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Ethiopia's World / የኢትዮጵያ ዓለም

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Posts Tagged ‘UN’

G7 Protests | Environmentalists + ‘Israel-Palestine’ Hijacking #TigrayGenocide?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 14, 2021

I am not being selfless, but frankly speaking, at this moment, compared with The #TigrayGenocide, the two events (Environment + Palestine) are less important, superfluous and a waste of time. It would have been more important for these folks if they would have been able to give their extra voices to the Tigrayan Ethiopians and Burmese protesters.

👉 Imagine The global outrage if The 150,000 killed, 15,000 raped women and millions displaced and starved Tigrayan Ethiopians had actually been Palestinian, and the aggressors Israeli Troops. We’re observing this right now! Watch how the world reacts to the current escalated Fighting between Israeli forces and Palestinian militants.

The same thing happening over and over again. I was old enough to remember the 2001 United Nations meeting on racism in Durban, South Africa:

💭 The Racism Walkout: The Overview; U.S. And Israelis Quit Racism Talks Over Denunciation„

💭 Thousands protest over climate change, Ethiopia and Myanmar at G7 summit

Thousands of protesters have marched through the streets of Cornwall on day two of the G7 summit as leaders of the world’s richest nations gathered to discuss coronavirus and other key issues.

Members and supporters of Extinction Rebellion walked through the town of Falmouth playing drums, chanting and displaying artwork campaigning against the use of fossil fuels, during their second day of protests.

Separately, more than 1,000 people protested against the crisis in the Ethiopian region of Tigray while thousands also gathered to raise awareness of the coup d’etat by the military in Myanmar.

Several of the protest groups gathered in Church Street Car Park – around 500 metres from the media base of the G7 – where they held rallies and chanted passionately before parading past the centre.

Ethiopian protesters were heard shouting “(Prime Minister of Ethiopia) Abiy is a criminal”, “G7 act now” and “Stop Abiy’s war crimes” at their rally.

They held up banners and the flag of Tigray before setting off a smoke flare.

Athy Mruz, 41, was one of the organisers of the Ethiopian rally and is a member of campaign group Tigray Youth Network.

The G7 has a meeting today and we are demanding they take action against our unelected prime minister who is committing genocide upon the Tigrayan people,” she told PA.

We no longer are OK with them simply condemning it, we want them to actually take action as we estimate over 150,000 people have been killed while over 15,000 women have been raped. There’s starvation and displacement for millions of people. We can’t wait any more.

This is not a famine – this is not happening because Tigray is poor, it is man-made. It is being conducted, plotted and orchestrated by our unelected prime minister over the past seven months. This is a humanitarian issue, not a political issues.”

She added people from all over the UK had turned up for the protest and they were “proud” and “amazed” by the support they have received.

Tensions have been in place between Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and leaders of Tigray since November.

A United Nations-backed study released on Thursday said 353,000 people in the region were living in “severe crisis”.

Source

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Posted in Conspiracies, Ethiopia, Infos, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

የሮማው ጳጳስ ከእኛዎቹ በልጠው ለትግራይ ጸሎት ያደርሳሉ | “ረሃብን መታገስ የለብንም!”

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 13, 2021

💭 የቫቲካን መልዕክት፦

የሁሉንም ህሊና የሚፈታተን አደጋ፤ በትግራይ ያለው የረሃብ ደወል። ፍራንችስኮስ ከአንጀሉስ በኋላ ባደረጉት ሰላምታ በጭፍጨፋው ለተጎዱት የኢትዮጵያ አካባቢዎች ለሚኖሩ ሕዝቦች “ሰላም ለኪ” አቅርበዋል። “ረሃብን መታገስ የለብንም” ብለዋል

Una tragedia che interpella la coscienza di tutti: l’allarme alimentare nel Tigray. Nel saluto post Angelus, Francesco recita un’Ave Maria per la popolazione della regione dell’Etiopia colpita da violenze. L’appello a non tollerare che si muoia di fame.

👉 እንግዲህ ይህ ከG7 ጉባኤ ጋር በተናበበ መልክ የቀረበ መልዕክት መሆኑ ነው። ግን ይሁን እስኪ!

ብጹእ ወቅዱስ አቡነ ማትያስ ምነው ጠፉ?

ከዚህ በፊት ኤርትራ ውስጥ ያሉት የካቶሊክ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ካርዲናሎች ኤርትራውያን ከትግራይ ተሰርቀው ወደ ኤርትራ የሚገቡትን ቁሳቁሶች እንዳይገዙ ት ዕዛዝ በማስተላለፍ ከትግራይ ሕዝብ ጋር እንደሚሰለፉ ገልጠው ነበር፤ ያውም በኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ ግዛት። የኛዎቹስ ሰባት ወራት እንደ ሞእተ ሰው “ጭጭ” ብለዋል።

የአገር ውስጥ ሜዲያዎች ለሆዳቸው ያደሩ ፈሪ ጥንቸሎች ስለሆኑ ይህን ማድረግ እንደማይፈልጉና እንደማይችሉ ግልጽ ነው፤ ግን የውጭ ሜዲያዎች ለምንድን ነው አቡነ ማትያስን ለቃለ መጠይቅ የማይጋብዟቸው? የትግራይ ጉዳይ እኮ አንዴ ብቻ ተነግሮበት በዝምታ የሚታለፍና ቸል የሚባልበት ጉዳይ አይደለም። የቤተ ክህነት ግድየለሽነትና ከግራኝ ጋር ተደማሪነት፣ የኢትዮጵያ ዘ-ስጋ ብሔሮች ዝምታና ከግራኝ ጋር ተደማሪነት፣ የሜዲያዎች ሽርሙጥና እና ከግራኝ ጋር ተደማሪነት ናቸው ጭፍጨፋው፣ አስገድዶ መድፈሩ፣ ረሃቡና ስደቱ እንዲቀጥል እርዳታ እያደረጉለት ያሉት። እኔ ሁሉንም መጠራጠር ጀምሬአለሁ/ ግዴታየም ነው፤ ከእግዚአብሔር አምላኬ እና ቅዱሳኑ በቀር ከላይ እስከ ታች ማንንም አላምንም! ሁሉም ተናብበው የእግዚአብሔርን ልጆች ለማጥፋት በጋራ እየሠሩ ነው። የትም ዓለም እኮ ታይቶ የማይታወቅ ክስተት ነው ዓለም እየተገነዘበው ያለው። ብጹእነታቸው ከሳምንታት በፊት ከዘመድኩን በቀለ ጋር በስልክ እንዲነጋገሩ በመገደዳቸው/በመደረጋቸው በጣም ነበር ያዘንኩት!

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Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, Infos, Life, News/ዜና | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Global Leaders to The Evil PM of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed: Stop The Atrocities in Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 12, 2021

