እናፈርሳለን ለክርስቶስም ለመታዘዝ አእምሮን ሁሉ እንማርካለን፥ መታዘዛችሁም በተፈጸመች ጊዜ አለመታዘዝን ሁሉ ልንበቀል ተዘጋጅተናል።”

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How Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed Ali Lost The World | ግራኝ አህመድ አሊ አለምን እንዴት እንዳጣት

😇 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

👹 አብይ አህመድ አሊ አለምን እንዴት እንዳጣት

👹 ችግሩ አብይ እንጂ ኢትዮጵያ አይደለችም።

☆ ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ አቢይ ስለ ሕወሓት የሚናገረው ነገር ሁሉ እራሱ የሚያስበውንና ለማድረግ የሚፈልገውን ድርጊት ይመስላል እንጂ ከእውነታው ጋር የተያያዘ አይደለም።

☆ አብይ ከእሱ ጋር ሙሉ በሙሉ የማይስማማውን ሁሉ እንደ ጠላት ነው የሚመለከተው። እዚህ የቱርክ ፕሬዝዳንት የሆነውን የኤርዶጋንን ልምድ ይደግማል።

☆ የአብይ መንግስት በፕሮፌሽናልነት ከመሰማራት ይልቅ በውዳቂ ቱልቱላዎቹ ላይ መመካትን ይመርጣል። እንደነዚህ ያሉት ዘዴዎች ሁል ጊዜ ለራሱ መዘዝ ያመጣሉ።

☆ አብይ የውጭ ኃይሎች ኢትዮጵያን እንዲወሩለት ጋብዞ ማስገባቱ ዓይን ያወጣ ክህደት ነው።

☆ አብይ፤ ‘እኔ መንግስት ነኝ’ ‘l’état, c’est moi’ የሚል አመለካከት ሊኖረው ይችላል፤ ግን ተሳስቷል። ኢትዮጵያ ታላቅ ሀገር ነች። ነጠላ ሰው አይደለችም። የአብይ ዘመቻ በትግራይ ትልቅ ሽንፈት አምጥቶበታል። የአብይ አገዛዝ ማብቃት አለበት! ነገር ግን ያ ማለት የኢትዮጵያ መጨረሻ ማለት አይደለም። ፥ ኢትዮጵያውያን አብይን የማጥፋት ተልዕኮውን መከተላቸውን ካልቀጠሉ በስተቀር።

👹 The Problem is Abiy, not Ethiopia

☆ Increasingly, Abiy’s vitriol toward the TPLF appears to be a projection or his own mindset, and not rooted in reality.

☆ Abby treats anyone who does not agree completely with him as an enemy. Here, he repeats the experience of Erdogan, Turkey’s president.

☆ Rather than engage professionally, the Abby regime prefers to rely on trolls. Such tactics always backfire.

☆ That Abiy appears to have blessed a foreign invasion of Ethiopia is treasonous on its face.

☆ Abby embraces the attitude, l’état, c’est moi, but he is wrong. Ethiopia is a great nation. It is not a single man. Abby’s campaign in Tigray has been a disaster. It should mark the end of Abby’s rule, but that does not mean an end to Ethiopia – unless Ethiopians continue to follow Abiy on his suicide mission.

It has now been almost three years since the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced Abiy Ahmed as the recipient of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize “for his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation.” Abiy received international plaudits. CNN called him a “modern day African leader.” Other African leaders congratulated him on twitter.

Terrence Lyons, a professor of conflict resolution at the Carter School, praised other aspects of Ethiopia’s tremendous progress under Abiy. He released political prisoners and opened political space. “Political prisoners were released, the repressive civil society law scrapped, and independent media rebounded. Exiled movements that had been labeled as terrorists – such as Ginbot 7, the Oromo Liberation Front, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front – agreed to end their armed struggles and returned to Ethiopia and registered as political parties,” Lyons explained. He continued to report that Abiy had strengthened civil society and laid the groundwork for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to explore the abuses of previous regimes. As important, Ethiopia began to meet its economic potential as an African giant.

