King Charles III Faces Pressure to Return Sacred Tabot—Which Symbolically Represents The Ark of The Covenant to Ethiopia

👉 ገብርኤል 😇 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

💭 አዲሱ ‘ንጉሥ ቻርለስ ሳልሳዊ’ የቃል ኪዳኑን ታቦት (ጽላተ ሙሴን) የሚወክለውን የተቀደሰውን ታቦት ወደ ኢትዮጵያ እንዲመለስ ግፊት ተደረገበት።

በቀጥታ በንጉሣዊው ሥልጣን ሥር የሚገኘው ዌስትሚኒስተር አቤይ፣ በአሁኑ ጊዜ ቅዱሱን ጽላት ለመመለስ ፈቃደኛ አልሆነም።

💭 ጊዜውን በደንብ እንዋጅ፤ ይህ በአጋጣሚ አይደለም፤ ንግሥቲቱም የተቀበረችው እዚሁ ጽላታችን አጠገብ ነው፤ ለማንኛውም ሁሉም ተደናግጠዋል!

የንግሥት ኤልሳቤጥ ዳግማዊ ሞት፣ ‘አዲስ‘ ንጉሥ አዲስ የ፳፻፲፭ አመት የጽዮንና የጽዮናውያን ጠላቶች ተርበድብደዋል፣ በሃገራችን አረመኔዎቹ ጋል–ኦሮሞዎችና እኵዩ ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ወኪሎች ንጹሐን ወገኖቼ ከአዲ ደዕሮ እስከ ወለጋ በመጨፍጨፍና በማስቃየት ላይ ናቸው። (ወዮላችሁ እናንተ አረመኔዎች፤ ሕዝባችንን ቶሎ ልቀቁ!)

ያው እንግዲህ፤ ከኢትዮጵያ እስከ ፍሎሪዳ አሜሪካ፣ ከብሪታኒያ እስከ ኢራን፤ በመላው ዓለም ጽላተ ሙሴ ድንቅ ሥራውን እየሠራ ነው። ሞኞቹና ግትሮቹ የሕወሓት ደጋፊዎች የደምና መቅኔ ተምሳሊት የሆኑትን ሁለት ቀለማት(ፀረ–ሥላሴ/Antitrinitarian፣ ሁለትዮሽ/Dualistic)) በመልበስ ፈንታ፣ የሉሲፈር/ቻይና ባንዲራን በማውለብለብ ፈንታ ነጭ ለብሰው፣ የቃልኪዳኑን ታቦት ተሸክመውና የጽዮን ሦስት ቀለማት (Trinity/ሥላሴ)ያረፉበትን የንጉሠ ነገሥት አፄ ዮሐንስ ሰንደቅን እያውለበለቡ በምዕራባውያን ከተሞች ጎዳናዎች ላይ ለሰልፍ መውጣቱን ቢያዘወትሩ፣ እንዲሁም በጦር ሜዳው ሆነ በሌሎች ቦታዎች “ድል” በተቀዳጁ ቁጥር ለእግዚአብሔር፣ ለጽዮን ማርያም፣ ለቅዱሳኑ እና ለጽላተ ሙሴ ምስጋናቸውን ቢያሳዩ ኖሮ የሕዝባችን የስቃይና ሰቆቃ ጊዜ ባጠረልን እንዲሁም የጽዮን ጠላቶችም በሳምንት ውስጥ በተጠራረጉ ነበር።

እጅግ በጣም ከሚያሳዝኑኝ ጉዳዮች መካከል አንዱ ይህን መጠቆም የሚችል አባት፣ ልሂቅና ባለሥልጣን አለመኖሩ ነው። ከሌላውስ ምንም ነገር አልጠብቅም፤ ግን በተለይ ከትግራይ የወጡ መንፈሳውያን አባቶች ይህ ትልቅ መለሎታዊ ምስጢር በግልጽ ሊታያቸው በቻለ ነበር። አልማር ስላልን፣ ልባችንም ስለደነደና የተመረጡትም እየሳቱ ስለሆኑ ወጥቶ እውነቱን በድፍረት ሊናገር የሚችል አባት እናገኝ ዘንድ አልተፈቀደልንም። በዚህ እጅግ በጣም አዝናለሁ!