ኢትዮጵያውያን እና ክርስቲያኖች ነን!” ከሚሉት ግብዝ ወገኖች ይልቅ የዓለም አቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ በሺህ እጥፍ በትግራይ እየተሠራ ባለው በዓለም ተወዳዳሪ የሌለው ግፍ ተጨንቋል፤ የትግራይ ኢትዮጵያውያን ዕጣ ፈንታ አሳስቦታል። ምንም ወንጀል የሌለበት ንጹሕ ሕዝብ እግዚአብሔር በሰጠችው ትንሽ ግዛት በሰላም፣ በክብር እና ታማኝነት እንዳይኖር ከሌሎች አካባቢ ተሰባስበው በመምጣትና የኢትዮጵያ ታሪካዊ ጠላቶች የሆኑትን አረቦችን እና ሶማሌዎችን ጋብዞ በመጥራት ሕፃናትን፣ ወጣቶችን፣ ሴቶችን፣ አረጋውያንን፣ ካህናትንና ቀሳውስትን በመጨፍጨፍ የዘር ማጥፋት ዘመቻቸውን ለመቀጠል መወሰናቸው ዓለም፤ “ምን ዓይነት አውሬዎች ናቸው” ለማለት ሳይቀር ተገድደዋል። በሌላ በኩል ግን፤ የተቀረው “ኢትዮጵያ! ኢትዮጵያ!” የሚለው ኦሮሞ፣ አማራ፣ ጉራጌ፣ ወላይታ፣ ሲዳማ፣ አፋር፣ ሶማሊ፣ ጋሞ፣ ጋምቤላ ወዘተ እንዲሁም ሜዲያዎቹና ተቋማቱ ሁሉ ግን የዜግነትና የሰብዓዊነት ግዴታቸውን እንኳን ለመወጣት አሻፈረን ብለው ቆሻሻ የዲያብሎስ ጭፍራ የሆነውን ግራኝን ለመምረጥ ሽርጉድ በማለት ላይ ይገኛሉ፤ በፍጻሜ ዘመን ምንም ነገር እንዳልተከሰተ ለሁሉም ነገር ጆሮ ዳባ ልበስ ሆኖ በቀን አራቴ እየተመገቡ ጭፈራ፣ ዳንኪራ ጩኸት ብቻ! አይ ፌደራሊዝም! አይ የብሔር ብሔረሰቦች እኩልነት! በዚህ ዘመን የብሔር-ብሔረሰቦችን ጨካኝነትና አርመኔነት ነው እየታዘብን ያለነው። እንግዲህ ከኢትዮጵያ መጠረግ የሚኖርበት አሳፋሪና ቅሌታም ትውልድ ቢኖር ይህ ትውልድ ነው! ልቡ የጨለመበት ከንቱ ትውልድ፤ እግዚአብሔር ይይለት፤ ደግሞ ፍርዱን በቅርቡ ያገኛታል!

Seven highly respected leaders in conflict resolution have issued a call for Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to take immediate action to bring a halt to the atrocities being committed in the Tigray region of his nation. The letter urges the Prime Minister to implement seven steps to resolve the crisis.

It was authored by José Ramos-Horta, former President of Timor-Leste and 1996 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, former UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and five other international diplomats and peace builders, “colleagues and friends the Prime Minister knows well,” including former President of Finland Tarja Halonen, former UN and Arab League Special Envoy for Syria Lakhdar Brahimi, Emeritus Bishop of Oslo and former Vice Chair of the Nobel Committee Dr. Gunnar Stalsett, former President of Slovenia and former UN Assistant Secretary General and President of the World Leadership Alliance Danilo Turk, and former UN Under Secretary General and Special Envoy for the Prevention of Genocide Adama Dieng.

The letter notes that “grave human rights violations and abuses are being committed against civilian Tigrayans, including extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, looting and destruction of property, mass executions, arbitrary arrests, rape, forced displacement of populations, hate speech and stigmatization including ethnic profiling. These attacks have caused tens of thousands of Tigrayan children and adults to flee their homes and to seek refuge in Sudan under extremely deplorable conditions.”

“As a result of this conflict, according to the United Nations, approximately 4.5 million of a population of 6 million people are in immediate need of humanitarian assistance,” it says. “Between two and 2.5 million people in the region will experience severe food insecurity through September. News outlets from around the globe are also increasingly writing of horrifying stories of rape, torture, and mass arrests.”

It recalls Abiy’s own words, from his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech two years ago, “there are those, ‘who have never seen war, but glorify and romanticize it. They have not seen the fear. They have not seen the fatigue. They have not seen the destruction or heartbreak, nor have they felt the mournful emptiness of war after the carnage.”

Specifically, the leaders urge Prime Minister Ahmed to:

1. Act now and swiftly to save his country and end the suffering of Ethiopians afflicted by war in Tigray.

2. Invite independent and credible investigations, in full cooperation with the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, into human rights abuses and violations of international human rights law and humanitarian law by all actors in Tigray. We encourage the Prime Minister to ensure that other human rights organizations are provided access in order to independently investigate reports of human rights abuses and violations in Tigray.

3. Consider establishing a hybrid court empowered with jurisdiction to hold accountable Eritrean perpetrators of war crimes.

4. Fully cooperate with regional organizations and the international community to facilitate all-inclusive dialogue, reconciliation and healing, involving all political and civil society actors in Tigray with the goal of charting a consensual way forward for the region’s future governance.

5. Lead calls for a cessation of hostilities by all parties involved and encourage other parties to commit to ending the fighting immediately. Press for the immediate and verifiable withdrawal of Eritrean and Amhara regional forces from the Tigray Region.

6. Facilitate the work of international humanitarian staff including by issuing long-duration visas, expediting the process for the importation and use of satellite communication technology by humanitarian organizations, and instructing your military and allied forces to establish a civil-military coordination cell to facilitate the work of humanitarian organizations on the ground.

7. Issue orders to protect all civilians in Tigray and throughout Ethiopia regardless of their ethnicity, including refugees and internally displaced persons, and particularly women in the light of widespread reports of sexual and gender-based violence.”

“It is clear that like all wars, the political dispute that led to the Tigray crisis cannot be resolved through military means alone,” it states. “The suffering inflicted on the people in the region has already been too great. For the good of Ethiopia, and the good of the region and the world, we ask the Prime Minister to work toward a political solution as soon as possible. It is only through dialogue and negotiation that lasting peace can be established, and the healing for so many can begin.”

There has been no response to date from Prime Minister Abiy.

👉 Read the letter

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Posted in Ethiopia | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

G7 Leaders Can’t Ignore Ethiopia’s Looming Famine

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 11, 2021

UN Says 350,000 People in Tigray Starving, Millions More at Risk

G7 leaders meeting this week should galvanize an immediate global response to the humanitarian disaster unfolding in Ethiopia’s Tigray region.

Yesterday, the United Nations and other aid agencies warned that some 350,000 people are already experiencing famine-like conditions in Tigray. Millions of others there are at risk of famine too, unless assistance is promptly provided. The UN children’s agency, UNICEF, says that some 33,000 severely malnourished children “are at high risk of death.”

That the Ethiopian government disputes these findings only underscores the urgency of international involvement. G7 leaders should demand from Ethiopia and its allies the resumption of basic services, unimpeded aid delivery and access, and make clear that any official who blocks assistance faces immediate sanctions.

The millions facing famine in Tigray cannot be explained away as a by-product of the seven-month armed conflict. Human Rights Watch research shows that warring parties have directly contributed to this man-made disaster. Government restrictions on aid access to the region and to basic services in the early months of the fighting pushed many people over the edge. Ethiopian, Eritrean and Amhara forces have also looted property, burned crops, and attacked factories, hospitals, and other infrastructure key to people’s survival.

While humanitarian access in some areas has reportedly improved, warring parties are still denying aid workers’ movement, intimidating and attacking them, and confiscating supplies. Mark Lowcock, the UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, said that in May alone, Ethiopian, Eritrean, and Amhara forces were responsible for 130 out of 131 access violations.

Attacks on civilians, including large-scale massacres and executions of men and boys, arbitrary detentions, and numerous horrific acts of sexual violence against women and girls, are also impeding people’s ability to reach help.

Tigray has been here before. Human Rights Watch documented that Ethiopia’s military dictatorship under the Derg in the mid-1980s, plunged millions in Tigray and other areas into famine by destroying crops, bombing marketplaces, restricting movement, and deliberately targeting food distribution efforts.

While different eras and realities, the parallels in the warring parties’ tactics are chilling.

Iconic images of starving people from a BBC report during the 1984 famine justifiably sparked international outcry. They also became an image Ethiopia has long tried to escape. This time around, the alarm bells have been ringing for months. It’s an enduring shame that the African Union has largely remained silent, and Russian and Chinese objections mean the UN Security Council has been unable to hold a single public meeting on the crisis. G7 leaders should act now.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Infos, Life, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

The Nobel Committee Should Resign over The Atrocities in Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 8, 2021

🔥 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for Pact of War

🔥 2020 Nobel Peace Prize for Pacte de Famine?