From Promise to Pariah

Today, that promise is gone. The Nobel Committee may not be able to revoke its prize, but it chastised Abiy in a way that exceeded admonishments of other recipients whose commitment to peace eventually waned.

Abiy and his partisans believe such criticism is unfair. He and his supporters grow frustrated that the international community largely discounts their narrative surrounding the start of the Tigray War and its conduct. Too often, this frustration manifests itself in either personal attacks or conspiracy theories, both of which exacerbate Abiy’s relationship with the broader international community. It may be satisfying to blame others, but it is immature. If Abiy wants to know how he lost the world, he need only consider his own actions.

Alas, he is unwilling to do this. Earlier this month, I had the opportunity to sit in on a conversation with an Ethiopian Cabinet-level official and ask him what lessons the Abiy government had learned from the past two years of civil war. After all, there are two major parties to the conflict, and to suggest the fault rests solely with Abiy’s enemies is not realistic. Even if Abiy believes truth is fully on his side, responsible political and military leadership should constantly assess and adjust tactics. Abiy’s does not, for the simple reason they do not acknowledge mistakes.

This could suggest many dynamics, none of which is good for Ethiopia. First, Abiy may truly be unable to recognize the error of his ways. He may have a messiah complex and believe that he can do no wrong. Second, Abiy may so terrorize those around him that they either self-censor or fear contradicting their boss. In a sense, this was the dynamic at play when Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman allegedly ordered the murder of Washington Post columnist and Muslim Brotherhood activist Jamal Khashoggi. That many long-time visitors to Ethiopia report public fear approaching what Ethiopia experienced under the Derg should raise alarms.

Volume over Substance

Also contributing to the collapse of Abiy’s reputation has been the Ethiopian government’s over-the-top response to criticism and its ineffective diplomacy. Too often, Abiy and his regime substitute volume for substantive engagement. The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington, D.C. is a non-entity. Its diplomats are less active than those of countries a fraction of Ethiopia’s size.

Rather than engage professionally, the Abiy regime prefers to rely on trolls. Such tactics always backfire. They did not work for Somalia’s Mohamed Farmajo or Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Rather, online polemics became self-defeating as the leaders themselves began to confuse paid and imaginary courtiers with legitimate opinions. Trolls seldom change the opinion of policymakers for the simple reason that the latter do not spend their time online, let alone on a platform prone to manipulation and dominated by anonymous persons.

For the Ethiopian government to use trolls to punish opinions it dislikes also backfires because it antagonizes rather than changes minds. If Abiy’s government believed in the justice of its cause, it should be able to use facts to cajole and convince rather than simply lob insults. Perhaps Abiy believed he could use trolls to attack diplomats, foreign analysts, and academics, and then conduct business as usual through official channels. This fools no one. When government-paid trolls throw fireballs, it reflects on all serving Ethiopian diplomats and ministers. It disqualifies them in the court of normal relations.

Perhaps one of the reasons for Abiy’s slash-and-burn diplomatic strategy is a mindset that exaggerates Ethiopia’s importance to non-Ethiopians. At its core, Abiy treats anyone who does not agree completely with him as an enemy. Here, he repeats the experience of Erdogan, Turkey’s president. The West once saw Erdogan as a moderate and a bridge-builder. But years of dismissing even mild criticism as evidence of affiliation with terrorist groups backfired. Rather than being silenced, Abiy’s critics, diplomats, and even his earlier cheerleaders began to question his grip on reality. He antagonized so many figures at home and abroad that today he can rely only on his own family.

It is also incorrect to adopt the “with us or against us” mindset for domestic politics. When Abiy supporters suggest criticism of his conduct of the Tigray war means affinity for the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), he appears paranoid if not a loon. That his supporters suggest criticism of Abiy and partiality toward the Tigryans is racist does Abiy no favors. It makes as much sense as suggesting that support for Ukraine over Russia is motivated by anti-white sentiment.