ሆኖም ግን ኃያሉ የቃልኪዳኑ ታቦት ድንቅ ሥራውን መሥራቱን ይቀጥላል። ታቦተ ጽዮን፤ ፈጠነም ዘገየም፡ በአክሱም ጽዮን ላይ የዘመቱትን ሉሲፈራውያን ሁሉ ከእነ ጭፍሮቻቸው፣ ንብረቶቻቸውና ምልክቶቻቸው አንድ በአንድ ይጠራርጋቸዋል። ፻/100%!

✞✞✞[፪ኛ ወደ ቆሮንቶስ ሰዎች ምዕራፍ ፲፬፥፭፡፮]✞✞✞

“የጦር ዕቃችን ሥጋዊ አይደለምና፥ ምሽግን ለመስበር ግን በእግዚአብሔር ፊት ብርቱ ነው፤ የሰውንም አሳብ በእግዚአብሔርም እውቀት ላይ የሚነሣውን ከፍ ያለውን ነገር ሁሉ እናፈርሳለን ለክርስቶስም ለመታዘዝ አእምሮን ሁሉ እንማርካለን፥ መታዘዛችሁም በተፈጸመች ጊዜ አለመታዘዝን ሁሉ ልንበቀል ተዘጋጅተናል።”

👉 From The Art Newspaper, 30 September 2022

+ 💭 Queen Elizabeth II in Ethiopia February 1965

💭 Westminster Abbey, which is directly under the monarch’s jurisdiction, currently refuses to return the Holy Tablet

George Carey, a former Archbishop of Canterbury, has told The Art Newspaper that he is “astonished and saddened” that Westminster Abbey is refusing to return a sacred Tabot to Ethiopia. For the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, a Tabot is a holy tablet that symbolically represents the Ark of the Covenant.

London’s Westminster Abbey is what is known as a Royal Peculiar, which puts it directly under the monarch’s jurisdiction. This means that returning the Tabot might well require the blessing of the monarch, the supreme governor of the Church of England.

In July 2018 The Art Newspaper revealed that the Ethiopian government was calling for the restitution of the abbey’s Tabot. Although King Charles III will now be dealing with a myriad of pressing issues, he is known to be sympathetic towards the Eastern Churches. More than 150 years after its acquisition, an appeal to the new king for the return of the Tabot might finally prove successful.

Westminster Abbey’s Tabot was looted at the battle of Maqdala (Magdala) in 1868, when British troops attacked the forces of emperor Tewodros. The Tabot was then acquired by Captain George Arbuthnot of the Royal Artillery.

Arbuthnot donated the Tabot to the abbey. Two years later a new altar was commissioned for the Henry VII Lady Chapel. The dean inserted the Tabot into the back of the altar, where it remained visible, along with two other sacred objects: fragments from the high altar of Canterbury Cathedral and the leading Greek Orthodox church in Damascus.

The Ethiopian Church has a strict belief that Tabot should not be seen, other than by priests. In 2010 the abbey therefore added a covering so that its Tabot is no longer visible behind the altar. Today a ghost-like rectangle where the front of the tablet could once be viewed can just be made out.

An abbey spokesperson said last month that “there are no current plans [for its return], but the future of the Tabot is kept under review”.

Carey, who served as archbishop from 1991 to 2002, told us just before the Queen’s death that he is disturbed that the Church of England “has not returned a sacred object belonging to another faith and country”.

💭 British Museum considers loan of ‘invisible’ objects back to Ethiopia

The British Museum holds 11 Tabot, the largest collection in the UK. To reflect the prohibition on them being seen, they are kept in an underground store that even the museum’s staff cannot enter.

The pressure group Returning Heritage last month submitted a Freedom of Information request to the British Museum, asking for details of claims for the Tabot since 1990. The group argues that the museum would legally be able to deaccession, under an exemption which allows it to dispose of objects that are “unfit to be retained”. Since the Tabot cannot be seen, the pressure group argues that there is no point in them remaining in the museum’s collection—and they should be returned to Ethiopia.

Since the summer of 2021, as part of its efforts to bridge cultures, The Scheherazade Foundation has been campaigning behind the scenes for the British Museum to repatriate eleven highly sacred Ethiopian altar tablets looted by British forces at the Battle of Maqdala in 1868. So sacred are these ‘Tabot’ to the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, that in some 150 years the Museum has never put them on display nor allowed them to be studied, copied or even photographed. They therefore have no value to the Museum and should be returned to their rightful owners – a point made to the Museum Trustees in a letter sent by the Scheherazade Foundation last September and backed up by an opinion by Samantha Knights QC. Among the signatories to the Foundation letter were the former Archbishop of Canterbury Lord Carey, Lord Foster of the Liberal Democrats, and former Labour minister Lord Boateng. The British Museum answered that letter only last month, refusing to engage in any way with the comprehensive legal arguments that the Foundation had put forward for the Tabot’s return. Yesterday in the House of Lords, Lord Carey tabled an oral question on the matter, sparking a lively debate in which Lords Foster and Boateng, along with the Bishop of Worcester and Lord Bassam of the Labour Party also intervened to support the Foundation’s position. Here is the relevant clip from the debate.