😈 The demon possessed traitor & anti-Ethiopia PM Abiy Ahmed Ali has been able to make a lot of embarrassing, awkward and bad luck stories – and to bring trouble on many – this involve or lead to acts that damaged the reputation and interests of the following entities:

❖ Ethiopia / Tigray

❖ The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church

❖ Relationships between Tigrayans & Amahra; between Tigray & Eritrea

❖ Ethiopia’s ethnic groups & tribes

❖ The Horn of Africa: Kenya + South Sudan

❖ The sane & humane International Community

❖ The African Union

❖ The United Nations

❖ The Nobel Prize Committee

😈 While this cruel monster helped the following entities to substantially push their satanic agendas at every turn:

☆ The Oromos

☆ The Muslims

☆ The Arabs

☆ Egypt

☆ North Sudan

☆ Somalia

☆ Djibouti

☆ The Protestants

☆ The Sodomites

👉 Do I’ve anything else to say? A vicious sociopath, Antichrist! 😈

[Isaiah 33:1]
“Woe to you, O destroyer, While you were not destroyed; And he who is treacherous, while others did not deal treacherously with him.
As soon as you finish destroying, you will be destroyed; As soon as you cease to deal treacherously, others will deal treacherously with you.”

[ትንቢተ ኢሳይያስ ምዕራፍ ፴፫፥፩]

አንተ ሳትጠፋ የምታጠፋ፥ በአንተም ላይ ወንጀል ሳይደረግ ወንጀል የምታደርግ ወዮልህ! ማጥፋትን በተውህ ጊዜ ትጠፋለህ፤ መወንጀልንም በተውህ ጊዜ ይወነጅሉሃል።

The war on Tigray in Ethiopia has been going on for months. Thousands of people have been killed and wounded, women and girls have been raped by military forces, and more than 2 million citizens have been forced out of their homes. Prime minister and Nobel peace prize laureate Abiy Ahmed stated that a nation on its way to “prosperity” would experience a few “rough patches” that would create “blisters”. This is how he rationalised what is alleged to be a genocide.

Nobel committee members have individual responsibility for awarding the 2019 peace prize to Abiy Ahmed, accused of waging the war in Tigray. The members should thus collectively resign their honourable positions at the Nobel committee in protest and defiance.

The committee justified awarding the Nobel to Ethiopia’s premier for his “efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea”. Today, Eritrean forces, along with Ethiopia’s federal and Amhara regional state forces are accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity in what Abiy characterises as a “law enforcement operation” in Tigray.

Numerous massacres of civilians have been revealed, and rape of women and girls has been systematically carried out

The war began last November, when federal soldiers entered Tigray alongside Eritrean forces, claiming the objective was to arrest the elected regional government and leaders of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front party (TPLF) for rebellion. The Tigray leadership withdrew from the regional capital, Mekelle, into the mountains, with thousands of combat-ready troops. It was clear from the outset that war was inevitable, as Tigrayans would not submit to the centralising policies of Abiy, which they believe undermine their constitutionally enshrined autonomy.

The campaign has become increasingly repugnant. The US has criticised Abiy for ethnic cleansing. Numerous massacres of civilians have been revealed, and rape of women and girls has been systematically carried out to “cleanse the blood line”, as soldiers have reportedly said, and break spirits. Civil infrastructure, such as hospitals, water facilities, schools and universities have been direct targets of bombings and looting, with the aim to destroy capacity to govern.

Even worse is the humanitarian consequence. Today, 5.2 million Tigrayans, about 85% of the region’s population, need aid to survive, but it is not reaching them. Food and emergency assistance from the UN and international organisations is obstructed by federal red tape and Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers. Hundreds of thousands are in danger of dying from starvation this summer. We may soon again see images of mass death in Tigray, similar to those from the famine that took place during the Ethiopian civil war and inspired the Live Aid concert in 1985.

Human rights experts believe there is reason to declare genocide in Tigray, when analysing the political intentions behind the systematic mass murders of civilians, sexual violence and more. The patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox church has said that the government is carrying out a genocide. The final legal conclusion must however be for a future international criminal tribunal.

What then is the responsibility of the Nobel committee towards someone who uses the prize to legitimise genocidal warfare against his own people? Did they undertake a comprehensive risk assessment before giving the prize to an incumbent prime minister who was not democratically elected in a country that has always been an authoritarian state? Or is this, in hindsight, something the committee could not have foreseen?

Last year, the Nobel committee came out in defence of the laureate, reasserting its position on the prize

Already, in early 2019, the reforms in Ethiopia and the peace process with Eritrea were known to have lost momentum. Liberal political reforms in the country were backsliding. Some also warned that the peace prize itself could destabilise rather than consolidate the region.

After the war began, I had a call from a high-ranking Ethiopian official: “I will always hold the Nobel committee responsible for destroying our country,” he said. “After Abiy received the peace prize, he viewed this as a recognition of his politics and would no longer listen to objections or the dangers of recentralised power in Ethiopia.”

There is international criticism of Abiy’s candidature and the committee’s “non-stance” on any crimes against humanity by military forces under the command of a Nobel laureate. But the committee has stayed silent, carrying on a century’s tradition of refusing to discuss the judging process. Last year, in reaction to Abiy’s decision to postpone the 2020 elections indefinitely, the Nobel committee came out in defence of the laureate, reasserting its position on the prize. Now, after the outbreak of war, members of the committee remain disinclined to discuss their original assessment.

Initiatives by Ethiopian diaspora organisations to hold the Nobel committee legally liable for the award’s consequences have further damaged the reputation of the Nobel prize.

On the guidelines enshrined in Nobel rules is that once a prize is awarded, it cannot be withdrawn. So how could the committee express its condemnation of the war and the politics of Abiy should it wish to? All members have an individual responsibility – it is not officially known whether any voted against. They should therefore acknowledge this, collectively resign, and let the Norwegian parliament appoint a new committee.

As a collective action, it would be perceived as taking responsibility for the error – and as a protest against the war.

At the same time, the Nobel Institute should upgrade its expertise, undertake comprehensive risk assessments and analyse relevant conflicts and contexts on which awards are based. It seems clear that procedures failed in awarding Abiy the prize.

In appointing a new committee, Norway’s political parties must drop the tradition to nominate retired politicians. This would provide the much-needed arm’s length between the prize and the Norwegian political elite. International members should be brought in, with expertise in what the prize is actually about: war and peace, international law, human rights. The Nobel name carries international weight and a committee with world-class capabilities should protect it.

Source

👉 የሚከተለው ከዚህ ቪዲዮ ጋር በተያያዘ ባለፈው ጥቅምት ወር መግቢያ ላይ የቀረበ ጽሑፍ እና ቪዲዮ ነው። ሁሉም ነገር ሲከሰት ዓይናችን እያየው ነው፦

የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት የጀነሳይድ ቀብድ ነው | ዘንድሮ ደግሞ በረሃብ ሊቀጡን ነው”

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

የርሃብ ሲምፖዚየም ወረርሽኝ፤ የኢትዮ-ኤርትራ የረሀብ እቅድ ለትግራይ = የ ፹/80 አመት በፊት የናዚ የርሃብ እቅድ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on May 18, 2021

እስኪ አስቡት፤ “ኢትዮጵያውያን ነን” የሚሉ ወገኖች ኢትዮጵያዊ የሆነውን ወገናቸውን ያለማቋረጥ በጦርነት፣ በርሃብ እና በሽታ ከምድረ ገጽ ለማጥፋት ሲወስን። ለማሰብ እንኳን ያቅለሸልሻል። ይህ እጅግ በጣም ሰቅጣጭ ክስተት በቅርብ የሚከታተሉትን የዓለም አቀፍ ባለሙያዎችን፣ ተቋማትን እና ግለሰቦችን ሁሉ በጣም አስገርሟል/አሳዝኗል፤ ታሪካዊ ጠላቶቻችንን ሶማሌዎችንና አረቦችን ሳይቀር። አንዱ አረብ በጽሑፉ፤ “ኢትዮጵያውያን እርስበር ይህን ያህል የሚጠላሉ አይመስለኝም ነበር” በማለት ተገርሟል። “ለካስ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከናዚዎች፣ ከፋሺስቶች እና ከጂሃዲስቶች የከፉ አውሬዎች ናቸው” አሰኝቷል። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