Confusing Propaganda with Reality

Abiy may be frustrated that the world in general and Washington, in particular, do not share his conclusions about the TPLF as a terrorist group. Arguments that the TPLF is to Addis Ababa what al Qaeda is to Washington are ridiculous. The TPLF was the dominant party in Ethiopia’s governing coalition from 1991 to 2018. While Abiy is correct that the TPLF committed human rights abuses during its rule – one in which he participated both as director-general of the Information Network Security Agency and later as a minister – simply reclassifying political rivals as a terrorist group and then growing angry when the international community does not follow suit is self-defeating. Even if the TPLF was a terror group, there is no justification for the collective punishment and mass starvation that Abiy has directed. Increasingly, Abiy’s vitriol toward the TPLF appears to be a projection or his own mindset, and not rooted in reality.

Abiy’s arguments fail to resonate in other ways. His supporters say the TPLF fired the first shots on Nov. 3, 2020, when Tigrayan forces attacked the Northern Command headquarters. But the speed and scale of the Ethiopian reaction suggest prior planning on Abiy’s part. This in turn leads foreign analysts to interpret Tigrayan action as pre-emption rather than aggression.

Allies also matter. To make peace with Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki is one thing; to collaborate actively with him is another. That Abiy appears to have blessed a foreign invasion of Ethiopia is treasonous on its face. Abiy’s alliance with former Somalian President Mohamed Farmajo, a man who collaborated with Al-Shabaab and sought to extend his own term illegally, is almost as stigmatizing. Friends matter. Simply put, Abiy’s hatred led him to the disqualifying embrace of rogues. He may blame the outside world, but he took that journey of his own accord.

The Problem is Abiy, not Ethiopia

Abiy embraces the attitude, l’état, c’est moi, but he is wrong. Ethiopia is a great nation. It is not a single man. Abiy’s campaign in Tigray has been a disaster. It should mark the end of Abiy’s rule, but that does not mean an end to Ethiopia – unless Ethiopians continue to follow Abiy on his suicide mission. Here, an Iraq analogy is useful. In the 1980s, Saddam Hussein slaughtered the Iraqi Kurds in the Anfal genocide. Rather than divorce Iraq completely, Iraqi Kurds still mark Iraqi Army Day each year on Jan. 6. To date, they realize Saddam was the problem, but see the Iraqi Army as an institution to respect.

A year ago, Abiy might have used external diplomacy to shield himself from accountability for his own actions. Today it is too late. He has condemned himself and Ethiopia to pariah status, and has become an impediment to both peace and to Ethiopia’s efforts to secure an influence commensurate with its size, history, and economic potential.

Abiy may persevere as Robert Mugabe did, but Ethiopia will pay the price, just as Zimbabwe did. The simple reality is the United States, European Union, and many African countries no longer see Abiy as redeemable. For peace and prosperity in Ethiopia, the only course of action is Abiy’s exit. If, when, and how that happens will be a question for Ethiopians only. The lone certainty is that Abiy’s legacy will be shaped less by his Nobel Prize and more by the revelations of a future Truth and Reconciliation Committee.

Source

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Ethiopia: Christians Carpet Bombed by The Nobel Peace Laureate & His Foreign Mercenaries

😇 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

😠😠😠 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😢😢😢

💭 Residents in the Northern Ethiopian city of Adi Daero, in Tigray scream in agony while searching for their families in the ash and trying to rescue people trapped under a rubble. A mother is heard shouting loudly “my son, my son, I lost him…”

Yesterday, ‘unEthiopian’ fascist Oromo regime’s and Eritrean air forces bombarded many towns in Tigray including Shire, Adi Daero and Mekelle.

This barbaric act was carried out yesterday, 27 September 2022 – on the very day Christians celebrated the annual Christian festival of the Meskel (which means “CROSS” in Ethiopic), marking the finding of the “True Cross” on which Jesus Christ was crucified. The festival is one of the major religious celebrations of the Orthodox Church in Ethiopia.