✞✞✞[2 Corinthians 10:4-6]✞✞✞

“The weapons we fight with are not the weapons of the world. On the contrary, they have divine power to demolish strongholds. We demolish arguments and every pretension that sets itself up against the knowledge of God, and we take captive every thought to make it obedient to Christ. And having in a readiness to revenge all disobedience, when your obedience is fulfilled.”

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The Ark of The Covenant: Hurricane in FlorIDA – ADI rolf = ADI Daero-Massacre

❖❖❖ R.I.P ለሁሉም ነፍሳቸውን ይማርላቸው ❖❖❖

😇 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

በላቲኑ ፊደላት “ፍሎሪዳ” ተገልብጦ ሲነበብ “አዲ ሮልፍ” ይሰጠናል። “አዲ ዳእሮ” ን ጠቆመን። የተጓደሉት ሦስት ፊደላት ደግሞ ‘ELF’ ጀብሃን ሠርተዋል። ጀብሃ አረቦች የፈጠሩት የሻዕቢያ እናት ነው። የዛሬው ሻዕቢያ በአረቦች የሚደገፈውና የክርስቲያኖች ጠላቱ ጀብሃ ነው። በተለይ በሶሪያና ኢራቅ ይደገፍ ነበር፤ ሶሪያንና ኢራቅን አየናቸው፤ አይደል?! በተረፈ ሁለቱ ቃላት “አዶልፍ”ን ሰርተውልናል። ጥቁሩ አዶልፍ ሂትለር = ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ። ስለዚህ በቅርቡ አረመኔዎቹ ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ እና ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ በእሳት ተጠርገው በኤርታ አሌ እሳተ ገሞራ በኩል ወደ ዘላለማዊው ገሃነም እሳት ይወርዳሉ!

💭 Florida (FL) – ADI rolf = ADI Daero (E) – ADOLF + ELF (Eritrean Liberation Front ‘Jebha’)

Eritrean war planes bombed ADI Dearo. ELF is a Jihadist group created by Arabs. USA + Canada + Europe + Israel + Russia + Ukraine + China supported UAE + Iran + Turkey drones massacring Orthodox Christians in Tigray, Ethiopia.

The DAY after the ADI Daero (The region of Ethiopia where The Ark of The Covenant is preserved) Massacre – this tragedy in Florida – ADI rolf = ADI Daero

💭 Catastrophic Destruction Leaving Hundreds Dead In Florida Hurricane Aftermath. Hurricane Ian ravaged the area and collapsed part of the Sanibel Causeway

💭 The Conspiracy of Silence: The world and its media outlets are of course silent on this story: Ethiopia: Christians Carpet Bombed by The Nobel Peace Laureate & His Foreign Mercenaries – over 50 children massacred.

💭 Residents in the Northern Ethiopian city of Adi Daero, in Tigray scream in agony while searching for their families in the ash and trying to rescue people trapped under a rubble. A mother is heard shouting loudly “my son, my son, I lost him…”

The unEthiopian fascist Oromo regime’s and Eritrean air forces bombarded many towns in Tigray including Shire, Adi Daero and Mekelle.

Adi Daero Massacre, in Tigray Ethiopia, 27 September 2022

This barbaric act was carried out on 27 September 2022 – on the very day Christians celebrated the annual Christian festival of the Meskel (which means “CROSS” in Ethiopic), marking the finding of the “True Cross” on which Jesus Christ was crucified. The festival is one of the major religious celebrations of the Orthodox Church in Ethiopia.

• 💭 Six million People Silenced: A Two-Year Internet and Phone Outage in Ethiopia
• 💭 ስድስት ሚሊዮን ሕዝብ ታፈነ፤ በኢትዮጵያ የሁለት ዓመት የኢንተርኔት እና የስልክ አገልግሎት መቋረጥ

✞✞✞[2 Corinthians 10:4-6]✞✞✞

“The weapons we fight with are not the weapons of the world. On the contrary, they have divine power to demolish strongholds. We demolish arguments and every pretension that sets itself up against the knowledge of God, and we take captive every thought to make it obedient to Christ. And having in a readiness to revenge all disobedience, when your obedience is fulfilled.”