ይህ የግለሰቦች ወይንም የልሂቃኑ ጉዳይ ብቻ አይደለም፤ የሕዝብ ጉዳይ ነው፤ ሕዝቦቹ ኃላፊነቱን ይወስዱ ዘንድ ግድ ነው። ኦሮሞ + አማራ + ቤን አሚር/ኤርትራ ቃኤላውያን የዋቄዮአላህ ባሪያዎች በጥይትና በሰይፍ ሊያሸንፉት ያልቻሉትን የትግራይን ሕዝብን አሁን በርሃብ ለመጨረስ ወስነዋል። ኦሮማራዎች ከዘመነ ምኒልክ አንስቶ የትግራይን ሕዝብ በጦርነቶች እና በርሃብ ለመጨረስ ብዙ ሞክረው ነበር፤ ይህ የመጨረሻው ሙከራቸው ነው። እነዚህ አረመኔዎች በምንም ዓይነት የኢትዮጵያዊነት ማንነትና ምንነት የሌላቸው፣ ኢትዮጵያውያን ይባሉ ዘንድ የማይገባቸው በእውነት ከየት እንደመጡ እንኳን የማይታወቁ፣ ናዚዎችን፣ ፋሺስቶችንና ጂሃዲስቶችን የሚያስንቁ አውሬዎች ናቸው። እኛ ላለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት በመላዋ ኢትዮጵያ ለሚፈናቀሉት፣ ለሚታገቱትና ለሚገደሉት ንጹሐን የሚቻለንን ስንጮህና እንባ ስናነባ እነሱ ለካስ የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለመጨፍጨፍና ለማስራብ በስውር ተግተው ሤራ ሲጠነስሱ ቆይተዋል። አሁን ይህን ፋሺስታዊ፣ ናዚያዊ እና ዲያብሎሳዊ እቅድ ለመትግበር ዓለምን እያታለሉና በሜዲያዎቻቸውም የለመዱንት የቅጥፈት ፕሮፓጋንዳ እያሰራጩ እቅዳቸውን ሊገፉበት ቆርጠው ተነስተዋል። አይሳካላቸውም! እንዳይሳካላቸውም የተቻለንን ሁሉ እናደርጋለን። ሆኖም ለዚህ ዲያብሎሳዊ እቅዳቸው ግን በሕዝቦቻቸው ላይ ከሰማይ እሳት ይወርድባቸዋል፣ አይተውት የማያውቁትን ደዌ፣ ወረርሽኝ እና በሽታ ሁሉ ሳይወዱ በግድ ይተዋወቋቸዋል። ማስጠንቀቂያዎቹን ሁሉ ንቀው ሆነ ሰበባሰበብና ምክንያት እየደረደሩ በእዉነተኛ ንስሐ አልተመለሱምና የሰይፉ ማስጠንቀቂያ በጎንደርና በአስመራ፣ በአዲስ አበባ እና በነቀምት፣ በጂማና በሐረር ላይ እያንዣበበ ይገኛል። ልኡልም ጦሩን እያዘጋጀ፣ ሰይፍን እየሳለ ይገኛል። ይኸውም የአህዛብ ሰይፍ፣ የአንበጣ መንጋ፣ የበሽታ/ኮሮና/ ሰይፍ፣ የጦርነት ሰይፍ፣ የአውሎ ነፍስና የጎርፍ ሰይፍ፣ የበረዶ፣ የእሳተ ገሞራ ሌሎችም!!!። የትግራይን ሕዝብ ከምድረ ገጽ አጥፍተው እነርሱ ብቻቸውን ሊኖሩ? በጭራሽ!

✞✞✞[ትንቢተ ኢሳይያስ ምዕራፍ ፩፥፲፱፡፳]✞✞✞

”እሺ ብትሉ ለእኔም ብትታዘዙ፥ የምድርን በረከት ትበላላችሁ፤ እምቢ ብትሉ ግን ብታምፁም፥ ሰይፍ ይበላችኋል፤ የእግዚአብሔር አፍ ይህን ተናግሮአልና።’

✞✞✞ [ትንቢተ ዕንባቆም ምዕራፍ ፫፥፬]✞✞✞

ፀዳሉም እንደ ብርሃን ነው፤ ጨረር ከእጁ ወጥቶአል፤ ኃይሉም በዚያ ተሰውሮአል። ቸነፈር በፊቱ ይሄዳል፥ የእሳትም ነበልባል ከእግሩ ይወጣል። ቆመ፥ ምድርንም አወካት፤ ተመለከተ፥ አሕዛብንም አናወጠ፤ የዘላለምም ተራሮች ተቀጠቀጡ፥ የዘላለምም ኮረብቶች ቀለጡ፤ መንገዱ ከዘላለም ነው።

የኢትዮጵያ ድንኳኖች ሲጨነቁ አየሁ፤ የምድያም አገር መጋረጃዎች ተንቀጠቀጡ።

🔥 “በኢትዮጵያ ጽኑ መናወጥ ይሆናል፣ ይህም የአሜሪካን፣ አውሮፓንና አረቢያን ውድቀት ያስከትላል!!!”

👉 Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

👉 Continue reading/ሙሉውን ለማንበብ

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Life, News/ዜና | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on May 18, 2021

Tigray, Ethiopia, is a test case for United Nations Security Council resolution 2417 (2417). The United Nations has failed that test.

Today, between 4.5 million and 5.2 million people of Tigray’s total population of 5.7 million are in need of immediate humanitarian assistance. Famine is probably occurring already, and without doubt in the coming months Tigrayans will be starving on a scale rarely witnessed in the modern world. Except that, because the Ethiopian government prefers to keep Tigray in darkness, few outsiders will be there to witness it. We may later get to count the graves of the children who perished.

As soon as armed conflict erupted on 4 November, we were warned of the risk of famine. But in the face of the ruthless determination of the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea to starve the civilian population of Tigray, the United Nations, the African Union and donor governments have done nothing of significance. For the hungry in Tigray, 2417 is an empty promise.

The unpublished results of rapid nutrition assessments in six locations accessible to the regional authorities, with UNICEF’s technical support, show that Global Acute Malnutrition rates among children under five years of age of 23.8-34.3 percent. This takes us into the range where we must speak about phase 5 of the Integrated food security Phase Classification (IPC)—‘famine.’

Most of the Tigray region is not accessible to survey teams, due to government restrictions and fighting. Conditions elsewhere are almost certainly worse. The situation is deteriorating week-by-week as food stocks run out. Longer term prospects are even more dire: the planting season has arrived and most farmers are unable to plough their fields and plant and tend this year’s crops. Recent reports speak of Eritrean soldiers arriving in villages where farmers have been able to prepare their land, destroying the seedlings and telling villagers, you will not plant, you will not harvest, and if you try you will be punished.

Recently, aid was reaching about 1 million of those in need. Even that small fraction is shrinking. This month, the Ethiopian government declared the former governing party of the region, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) a ‘terrorist organization.’ Relief workers are now stopped at the first army checkpoint out of each town, and told that they cannot proceed further, because their aid cannot be allowed to help the ‘terrorists’.

It is hard to think of a more systematic use of starvation as a weapon of war since the Nazi Hungerplan of eighty years ago.

Before the outbreak of war on 3/4 November 2020, Tigray was relatively food secure. Once the epicentre of Ethiopia’s infamous famine of 1984/85, thirty years of internal peace and development meant that today’s generation of Tigrayans were, for the first time in history, living without the threat of hunger due to drought or locusts. Agriculture was still a marginal enterprise with low yields on stony soils, but a combination of rehabilitating watersheds and building small dams for irrigated horticulture and orchards, and subsidized fertilizers—enhanced by micro-credit services—enabled modest harvests. Local incomes were supplemented by seasonal labouring opportunities on commercial farms in fertile western Tigray, and employment in new industries such as textiles and marble cutting, artisanal mining of gold and cobalt, and tourism to the region’s historic churches. Further, a ‘productive safety net programme’ designed and funded by the government and international donors kicked in whenever food insecurity threatened.

All that is gone. In the words of Mulugeta Gebrehiwot, former World Peace Foundation senior fellow, speaking over the phone from the war zone, ‘they have destroyed Tigray, literally.’ I have been working on war, mass atrocity and famine in Africa for close to forty years. Never in my professional life have I documented destruction of what is necessary to sustain life in a manner as relentless and systematic as we are seeing in Tigray today.