👹 Evil Jihadist Abiy Ahmed Ali Blessed A Foreign Invasion of Ethiopia is Treasonous on its Face

It’s tragic that the ‘PEACE PACT’ – actually a WAR PACT — that earned evil Galla-Oromo Abiy Ahmed Ali the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize allowed him to borrow Eritrean soldiers, U the Eritrean army UAE + Turkey + Iran drones, to conduct this genocidal war against Christian Tigray, Ethiopia„

👹 Kosovo 2.0 in the making. This is the evil did of Ahmed’s PP Oromos, Isaias’s EPLF, Debre Tsions’ TPLF and Amhara PP/ Fano.

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Satellite Images Show Military Build-ups in Ethiopia, Eritrea

💭 የሳተላይት ምስሎች በኢትዮጵያ፣ ኤርትራ ወታደራዊ ግንባታዎችን ያሳያሉ

👉 Courtesy: Reuters

ይህ ምስልማ ቅንጭብ ተደርጎ የወጣ መረጃ ነውልል ጅሉ፣ ጅላንፎው፣ ጀላጅሉና የጁላ ትውልድ “ማንቸስተር ዩናትይድ ፣ ሪያል ማድሪድ፣ ፋና ፣ ዶንኪ ቲውብ እያለ ጊዜውንና ስሜቱን ቍምነገር በሌለው ትርኪምርኪ ላይ ሲያባክን፣ ባዕዳውያኑ ግን በሳተላይት፤ 24/7 በመሰለል ላይ ነው ያሉት። እንቅልፍ የላቸውም። ሉሲፈራውያኑ የሰሜን ኢትዮጵያውያንን የደም ግብር ስነ ሥርዓት ከአረመኔው ኦሮሞ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ ጋር ሶፋቸው ላይ ቁጭ ብለውና የሻምፓኝ ብርጭቋቸውን አያጋጩ እንደ ድራማ በቀጥታ በReality TV በማየት ላይ ናቸው። ጦርነቱ እንዲቆም የማይፈልጉበት አንዱ ምክኒያት ይህ ዲያብሎሳዊ ሱስ ነው!

ነፍሱን ይማርለትና ድምጻዊ ማንዲጎ አፈወርቅንም ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ነው ለዋቄዮ-አላህ-ሉሲፈር ልክ በመስቀል ዕለት የገበረው። ደጋግሜ የምናገረው ነው፤ በአዲስ አበባ ሆስፒታሎችና ክሊኒኮች ውስጥም የጎሳና ነገድ ማንነት የአንድን ዜጋ ሕይወት እጣ ፈንታ ላይ ይወስናል። እነ ማንዲጎ፣ እነ ዳዊት ታዋቂ ስለሆኑ ነው ሁሉም ሊሰማ የቻለው። ነገር ግን እንደ “ላንድማርክ አጠቃላይ ሆስፒታል” ወዳሉ በጋላ-ኦሮሞዎችና መሀመዳውያን ባለቤትነት የሚመሩ “መታከሚያ” ቦታዎች የሚገቡ ኦሮሞ ያልሆኑ ታካሚዎች በበነገታው አካላቸው በቃሬዛ እንደሚወጣ ላለፉት አስር ዓመታት ተከታትዬ ደርሸበታለሁ። አቶ ልደቱ አያሌውንም አስጠንቅቄያቸው ነበር። በተለይ ትግራዋይና አማራ የሆኑ ታካሚዎች በመታወቂያቸው ላይ ባለው ማንነታቸው እየተመነጠሩ በብዛት በመገደል ላይ ናቸው። ይህንን እያንዳንዱ አጣርቶ ማየት ይችላል፤ ጋላ-ኦሮሞዎች ከማንውቀውና ከምንገምተው በላይ እጅግ በጣም እርጉሞች ናቸው፤ እስላማዊቷን ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራት ለመመስራት ካላቸው ህልም የተነሳ ኦሮሞ ያልሆነውን ልሂቅ ማስወገጃቸው አንዱ ስልታቸው በሆስፒታሎች ጨምሮ በየቦታው መርዞ መግደል፣ ጽንሶችን ማስወረድ ወዘተ ነው። 😠😠😠 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😢😢😢

💭 This satellite image shows the mobilization of military forces in the town of Shiraro

Satellite images show the mobilisation this month of military forces in towns on either side of Ethiopia’s northern border with Eritrea, a private U.S. company said on Wednesday.