✞✞✞[፪ኛ ወደ ቆሮንቶስ ሰዎች ምዕራፍ ፲፬፥፭፡፮]✞✞✞

“የጦር ዕቃችን ሥጋዊ አይደለምና፥ ምሽግን ለመስበር ግን በእግዚአብሔር ፊት ብርቱ ነው፤

የሰውንም አሳብ በእግዚአብሔርም እውቀት ላይ የሚነሣውን ከፍ ያለውን ነገር ሁሉ እናፈርሳለን ለክርስቶስም ለመታዘዝ አእምሮን ሁሉ እንማርካለን፥ መታዘዛችሁም በተፈጸመች ጊዜ አለመታዘዝን ሁሉ ልንበቀል ተዘጋጅተናል።”

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How Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed Ali Lost The World | ግራኝ አህመድ አሊ አለምን እንዴት እንዳጣት

😇 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

👹 አብይ አህመድ አሊ አለምን እንዴት እንዳጣት

👹 ችግሩ አብይ እንጂ ኢትዮጵያ አይደለችም።

☆ ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ አቢይ ስለ ሕወሓት የሚናገረው ነገር ሁሉ እራሱ የሚያስበውንና ለማድረግ የሚፈልገውን ድርጊት ይመስላል እንጂ ከእውነታው ጋር የተያያዘ አይደለም።

☆ አብይ ከእሱ ጋር ሙሉ በሙሉ የማይስማማውን ሁሉ እንደ ጠላት ነው የሚመለከተው። እዚህ የቱርክ ፕሬዝዳንት የሆነውን የኤርዶጋንን ልምድ ይደግማል።

☆ የአብይ መንግስት በፕሮፌሽናልነት ከመሰማራት ይልቅ በውዳቂ ቱልቱላዎቹ ላይ መመካትን ይመርጣል። እንደነዚህ ያሉት ዘዴዎች ሁል ጊዜ ለራሱ መዘዝ ያመጣሉ።

☆ አብይ የውጭ ኃይሎች ኢትዮጵያን እንዲወሩለት ጋብዞ ማስገባቱ ዓይን ያወጣ ክህደት ነው።

☆ አብይ፤ ‘እኔ መንግስት ነኝ’ ‘l’état, c’est moi’ የሚል አመለካከት ሊኖረው ይችላል፤ ግን ተሳስቷል። ኢትዮጵያ ታላቅ ሀገር ነች። ነጠላ ሰው አይደለችም። የአብይ ዘመቻ በትግራይ ትልቅ ሽንፈት አምጥቶበታል። የአብይ አገዛዝ ማብቃት አለበት! ነገር ግን ያ ማለት የኢትዮጵያ መጨረሻ ማለት አይደለም። ፥ ኢትዮጵያውያን አብይን የማጥፋት ተልዕኮውን መከተላቸውን ካልቀጠሉ በስተቀር።

👹 The Problem is Abiy, not Ethiopia

☆ Increasingly, Abiy’s vitriol toward the TPLF appears to be a projection or his own mindset, and not rooted in reality.

☆ Abby treats anyone who does not agree completely with him as an enemy. Here, he repeats the experience of Erdogan, Turkey’s president.

☆ Rather than engage professionally, the Abby regime prefers to rely on trolls. Such tactics always backfire.

☆ That Abiy appears to have blessed a foreign invasion of Ethiopia is treasonous on its face.

☆ Abby embraces the attitude, l’état, c’est moi, but he is wrong. Ethiopia is a great nation. It is not a single man. Abby’s campaign in Tigray has been a disaster. It should mark the end of Abby’s rule, but that does not mean an end to Ethiopia – unless Ethiopians continue to follow Abiy on his suicide mission.

It has now been almost three years since the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced Abiy Ahmed as the recipient of the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize “for his efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation.” Abiy received international plaudits. CNN called him a “modern day African leader.” Other African leaders congratulated him on twitter.