As detailed in the World Peace Foundation report Starving Tigray, which draws upon scores of open-source reports along with eyewitness testimonies up, the coalition of Ethiopian National Defence Forces, Eritrean Defence Forces and Amhara militia have destroyed, removed or rendered useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population. They have burned food stores, looted food, and killed domestic animals from cows to baby chickens. They have slaughtered plough oxen, smashed ploughs, cut down fruit trees. They have ripped up the water pipes and pumps in towns and villages and ripped out domestic plumbing. They have looted and vandalized the great majority of the region’s clinics and hospitals. They have closed banks and frozen the 450,000 accounts in the region’s micro-finance institution, essentially confiscating the savings of the peasantry. They have pillaged and burned factories, ransacked hotels, looted shops and stores, and even broken open the little boxes used by shoeshine boys to steal the brushes and polish. By expropriating and ethnically cleansing the fertile lowlands where sesame is grown for export, they have eliminated Tigrayans’ single largest source of seasonal migrant work, a crucial source of income.

Men and boys are being killed: there are more than 150 documented massacres. In the largest known to date, in the city of Axum, an estimated 750 were killed. These are crimes in their own right. Fear of such violence deters men from travelling to find work, cultivate their farms, or obtain aid for their families.

Evidence for widespread rape and shocking sexual violence—torture, sexual slavery and mutilation—has emerged. Rape is a crime. Rape perpetrated as part of a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population is a crime against humanity. That threshold is met in Tigray, with participation of uniformed state forces in rape and sexual violence.

Rape in these circumstances is also a starvation crime. A survivor of rape may be unable to care for herself and her children, because of physical injuries, trauma, and life-long stigma. A woman who is gang raped in her own home may never want to return to what was once a place of safety, but is now indelibly associated with pain, terror and attack on her familial and social identity. Fear of rape means that women and girls do not venture out to go to the market, go to fetch water or firewood, go to their farms or gardens, or seek assistance. With many men killed, in hiding, or joining the armed resistance, women are often the sole adult carers for their children—breadwinners in a land with no bread.

Not only has the Ethio-Eritrean coalition massively reduced the food available to Tigrayans, but they have systematically reduced the region to a state of destitution. Should this destruction, dispossession and expulsion be permitted to stand, the future is a geographically truncated Tigray, deprived of every source of income save subsistence farming, utterly dependent on welfare handouts. The scorched earth campaign means that the numbers in need will not reduce even if the conflict ends. Ethiopia and Eritrea have posed a horrible dilemma to the humanitarian community. Should donors pay the bill for the human consequences of this destruction or be complicit in what is emerging as a systematic hunger plan?

The humanitarian effort is reaching fewer people and providing them with less assistance than in any comparable circumstances in the world today. Most of what is given is food. There is some health care, but almost no agricultural aid. Much of that aid is stolen by the coalition forces—some of it wholesale, some of it when soldiers raid a village where there has been a distribution and take it at gunpoint.

The perpetrators of these starvation crimes are the Ethiopian federal forces, the Eritrean army, and Amhara forces. Clues to the Ethiopians’ motives can be deduced from the public rhetoric of political groups now setting the agenda of the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Amhara regional state concur in demonizing the Tigrayans. They claim that during the years in which the TPLF was in power, Tigrayans ‘looted’ the Ethiopian state, taking an unwarranted share of development funds, and are therefore ‘thieves’ and ‘daylight hyenas.’ Confiscating Tigrayan property was a slogan of political parties now supporting the government. In a recent panel on France 24, Neamin Zeleke, Executive Director at Ethiopian Satellite Televison and Radio (ESAT) which has been a fulcrum for inciting hatred against Tigrayans, toned down his rhetoric for an English-speaking audience but his intent to enact ‘revenge’ was clear. The campaign targeting ethnic Tigrayans for removal from employment, residence and rights across Ethiopia has the disturbing signature of eradicating them from the Ethiopian polity altogether.

The Amhara leadership claims that when provincial boundaries were redrawn in 1991-94, at the time of adopting a federal system based on ethnicities, Tigray took over historically Amhara lands, which they should now reclaim. (As with almost all such territorial disputes the history and the basis for the claims are controversial.) The U.S. State Department calls it ‘ethnic cleansing.’ That is the correct term: the boundary is being redrawn by force and Tigrayans are being forcibly removed or eliminated. Ironically, the FEWS NET maps this area as ‘food secure’: its methods are not designed to take account of the removal of the previous inhabitants and their replacement by new settlers.

The Eritrean president has long blamed the TPLF—and by extension all Tigrayans—for his country’s international ostracism and poverty and sought to eliminate it as a threat. Eritrea is a despotism, with no constitution, parliament, independent judiciary or free media. Its main institution is its vast army; its soldiers are forcibly conscripted from high school, brutalized and required serve indefinitely. The UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, which reported in 2016 found a shocking record of abuse by the state against its own citizens. The Special Rapporteur, Sheila Keetharuth, laments that her recommendations, including that Eritrea be referred to the International Criminal Court, were wholly ignored.

The Ethiopian Prime Minister called the coalition offensives a ‘law enforcement operation.’ His claims that ‘not a single civilian have been killed’ and that Eritrean forces were either not involved or were withdrawing have been shown to be lies. In the early weeks, Ethiopia and Eritrea were given a free pass by the Trump Administration and UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres repeated PM Abiy’s false claim about Eritrean forces.

The shut-down of internet and phone communication has been effective in minimizing reporting of atrocities including starvation, thereby allowing official denials to pass without refutation. International humanitarian workers are compelled to remain silent for fear of being expelled; the situation for national staff is worse. After the TPLF was declared a ‘terrorist’ organization, communication with them is prohibited.

Culpability for the outbreak of hostilities in November is shared among the four belligerents: the Ethiopian federal government, the TPLF, Eritrea and the Amhara regional forces.

Culpability for the famine lies entirely with the Ethio-Eritrean coalition. To the extent that there were pre-existing food security difficulties, on account of poverty and a locust plague, those show only that the perpetrators of the starvation crimes were aware of the vulnerability of their intended victims. A prosecutor seeking to investigate the situation in Tigray would have good reason to consider a case for crimes against humanity and genocide against the coalition military and political leaders.

2417 on conflict and hunger was designed to ensure that grave circumstances such as these would not be permitted to develop. Paragraph 12 reads:

‘[Council] Further requests the Secretary-General to report swiftly to the Council when the risk of conflict-induced famine and wide-spread food insecurity in armed conflict contexts occurs, and expresses its intention to give its full attention to such information provided by the Secretary-General when those situations are brought to its attention.’

The resolution doesn’t specify what the UNSC should do after giving ‘its full attention’ to the crisis. But it’s clear that it shouldn’t do nothing.

On current performance, Tigray is set to join the catalogue of genocides and crimes against humanity in which the world failed to act on warnings, and responded with hand wringing only after the event. The UNSC discussed the situation in Ethiopia under ‘any other business’ on 24 November and 14 December 2020, and held a closed session on the humanitarian crisis on 3 February 2021. Emergency Relief Coordinator and head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs briefed Council, with increasing candour and alarm, over subsequent weeks, with an extremely frank and alarming report on 15 April. No formal session was held and only a pallid press statement was issued on 23 April.

The countries that pushed for action were Ireland and the U.S., supported by other European countries. The immediate reason for deadlock at the UNSC was the threat of a veto by China and/or Russia, on the grounds that the conflict was a domestic matter for Ethiopia and not therefore a legitimate agenda item. This threat was possible because the three African members of the Council (Kenya, Niger and Tunisia) were not ready to support an assertive position pushed by western natitons. The African Union, despite its elaborate norms, principles and institutions designed precisely to prevent and manage a crisis such as this, was silent—rebuffed and intimidated by its host country Ethiopia.

Six months after Ethiopia and Eritrea launched their campaign of starvation and mass atrocity, the UNSC has been a bystander. The UN Secretary General has abdicated his responsibilities. The African Union has failed. On its third anniversary, resolution 2417 provides only the draft for the apology that might one day be forthcoming.