Reuters could not independently verify the contents of the images showing reported military activity in the aftermath of the breakdown on Aug. 24 of a five-month ceasefire in Ethiopia’s Tigray region.

Tigray forces have battled Ethiopia’s federal army and its allies, including Eritrean troops and fighters from neighbouring Ethiopian regions, over the course of a nearly two-year war.

Images collected on Sept. 26 show military forces, vehicles and artillery positions in the town of Shiraro, near Tigray’s northern border with Eritrea, according to Maxar Technologies Inc, which collects and publishes satellite imagery of the region.

The images from Eritrea were taken on Sept. 19 and show the deployment of heavy weaponry in the town of Serha, near the Tigray border, Maxar said.

Most communications to Tigray have been down for more than a year.

Tigray forces said on Sept. 13 that Eritrean troops, fighting alongside Ethiopian soldiers, had at one point taken control of Shiraro since fighting had resumed but suggested they had since been beaten back.

They have also accused Eritrea of shelling Tigrayan towns from its territory in recent weeks.

The Ethiopian and Eritrean authorities have not responded to requests for comment about the recent fighting.

Eritrean troops supported the Ethiopean military in earlier phases of the war. The Eritrean government has not confirmed its participation in fighting since the ceasefire broke down, but said earlier this month that some reservists had been called up for military service.

Ethiopian government spokesperson Legesse Tulu, military spokesperson Colonel Getnet Adane and the prime minister’s spokesperson Billene Seyoum did not immediately respond to requests for comment about the images on Wednesday.

Eritrean Information Minister Yemane Gebremeskel and Getachew Reda, a spokesperson for the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the party that leads Tigray’s regional government, also did not immediately comment.

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Ethiopia | TDF Made One of The Most Amazing Comebacks in Recent Military History

💭 ኢትዮጵያ | የትግራይ መከላከያ ኃይል በቅርብ ወታደራዊ ታሪክ ውስጥ እጅግ አስደናቂ ከሆኑት መመለሻዎች መካከል አንዱን አደረገ

👉 ከጥቂት ወራቶች በፊት ትግራይ ውስጥ የተሸነፉ የሚመስሉት አርበኞች አሁን የአዲስ አበባን አቅርቦት ለመዝጋት እየዛቱ ነው ፡፡ ያ እንዴት ይቻላል?

💭 A Few Months Ago The Rebels Seemed Defeated in Tigray, Now They Are Threatening to Cut Off Addis Ababa’s Supply. How is That Possible?

👉 Reconstruction of a dramatic – but explainable – turnaround.

They made one of the most amazing comebacks in recent military history.

Courtesy: Neue Züricher Zeitung (NZZ) (Translated from the German)

👉 ከታዋቂው የስዊዘርላንድ “አዲስ የዙሪክ ጋዜጣ” የተወሰደ፤

“Vor wenigen Monaten schienen die Rebellen in Tigray besiegt, nun drohen sie Addis Abeba die Versorgung abzuschneiden. Wie ist das möglich?

Rekonstruktion einer dramatischen – aber erklärbaren – Wende.“

At the end of May, the man, whom some consider to be one of Africa’s best military strategists, gave an interview. He was sitting in front of a stone wall somewhere in the hinterland of Tigray, talking to a local journalist, and what Tsadkan Gebretinssae said sounded full-bodied.

“We see clearly that their defeat (that of the occupying forces) is approaching. We have created several brigades and cells within a few months, we will use them effectively soon. We need to plug a few more holes, but we’re working on that. “

Tsadkan is a legendary guerrilla leader, he defeated an Ethiopian government thirty years ago. But at the time of the interview, hardly anyone outside the Ethiopian region of Tigray would have bet money for the one announced by Tsadkan to arrive. The Tigray Defense Forces (TDF), of which Tsadkan is the Central Command, had been hiding in the mountains, leading out of the ambush war against the troops who invaded Tigray in November 2020. The TDF seemed strong enough not to be defeated – but too weak to launch an offensive.