Terrence Lyons, a professor of conflict resolution at the Carter School, praised other aspects of Ethiopia’s tremendous progress under Abiy. He released political prisoners and opened political space. “Political prisoners were released, the repressive civil society law scrapped, and independent media rebounded. Exiled movements that had been labeled as terrorists – such as Ginbot 7, the Oromo Liberation Front, and the Ogaden National Liberation Front – agreed to end their armed struggles and returned to Ethiopia and registered as political parties,” Lyons explained. He continued to report that Abiy had strengthened civil society and laid the groundwork for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to explore the abuses of previous regimes. As important, Ethiopia began to meet its economic potential as an African giant.

From Promise to Pariah

Today, that promise is gone. The Nobel Committee may not be able to revoke its prize, but it chastised Abiy in a way that exceeded admonishments of other recipients whose commitment to peace eventually waned.

Abiy and his partisans believe such criticism is unfair. He and his supporters grow frustrated that the international community largely discounts their narrative surrounding the start of the Tigray War and its conduct. Too often, this frustration manifests itself in either personal attacks or conspiracy theories, both of which exacerbate Abiy’s relationship with the broader international community. It may be satisfying to blame others, but it is immature. If Abiy wants to know how he lost the world, he need only consider his own actions.

Alas, he is unwilling to do this. Earlier this month, I had the opportunity to sit in on a conversation with an Ethiopian Cabinet-level official and ask him what lessons the Abiy government had learned from the past two years of civil war. After all, there are two major parties to the conflict, and to suggest the fault rests solely with Abiy’s enemies is not realistic. Even if Abiy believes truth is fully on his side, responsible political and military leadership should constantly assess and adjust tactics. Abiy’s does not, for the simple reason they do not acknowledge mistakes.

This could suggest many dynamics, none of which is good for Ethiopia. First, Abiy may truly be unable to recognize the error of his ways. He may have a messiah complex and believe that he can do no wrong. Second, Abiy may so terrorize those around him that they either self-censor or fear contradicting their boss. In a sense, this was the dynamic at play when Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman allegedly ordered the murder of Washington Post columnist and Muslim Brotherhood activist Jamal Khashoggi. That many long-time visitors to Ethiopia report public fear approaching what Ethiopia experienced under the Derg should raise alarms.

Volume over Substance

Also contributing to the collapse of Abiy’s reputation has been the Ethiopian government’s over-the-top response to criticism and its ineffective diplomacy. Too often, Abiy and his regime substitute volume for substantive engagement. The Ethiopian Embassy in Washington, D.C. is a non-entity. Its diplomats are less active than those of countries a fraction of Ethiopia’s size.

Rather than engage professionally, the Abiy regime prefers to rely on trolls. Such tactics always backfire. They did not work for Somalia’s Mohamed Farmajo or Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Rather, online polemics became self-defeating as the leaders themselves began to confuse paid and imaginary courtiers with legitimate opinions. Trolls seldom change the opinion of policymakers for the simple reason that the latter do not spend their time online, let alone on a platform prone to manipulation and dominated by anonymous persons.

For the Ethiopian government to use trolls to punish opinions it dislikes also backfires because it antagonizes rather than changes minds. If Abiy’s government believed in the justice of its cause, it should be able to use facts to cajole and convince rather than simply lob insults. Perhaps Abiy believed he could use trolls to attack diplomats, foreign analysts, and academics, and then conduct business as usual through official channels. This fools no one. When government-paid trolls throw fireballs, it reflects on all serving Ethiopian diplomats and ministers. It disqualifies them in the court of normal relations.

Perhaps one of the reasons for Abiy’s slash-and-burn diplomatic strategy is a mindset that exaggerates Ethiopia’s importance to non-Ethiopians. At its core, Abiy treats anyone who does not agree completely with him as an enemy. Here, he repeats the experience of Erdogan, Turkey’s president. The West once saw Erdogan as a moderate and a bridge-builder. But years of dismissing even mild criticism as evidence of affiliation with terrorist groups backfired. Rather than being silenced, Abiy’s critics, diplomats, and even his earlier cheerleaders began to question his grip on reality. He antagonized so many figures at home and abroad that today he can rely only on his own family.

It is also incorrect to adopt the “with us or against us” mindset for domestic politics. When Abiy supporters suggest criticism of his conduct of the Tigray war means affinity for the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), he appears paranoid if not a loon. That his supporters suggest criticism of Abiy and partiality toward the Tigryans is racist does Abiy no favors. It makes as much sense as suggesting that support for Ukraine over Russia is motivated by anti-white sentiment.