Source

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Hunger as a Weapon Against People in Tigray | Tigray Aid Response is Too Little, Too Late

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 10, 2021

👉 “በሰሜናዊ ናይጄሪያ ፣ በአፍጋኒስታን ወይም በማዕከላዊ አፍሪካ ሪፐብሊክ ግጭቶች ከሚያስከትሉት ጋር ሲነፃፀር የትግራይ ተወላጆች አነስተኛ ሰብአዊ እርድታ ያገኛሉ።”

ዋው! ጋላማራዎች ኢትዮጵያን እንዲህ አዋረዷት!

ለነገሩማ የወራሪዎቹ ጋላዎች እና ጋላማራዎች የመቶ ሰላሳ ዓመት ዕቅድ፣ ፍላጎትና ሕልም እኮ በትግራይ እና ኤርትራ የሚገኙትን ክርስቲያን ትግራዋያን በጦርነት፣ በረሃብ፣ በበሽታና በማፈናቀል(‘ፈንቅል’ን እናስታውስ!)ቀስበቀስ አዳክሞ በመጨረስ ሙሉውን የቀይ ባሕርን ጠረፍ ለኤዶማውያኑ እና እስማኤላውያኑ ሲሉ መቆጣጠር ነው። አረቦቹ ቀይ ባሕርን ሙሉ በሙሉ ተቆጣጠረው “ባሕረ አረብ” የማድረግ ሕልም ስላላቸው ጋላዎቹም አማራዎቹም እየሠሩ ያሉት ለአረቦች ነው። ይነጅሻቸውና፤ ሺህ ጊዜ“ነጃሽ፣ ነጃሽ” የሚሉን “ባሕረ ነጋሲን” ሙሉ በሙሉ የመቆጣጠር ሕልም ስላላቸው ነው።

ግልጥልጥ ብሎ የሚታየው ሃቅ ይህ ነው፣ ከታሪክ የተማርነውም ይህንን ነው፤ ዛሬም ዓይናችን የሚመሰክረው ይህንኑ ነው።

እስኪ አስቡበት፤ የሦስት ዓመታት ስውር ዝግጅት በህብረት ካደረጉ በኋላ ከአምስት ወራት በፊት፡ ልክ በአባታችን አቡነ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ዕለት፤ ጋላ እና አማራ በአንድ ላይ ሆነው የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለመጨፍጨፍ ተነሱ። እነዚህ “ወገኖች” ምን ያህል አህዛባዊ ክፋት፣ ክህደት፣ አውሬነትና አረመኔነት እንዳላቸው እስኪ በመገረምና በማዘን እንታዘባቸው፦

ትግራዋያን እንዳይሰደዱና ባሉበት እንዲያልቁ “ድንበር ጠባቂ” የአማራ ሚሊሺያዎችን ወደ ሱዳን ድንበር ላኳቸው

የኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪን የአህዛብ ቤን አሜር ሰአራዊት ወደ ገዳማትና ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናት ለጭፍጨፋ ላኩ ት

አህዛብ አረቦች ኤሚራቶችን ከአሰብ ተነስተው በድሮኖች ንጹሐንን እንዲጨፈጭፉ አደረጓቸው

የሶማሊያ አህዛብ ወታደሮችን እንዲሁ ክርስቲያኖችን ያርዱ ዘንድ ወደ ውቅሮ ላኳቸው

የትግራይን ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ለማስጨፍጨፍ ከደቡብ ሱዳን ስምንት ሺህ ወታደሮችን ጠየቁ (ግን አልተሳካም)

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ የሰብል ማሳዎችን አቃጠሏቸው

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ የምግብ ዕርዳታ ከለከሉት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ እህሉና ሊጡ ውስጥ አሸዋ ጨመሩበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በጥሜት እንዲያልቅ ውሃውን ዘጉበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ እንዳይታከምና እንዳይወልድ ሆስፒታሎቹን አቃጠሉበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ሰርቶ እንዳይበላ ፋብሪካዎቹን አፈራረሱበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕፃናት እንዳይማሩ ትምሕርት ቤቶቻቸውን አፈራረሱባቸው

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ጸሎት እንዳያደርስ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናቱን አፈራረሱበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን መነኮሳት ከአምላካቸው ጋር እንዳይኖሩ አባረሯቸው፣ ገዳማቱን አፈራረሱባቸው።

😢😢😢አእምሮ አንቀጥቅጥ የሆነ አሳዛኝ፣ አሳፋሪና አስቆጪ ነገር ነው!😠😠😠

👉 158 DAYS in Tigray / ፻፶፰/158 ቀናት በትግራይ

No Water & Food / ውሃ እና ምግብ የለም

No Cellphone / የሞባይል ስልክ የለም

No Internet Service / የእንተርኔት አገልግሎት የለም

No Bank service / የባንክ አገልግሎት የለም

No Electricity / ኤሌክትሪክ የለም

No Transportation access / የትራንስፖርት መዳረሻ የለም

No Drug Supply / የመድኃኒት አቅርቦት የለም

No Hospitals / ሆስፒታሎች የሉም

No Humanitarians Service / ምንም የሰብአዊ መብት ሰጭዎች አገልግሎት የለም

No Media access/ የሚዲያ መዳረሻ የለም

👉 በሰሜናዊ ናይጄሪያ ፣ በአፍጋኒስታን ወይም በማዕከላዊ አፍሪካ ሪፐብሊክ ግጭቶች ከሚያስከትሉት ጋር ሲነፃፀር የትግራይ ተወላጆች አነስተኛ ሰብአዊ እርድታ ያገኛሉ

👉 Tigrayans get less humanitarian relief compared to those facing the impact of conflicts in northern Nigeria, Afghanistan, or Central African Republic.

‘A restrictive government, combined with insecurity and active fighting, can completely hamstring the aid response for months.’

People in northern Ethiopia get less humanitarian relief compared to those facing the impact of conflicts in northern Nigeria, Afghanistan, or Central African Republic, an independent poll released today by research group Humanitarian Outcomes found.

Fewer than half the conflict-affected people in Ethiopia’s Tigray region had received help since the conflict began in November, the survey revealed. Those that did said it wasn’t enough, and 79 percent overall believed aid was not reaching the areas most in need. A quarter said government and military groups were blocking or taking aid. Compared to respondents in other conflict zones who answered the same questionnaire, Tigrayans are less sure of the reasons for uneven aid provision; the report suggests that limited telecommunications and media coverage could be a contributing factor.

The survey of 614 people in Tigray was conducted by phone from late February to early March, despite on-and-off power and mobile network connections. The sample included people across the major regions of Tigray, but few displaced people.

The survey provides new evidence to gauge the reach of humanitarian aid in a tense debate between the government and the international community over the scale and seriousness of the fall-out from Ethiopia’s five-month conflict.

The conflict began in November, when federal government forces clashed with armed insurgents supporting the regional political party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Other Tigrayan militia, the Eritrean military, and forces from the neighbouring Amhara region are also involved.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has said the government campaign is a necessary assertion of national legitimacy, as the country is faced with an armed rebellion. His government has regained control of major towns in Tigray and installed a provisional administration.

But military clashes continue, and massacres, forced displacement, sexual violence, looting, halting of trade and communications, and disruption of daily life mean most of the estimated six million people in the region are negatively affected, and millions need some kind of help.

The UN’s humanitarian office calls the situation “extremely dire and far from improving”.

EU envoy Pekka Haavisto is visiting the country this week, the latest in a series of diplomatic efforts to contain the conflict that threatens to destabilise the whole country and the wider region.

The report notes that compared to other crisis situations monitored by the overarching project on the “Coverage, Operational Reach, and Effectiveness of Humanitarian Aid”, “Tigray has the highest numbers of people in need as a percentage of the population, the lowest numbers of organisations responding, and the lowest percentage of people in need reached by aid.”

Researcher Abby Stoddard said the report “shows that a restrictive government, combined with insecurity and active fighting, can completely hamstring the aid response for months.”

Almost all respondents said they needed help, and 43 percent said they had received at least some. The most common form of aid requested, and received, was food. Healthcare, clean water, and sanitation services were the services next most in demand. However, electricity and telecommunications topped the answers to an open-ended question on what people needed most.