But then, at the end of June, the rebels did just that. Within a few days they overran the Ethiopian army in Tigray. They conquered large parts of the region, including the capital Mekele. “Operation Alula” was the offensive. It was one of the most amazing comebacks in recent military history.

What’s more, the TDF has now entered the neighbouring region of Afar, apparently trying to cut off the link between the port in Djibouti and Addis Ababa. It is by far the most important supply route for the Ethiopian capital. If the TDF succeeds, the civil war enters a completely unpredictable phase. There are rumors that the militarily lucky Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed could threaten a coup.

How could it get that far?

Disastrous rumbling attacks

Before the rebels made an amazing comeback in Tigray, they suffered an amazing defeat. In early November 2020, the Ethiopian army began its offensive against Tigray. The conflict had begun since Abiy Ahmed became Prime Minister in spring 2018. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), Tigray’s main political force, had previously determined Ethiopian politics for nearly three decades. Abiy put an end to this, removing the Tigray faction from important posts in the military, politics and administration. The TPLF withdrew to its region of origin, soon the signs of war stood – on 4 November 2020 he broke loose.

It was first a one-sided conflict, after less than four weeks he seemed decided. The TPLF troops had rapidly lost ground, on 28 November they also lost the capital Mekele. Prime Minister Abiy declared the offensive, which he had defined as a “criminal action,” to be over.

The Norwegian politologist Kjetil Tronvoll, who is in regular contact with the leadership of the rebels, gives two reasons for the fact that the fight in November was so one-sided: firstly, the Tigrayan troops were not prepared to be attacked by three fronts; In addition to the Ethiopian army, the Eritrean army advanced from the north as well as militias of the neighbouring region Amhara from the south. Secondly, drone strikes that the United Arab Emirates allied with Ethiopia flew from a base in Eritrea would have had a devastating effect. The attacks destroyed Tigrayan tanks and heavy war equipment and killed several TPLF leaders.

The accusation that the UAE would support the campaign in Tigray with drones had been expressed early by TPLF representatives – experts believe this is possible, it is not documented.

In December and January, the rebels went for survival. The Ethiopian government maintained a “Most Wanted” list of 167 TPLF leaders. Within two weeks of January alone, the Ethiopian army captured or killed 47 of the wanted. The most prominent victim was Seyoum Mesfin, a 71-year-old former foreign minister who was shot dead by Ethiopian soldiers.

It seemed a matter of time before the list would be cut off. But it came differently.

The return of the almost 70-year-old general

For those who had saved themselves in the mountains of Tigrays were not helpless politicians, but some of the most experienced military of Ethiopia. The core of the TPLF leadership was a group of men who had fought a guerrilla war against the Ethiopian central state forty years ago. Debretsion Gebremichael, for example, the TPLF chairman, had joined the TPLF in the 1970s, when it was a rebel organization fighting the communist Derg regime.

Or Tsadkan Gebretinssae, the man who announced the defeat of the Ethiopian army in the interview. According to the BBC, he had joined the TPLF in 1976, when it only numbered a few hundred fighters. He became one of their most important commanders and led the 1991 attack on Addis Ababa, which put an end to the Derg regime. At that time the TPLF had become an army with over 100,000 fighters.

After the TPLF took power, Tsadkan was Chief of Staff of the Ethiopian Army and led it into a war with Eritrea in 1998, which cost nearly 80,000 lives. Later the general was dismissed because he had resigned with the then TPLF Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. In 2019, he participated in negotiations between the TPLF and Prime Minister Abiy. They were unsuccessful – and after the war broke loose, Tsadkan joined the rebels. He later said, “I had the choice to surrender to either foreign forces or those of Abiy or to go into resistance. I chose the latter. ” Tsadkan again has a key military role, he is almost 70 years old.

Besides Debretsion, Tsadkan and the other former guerrilla fighters, many more capable military forces found themselves in the mountains of Tigray; Tadesse Worede, for example, the commander-in-chief of the Tigrayan troops, had once led UN peacekeepers in Sudan. In addition, there were officers at all hierarchy levels who had either been expelled from the Ethiopian army or deserted.