Confusing Propaganda with Reality

Abiy may be frustrated that the world in general and Washington, in particular, do not share his conclusions about the TPLF as a terrorist group. Arguments that the TPLF is to Addis Ababa what al Qaeda is to Washington are ridiculous. The TPLF was the dominant party in Ethiopia’s governing coalition from 1991 to 2018. While Abiy is correct that the TPLF committed human rights abuses during its rule – one in which he participated both as director-general of the Information Network Security Agency and later as a minister – simply reclassifying political rivals as a terrorist group and then growing angry when the international community does not follow suit is self-defeating. Even if the TPLF was a terror group, there is no justification for the collective punishment and mass starvation that Abiy has directed. Increasingly, Abiy’s vitriol toward the TPLF appears to be a projection or his own mindset, and not rooted in reality.

Abiy’s arguments fail to resonate in other ways. His supporters say the TPLF fired the first shots on Nov. 3, 2020, when Tigrayan forces attacked the Northern Command headquarters. But the speed and scale of the Ethiopian reaction suggest prior planning on Abiy’s part. This in turn leads foreign analysts to interpret Tigrayan action as pre-emption rather than aggression.

Allies also matter. To make peace with Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki is one thing; to collaborate actively with him is another. That Abiy appears to have blessed a foreign invasion of Ethiopia is treasonous on its face. Abiy’s alliance with former Somalian President Mohamed Farmajo, a man who collaborated with Al-Shabaab and sought to extend his own term illegally, is almost as stigmatizing. Friends matter. Simply put, Abiy’s hatred led him to the disqualifying embrace of rogues. He may blame the outside world, but he took that journey of his own accord.

The Problem is Abiy, not Ethiopia

Abiy embraces the attitude, l’état, c’est moi, but he is wrong. Ethiopia is a great nation. It is not a single man. Abiy’s campaign in Tigray has been a disaster. It should mark the end of Abiy’s rule, but that does not mean an end to Ethiopia – unless Ethiopians continue to follow Abiy on his suicide mission. Here, an Iraq analogy is useful. In the 1980s, Saddam Hussein slaughtered the Iraqi Kurds in the Anfal genocide. Rather than divorce Iraq completely, Iraqi Kurds still mark Iraqi Army Day each year on Jan. 6. To date, they realize Saddam was the problem, but see the Iraqi Army as an institution to respect.

A year ago, Abiy might have used external diplomacy to shield himself from accountability for his own actions. Today it is too late. He has condemned himself and Ethiopia to pariah status, and has become an impediment to both peace and to Ethiopia’s efforts to secure an influence commensurate with its size, history, and economic potential.

Abiy may persevere as Robert Mugabe did, but Ethiopia will pay the price, just as Zimbabwe did. The simple reality is the United States, European Union, and many African countries no longer see Abiy as redeemable. For peace and prosperity in Ethiopia, the only course of action is Abiy’s exit. If, when, and how that happens will be a question for Ethiopians only. The lone certainty is that Abiy’s legacy will be shaped less by his Nobel Prize and more by the revelations of a future Truth and Reconciliation Committee.

Source

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Ethiopia: Christians Carpet Bombed by The Nobel Peace Laureate & His Foreign Mercenaries

😇 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

😠😠😠 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😢😢😢

💭 Residents in the Northern Ethiopian city of Adi Daero, in Tigray scream in agony while searching for their families in the ash and trying to rescue people trapped under a rubble. A mother is heard shouting loudly “my son, my son, I lost him…”

Yesterday, ‘unEthiopian’ fascist Oromo regime’s and Eritrean air forces bombarded many towns in Tigray including Shire, Adi Daero and Mekelle.

This barbaric act was carried out yesterday, 27 September 2022 – on the very day Christians celebrated the annual Christian festival of the Meskel (which means “CROSS” in Ethiopic), marking the finding of the “True Cross” on which Jesus Christ was crucified. The festival is one of the major religious celebrations of the Orthodox Church in Ethiopia.

👹 Evil Jihadist Abiy Ahmed Ali Blessed A Foreign Invasion of Ethiopia is Treasonous on its Face

It’s tragic that the ‘PEACE PACT’ – actually a WAR PACT — that earned evil Galla-Oromo Abiy Ahmed Ali the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize allowed him to borrow Eritrean soldiers, U the Eritrean army UAE + Turkey + Iran drones, to conduct this genocidal war against Christian Tigray, Ethiopia„

👹 Kosovo 2.0 in the making. This is the evil did of Ahmed’s PP Oromos, Isaias’s EPLF, Debre Tsions’ TPLF and Amhara PP/ Fano.

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