Only two percent of respondents said they had received any help other than food. Some 31 percent said they “don’t know” the main obstacle to accessing aid, but 23 percent blamed government restrictions and 21 percent a lack of safety. Non-government military were to blame, according to 16 percent.

“Mobile phone surveys will always be limited by the degree of phone ownership and coverage, and in this case we had to pause it a couple of times due to power outages,” explained Stoddard. “Respondents tend to skew more urban and educated as a rule… in this case we mainly reached people who were still in their home districts.”

Limited access

According to the international aid community, government restrictions as well as insecurity and fighting have been preventing sufficient relief aid from getting through. The government has relaxed some of its restrictions on media and aid groups following sustained international lobbying. Significant volumes of food aid are being delivered to the region by the government, the UN, and NGOs.

Addis Ababa insists progress is being made to normalise the situation and deliver help, and to investigate rights abuses. However, the UN’s latest map of humanitarian access shows only small pockets of the region are fully open to relief aid provision.

Asked about which aid agencies were most active, respondents mentioned the Relief Society of Tigray (REST) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). REST, formerly affiliated to the now rebel Tigray People’s Liberation Front, is the final link in the chain for a large food aid operation serviced by NGOs, including Catholic Relief Services.

Food and ‘starvation crimes’

Even as larger volumes of aid are being sent into the region, aid agency heads interviewed anonymously as part of the survey don’t have full confidence in where it’s going: “Although humanitarian organisations are doing their best to monitor distributions, some are worried about possible discrimination and exclusion in deciding who gets aid, and about the degree of control that authorities and armed actors are exerting over processes of targeting and distribution.”

The latest update by the UN humanitarian office, OCHA, reports an “extremely concerning malnutrition situation.”

A new report by The World Peace Foundation, whose authors include Horn of Africa and famine analyst Alex de Waal, states that “Ethiopian and Eritrean belligerents in the war in Tigray have comprehensively dismantled the region’s economy and food system.”

The report continued: “Regardless of who is responsible for the outbreak of hostilities, the sole reason for the scale of the humanitarian emergency is that the coalition of Ethiopian Federal forces, Amhara regional forces, and Eritrean troops are committing starvation crimes on large scale.”

Prior to the outbreak of war in November, the Tigray region had mostly achieved food security, the report noted. But in March, the US-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) classified at least 20 percent of the population of both central and eastern Tigray, in addition to several sections of northwestern and southeastern Tigray, as experiencing emergency levels of food insecurity.

Based on those figures, the report stated, there are now 50 to 100 excess deaths every day, and if the food security situation is not stabilised, it will lead to “mass starvation and a risk of famine” in the coming months.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Why The Tigray Investigation Should be Conducted by The UN, Alone

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 25, 2021

🔥 የዋቄዮአላህ ጭፍሮች አስቀድመው ቦታ ቦታ ይዘዋል

👉 ዳንኤል በቀለ + ሙሳ ፋቂ መሀመድ

እባብ አይኑ ዳንኤል በቀለ እና የመንፈስ ወንድሙ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ የኢትዮጵያ ሰብአዊ መብቶች ጉባኤ (ኢሰመጉ) መስራች የሆኑትን አዛውንቱን ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን ወልደማርያምን ገድለዋቸዋል።

👉 “ስጋውያኑ ኦሮሞዎች ለመንፈሳውያኑ ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያውያን ያላቸው ጥላቻ”

👉 “ፕሮፌሰር መስፍንን በዚህ ጽሑፋቸው ኦቦ ዐቢይ በኢሬቻ ዋዜማ ለአቴቴ ሰውቷቸዋልን?”

ፕሮፌሰር መስፍን የአክሱም/አድዋ አካባቢ ሰው መሆናቸው ጥያቄውን ጠንከር ያደርገዋል! ይህ አውሬ አያደርገውም አይባልም! ፕሮፌሰሩ አብዮት አህመድን፣ ሽመልስ አብዲሳን እና ታከለ ዑማን “የማፊያ ቡድን” ለማለት ደፍረዋል፤ በዚህ ትክክል ናቸው። ታዲያ ባፈነገጡበትና እነ ግራኝን አከታትለው መተቸት በጀመሩበት ማግስት፤ በአዲሱ ዓመትና በመስቀል ማግስት እንዲሁም በሰይጣናዊው ኢሬቻ ዋዜማ ኢትዮጵያን አፍርሰው ኦሮሙማን በመግንባት ላይ ያሉት እነዚህ ቆሻሾች በዚህ መልክ የፕሮፌሰሩን አፍ ለማዘጋት ቢደፍሩ አያስገርምም። ደካሞችና አረመኔዎች ደግሞ ከስህተቱ ተምሮ የነቃውን ሰው በጣም ይፈሩታል። ኦሮሞው አብዮት አህመድ እግረ መንገዱን የኦሮሞ አባቱን የመንግስቱ ኃይለ ማርያምን ፕሮፌሰር መስፍንን የመግድለ ህልም አሳክቶለት ይሆናል። የፕሮጀክት ኦሮሙማ ተቀናቃኝ ሁሉ እንደሚገደል ላለፉት ሁለት ዓመታት ከኢንጂነር ስመኘው እስክ ፕሬዚደንት ግርማ ወልደ ጊዮርጊስ ድረስ በነበሩት ግድያዎች በግልጽ አይተናል። አውሬው አብዮት አህምድ ስንቱን ተፎካካሪዎቹን፣ ተቀናቃኞቹንና ተቺዎቹን ገደለ!? የተመረጡትን ሳይቀር ስንቱን አሳተ? ብዙውን! በጣም ብዙውን! ፕሮፊሰር መስፍን አሸባሪውን አብዮት አህመድ ከማወደስ ለኦሮሞውቹ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ ሤራ ድጋፍ እስከ መስጠት ድረስ ብዙ ትክክል ያልሆኑ ነገሮችን ተናግረዋል፣ ሰርተዋል፤ ግን በመጨረሻ ስለ ኢትዮጵያ ጠላት ቍ. ፩ ስለ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ሃቁን ተናግረው ከዚህ ዓለም መሰናበታቸው ጥሩ ነገር ነው። ነፍሳቸውን ይማርላቸው! 👉 “ከዚህ ጋር በተያያዘ የተዘጋው ቻኔሌ ላይ ይህን ጽሑፍ/ ቪዲዮ አቅርቤው ነበር፦” “ግራኝ አህመድና ለማ መገርሳ አቡነ ማትያስን ከሩሲያ ለማስመለስ ፕሬዚደንት ግርማን ገድለዋቸው ይሆን?” https://wp.me/piMJL-4nc

Mr. Guterres, do you allow any probe into war crimes that involves the EHRC which is a state organ biased in favor of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed who lied to you?

Any probe into war crimes that involves the African Union or the government’s own human rights commission stands little chance of being effective.

Since 4 November, soldiers from the Ethiopian federal government, Amhara regional state, and Eritrea have waged a coordinated war in Tigray. For months, the region has been under a telecommunications blackout with journalists’ movement severely restricted. Nonetheless, reports continue to emerge of massacres, rape and ethnic cleansing. Humanitarian access has also been blocked, denying millions of civilians in need of assistance.

Given the apparent scale of the gross human rights violations, European Union, US and UN agencies among others have been calling for an international . The Ethiopian government first resisted this pressure, but eventually came up with a questionable proposal. It called upon the African Union (African Union) to investigate human rights abuses together with the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), a government agency.

In a surprising move, the Ethiopian government then also invited the UN Commissioner for Human Rights to jointly investigate, which was accepted. It remains unclear whether the UN’s acceptance now means the African Union’s involvement has been annulled or what exact arrangement is being planned. What does remain clear, however, is that any investigation in Tigray that involves the African Union or EHRC stands little chance of being legitimate and meaningful.

Un-independent arbiters

When the war against the Tigrayan Regional Government began, it quickly created a major humanitarian crisis and insecurity that threatened to destabilise the entire region. The need for African Union action was clear, yet the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, displayed no interest in intervening. In fact, a month and a half into the war, he declared that: “In Ethiopia, the federal government took bold steps to preserve the unity, stability and respect for the constitutional order of the country, which is legitimate for all states.” With this stance, he not only displayed partisanship and a disregard for the civilians caught up in the fighting, but he also undermined the peace efforts embarked upon by African Union Chair, President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa.