One of the most militarized regions in the world

These experienced military forces now sent themselves to organize the resistance in Tigray. According to TPLF expert Kjetil Tronvoll, they received indirect support from the American government: after Joe Biden took office, the Americans pressured the UAE to end drone strikes in Yemen. These were flown from the same base in Eritrea, from which the attacks against the TPLF allegedly also originated. According to media reports, the Emirates largely shut down the base in February.

The absence of drone strikes gave air to the Tigrayan rebels. At the same time, tens of thousands of volunteers flocked to newly established training camps. Mass recruitment was a consequence of the humanitarian drama that has been taking place in Tigray since November. The Eritrean, Ethiopian and Amharic troops are blamed for numerous war crimes. Several thousand civilians were killed in massacres, and hundreds of women were raped. American Foreign Minister Antony Blinken, among others, spoke of “ethnic cleansing” in connection with the events in Tigray.

Tronvoll says that many Tigrayans have seen no other way out than to go to the mountains and fight: “They said to themselves: If we stay home, they come, rape our sisters, kill our mothers or us. If we want to survive, we have no choice but to join the rebels. “

In training camps new recruits were trained by experienced military personnel. There was no lack of weapons, the Tigray on the fragile border with Eritrea is one of the most militarized regions in the world. According to Tronvoll, many of the new fighters brought weapons sufficient for guerrilla combat; Kalashnikov rifles, for example.

The Tigray Defense Forces, consisting not only of members of the TPLF, but also members of other parties, deserters and militias and tens of thousands of people who were civilians until recently, grew. Tsadkan Gebretinssae said in one of his interviews: “Combining these two elements – experienced and capable commanders and a society with a military tradition – takes only a short time to reorganize and take control.”

That seems to have actually happened.

The destroyed command structure of the Ethiopian army

In June, the TDF commanders considered themselves strong enough to go on the offensive. Until then, they had carried out strategic attacks, which were often just needle stitches. But in these, for example, the TDF captured heavy war equipment that would soon be useful to them.

Finally, on June 18, the TDF launched Operation Alula, named after a Tigrayan general from the 19 century. The offensive was of resounding success; the Ethiopian army, which had mainly occupied cities and main axes of traffic, was surrounded in many places and cut off from supplies. Ten days after the offensive began, the TDF captured the capital Mekele. Images and videos from the city showed fighters parading through the city in a triumphal procession. The inhabitants celebrated the rebels, they waved Tigray flags, fireworks popped.

The TDF’s stormy offensive would not have been so successful if the Ethiopian army had resisted more severely. But the army is weakened because it has suffered a spate of Tigrayan officers in recent years – they had formed the backbone of the Ethiopian army after 1991. Prime Minister Abiy arrested thousands of Tigrayan officers for allegedly not trusting them. According to Kjetil Tronvoll, the command structure of the army was practically destroyed – meanwhile, old commanders from the time of the Derg regime again assume a key role. They face their former opponents of the TPLF, to whom they are already inferior.

The TDF are no longer waging a guerrilla war, they are continuing their offensive. They also want to free the north and the west of Tigray. In addition, they have penetrated the neighbouring regions of Amhara and Afar in order to create a buffer zone.

“The TDF are currently running as fast as they can,” says Kjetil Tronvoll. On the one hand, they wanted to prevent the Ethiopian army from reestablishing itself. On the other hand, they tried to open access to humanitarian aid – according to the UN, more than five million people in Tigray are in urgent need of aid. The only way to get help is through Afar.

The main supply route for Addis Ababa also runs through Afar. Around 95 percent of Ethiopia’s import volume enters the country from the port of Djibouti via Afar, including fuel and food. In recent days, the signs have increased that the TDF could try to cut the route from Djibouti to Addis. It would be a disaster for Prime Minister Abiy’s government.

For the ancient Tigrayan guerrillas and their highly motivated army, perhaps the moment when, thanks to them, the leaf would have finally turned in the civil war.

Source

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