One reason for the African Union’s bias may have been the international influence and diplomatic capital that Ethiopia has built up, ironically mostly during the time when the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) dominated the government. Another factor may be the undue influence accorded to Ethiopia due to the fact that it hosts the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa.

The EHRC is widely regarded as being similarly compromised. It is nominally an independent state organ, but many Ethiopians see it as biased in favour of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration. One reason for this is that its reporting has often been selective, targeting cases that reinforce the government’s narrative. For example, it took the EHRC only a few days to send a team to the Tigrayan town of Maikadra to investigate allegations of a massacre in November 2020. About a week later, it released its preliminary report which attributed responsibility to Tigrayan fighters. In doing so, the EHRC ignored or discredited witness statements from numerous refugees in Sudan, reported in several news agencies, who claimed that Amhara militias had also committed massacres in Maikadra.

The EHRC has been much slower to investigate many other reports of massacres in Tigray. Although it did recently release a preliminary report regarding “grave human rights violations committed in Axum” and pointed the finger at “Eritrean soldiers”, these findings came nearly four months after the November attack. Notably, its statement also came just the day after Abiy acknowledged publicly for the first time that Eritrean forces were indeed operating in Tigray, after denying it for months.

Why a UN-led investigation is needed

Most Tigrayan political parties and the President of Tigray Debretsion Gebremichael have made it clear that they wouldn’t consider a probe into the war led by the African Union or EHRC as legitimate. They expect that any such effort would be unduly influenced by the Ethiopian government and serve as a way for the state to cover up, rather than expose, war crimes.

Impartiality – and the perception of impartiality – must be a key part of any human rights probe if it is to meaningfully investigate and pave the way for justice, accountability, and reconciliation. In the case of Tigray, this means that the task can only be entrusted to an international body that is seen as neutral and commands the trust of all the actors.

There is a practical element to this too. An investigation involving the African Union or EHRC would struggle to secure cooperation not only from the parties to the conflict but many witnesses and victims. Moreover, it is likely that only an international body like the UN would have the African Unionthority and independence to be able to navigate such a complex conflict with such a wide range of actors that includes Eritrea and sub-regional ethnic militias. Investigators will not only need to shed light on atrocities in a context in which almost all allegations are being denied but make sense of the deeply historical drivers of the conflict, which will require the analysts to be detached from politics.

A UN-mandated and -led investigation is the closest we can get to such a feat. And the International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur may be a good blueprint. The alleged atrocities are similar and some parallels can also be drawn regarding parties to the conflicts.

It is promising that Ethiopia invited the UN to join the investigation in Tigray. However, if the probe is to be effective and legitimate, the UN must now insist that it is conducted by only its officials – working independently, impartially, and without the intervention of any third party.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Thousands Missing As People Flee Tigray | ሰዎች ከትግራይ ሲሸሹ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ጠፍተዋል

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 24, 2021

The Eritrean army are occupying villages in Tigray, displacing thousands of residents and refugees.

Eritrean Army Destroys Refugee Camps | የኤርትራ ጦር የስደተኞች ካምፕን አፈረሰ

👉 ባዕዳውያኑ በደንብ አይተውታል ፥ SkyNews

Eritrea has partnered up with Abiy Ahmed to eliminate the People of Tigray

አብይ አህመድ የትግራይ ህዝብን ለማጥፋት ከኤርትራ ጋር አጋር ሆኗል

አሁን ኤርትራ ከሁለት ዐሥርት ዓመታት በላይ ሕወሓትን ያስተዳደረችውን የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ፥ እና ህዝብን ፥ ለማጥፋት ባደረገው ሙከራ ኤርትራ ከአብይ አህመድ ጋር አጋር ሆናለች።

Ethiopia’s Tigray Conflict: The ‘Twisted Joke’ of Denial in The Violence is Finally Laid Bare

For the past five months the head of the Ethiopian government has adamantly denied the existence of Eritrean troops, together with their military hardware, in the northern region of Tigray.

Today, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed dropped the pretence, admitting in the country’s House of People’s Representatives there were Eritrean soldiers, “guarding the border against the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front).”

The statement constitutes official acceptance of the blatantly obvious.

The near-ubiquitous presence of Eritrean soldiers within northern Ethiopia has become something of a twisted joke among locals in Tigrayan cities like Shire.

Dressed in distinctive light camouflage, the Eritreans drive into the central business district to buy supplies, get their vehicles fixed or pick up new equipment.

A short drive outside the city brings you into contract with checkpoints manned by surly Eritrean soldiers.

When we tried to visit the remains of the Hitsats refugee camp – one of two camps thought to have been attacked by Eritrean troops in mid-November – we were stopped by a man in an officer’s cap.

“N’tsaeda seb sifkedn” or “no white people allowed” he barked.

Eritrean soldiers giving orders in Ethiopia: we did as we were told and turned the car around.

There was plenty of evidence of extensive co-operation between leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea before prime minister Ahmed made his announcement today.

Locked in combat for years, the Ethiopian head and Isias Afwerki, the dictatorial leader of Eritrea, inked a peace deal back in 2018. It was a diplomatic breakthrough that bagged Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize.

Now, Eritrea has partnered up with Abiy Ahmed in his attempt to eliminate the political party – and people – who ran Tigray for over two decades, the TPLF.

A mixture of Ethiopian and Eritrean troops control the main cities and highways in Tigray and we spotted Eritrean tanks, armoured vehicles and trucks crammed with troops populating an area stretching from Shire up to the Eritrean border.

We stopped at a village and began to chat to group of local women.

The attacks on Shimelba and Hitsats, which are believed to have occurred on or around 19 November, took place amid heavy fighting with the TPLF and may constitute the single worst atrocity in this vicious conflict.

I spoke to a man who said he had witnessed the attack.

“What happened to the people who were here?” I asked.

He said: “People were killed by bullets. Heavy weapons and the tanks were firing and the houses were burnt. This is when the people fled. If they caught them, they killed them. It was the Eritrean army doing this.”

Aid officials told us that Eritrean soldiers attacked Hitsats camp at approximately the same time as Shimelba.

We spoke to man who was living in Hitsats when the troops moved in and he told us he was absolutely terrified.

He said: “When we heard the gunshots, people were running all over, to the left and right. I was (living) in ‘Zone D’ and my friend in Zone A was killed.”

“Sammy” says he was interrogated by troops who accused him of working for anti-government parties and an opposition media organisation called ASENA.

He survived several rounds of questioning and was held with other camp residents for the next two months without food and clean water to drink.

“I cry when I think of it. We ate moringa leaves. We passed our time by eating moringa, crushing and eating the leaves. We were really starving,” he said.

“There was no food or water. I wish I’d never been a refugee.”

In late January, the residents of Shimelba were ordered to leave the camp and ordered to walk 100km to the Eritrean border.

Sammy, who had fled the country in 2019 to avoid mandatory, life-time service in the Eritrean military, realised he was going to be forcibly returned.

“I was limping, there was blisters on my feet. We were injured,” he said.

“We would have preferred to die. It was difficult.”

When he arrived in the border town of Sheraro, the refugee concocted a plan to escape.

He asked a soldier if he could approach a local household and beg for scraps of food as the Eritrean Army had not provided them with anything to eat on their three-day march.

The soldier acquiesced and Sammy used the opportunity to slip away.

The majority were less fortunate.

Aid officials told Sky News they believe thousands of camp residents from Shimelba and Hitsats were forced to return to Eritrea with some required to sign “confession documents” on the way.

The present status of these individuals in unknown.

Sky News understands there were approximately 35,000 residents in both camps but only 7,000 have re-registered as refugees in Ethiopia.

Of this group, the majority have relocated to two other camps in western Tigray (Adi Harush and Mai Aini).

We also know that several hundred Eritreans escaped to Sudan, a thousand or so may be living in Shire and a small number have travelled to cities like the capital Addis Ababa.

That leaves a large number of refugees from both camps unaccounted for – with aid officials here in Ethiopia hugely concerned for their safety.

They fear that many thousands have been killed or abducted back to Eritrea – the country the risked their lives to flee.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

 
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