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Nobel Laureate Vs. Nobel Laureate | Blocking of Food Distribution in Ethiopia

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 10, 2020

👉 Nobel Peace Laureate Using Hunger as a Weapon

👉 Noble Peace Prize = License for Genocide

👉 የኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት = ለዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል ፈቃድ

Last year’s Nobel Peace Laureate Abiy Ahmed Ali is blocking this year’s Nobel Peace Laureate’s The World Food Program’s (WFP) food relief in Ethiopia.

እንደው በአጋጣሚ? የ2019 ኖቤል ሰላም ተሸላሚው አረመኔው ጂኒ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ ረሃብን እንደ ጦር መሣሪያ በመጠቀም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በረሃብ ለመቅጣት ወስኗል፤ ለዚህም ተግባሩ ከሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት የሚሰጠውን ትዕዛዝ በመቀበል የዘንድሮውን የሰላም ተሸላሚን እርዳታ በማገድና ምግብም እንዳያከፋፍል ለማድረግ በሰራተኞቹ ላይ ተኩስ መክፈት መርጧል። የ2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ዛሬ ይበረከታል።

የኖርዌይ የኖቤል ኮሚቴ የዓለም ምግብ ፕሮግራምን ለምን እንደሚያከብሩ ሦስት ምክንያቶችን ሰጠ ፤ ረሃብን መዋጋት ፣ ግጭት በተከሰተባቸው አካባቢዎች ሰላም እንዲሰፍን ሁኔታዎችን ማሻሻል እና “ረሃብን እንደ ጦር መሣሪያ እና የግጭት መሣሪያ ላለመጠቀም በሚደረገው ጥረት እንደ አንቀሳቃሽ ኃይል እርምጃ መውሰድ፡፡ ”

በጣም ወሳኙ እና አወዛጋቢ የሆነው ያ ሦስተኛው ምክንያት ነው። በአሁን ሰዓት በትግራይ የረሃብ እና ጦር ወንጀል እየተፈጸመ ነው።

👉 ዘገባው በትክክል እንዳስቀመጠው በረሃብ እና ጦር ወንጀል ተጠያቂ የሚሆኑት አካላት፦

☆ ፋሺስት አህዛብ የአብዮት አህመድ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ

☆ ፋሺስት አህዛብ የአማራ ፋኖ ሚሊሺያ

☆ ፋሺስት አህዛብ የህወሃት ፓርቲ

☆ ፋሺስት አህዛብ የኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ አገዛዝ

☆ የሕዝብ ቁጥር ቀናሹና ሉሲፈራዊው የተባበሩት መንግሥታት ተቋም


Unbelievable! Last year’s Nobel Peace Laureate is blocking this year’s Nobel Peace Laureate from distributing food in Ethiopia. How Does The World Food Program act and React now?

Today, the World Food Program receives the Nobel Peace Prize. It will be a pared-down ceremony, held virtually. The format change is due to Covid-19, but it is appropriate for reasons beyond the pandemic. There isn’t much to celebrate right now.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee gave three reasons for why they are honoring World Food Program: combating hunger, bettering conditions for peace in conflict-affected areas and “acting as a driving force in efforts to prevent the use of hunger as a weapon of war and conflict.”

It’s that third reason that’s most crucial—and controversial.

As head of an international agency that needs the cooperation of governments for its funds and operations, the Director of the World Food Program, David Beasley, will need to choose his words carefully when he accepts the Peace Prize. He will probably make mention of how the global numbers of hungry people are increasing, how most of them are in conflict-affected areas, and how his agency struggles to reach them. He is likely to mention some of the recent progress in affirming that starvation as a weapon of war is prohibited under international law.

United Nations Security Council resolution 2417 of May 2018 reaffirms that “using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare may constitute a war crime.” It requires the Secretary General to “report swiftly to the Council when the risk of conflict-induced famine and wide-spread food insecurity in armed conflict contexts occurs.” An amendment to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, adopted one year ago, extends the prohibition starvation of civilians to non-international armed conflicts. As lawyers pay closer attention to starvation crimes, the jurisprudence is being refined. There’s progress at the level of international norms—and the Nobel ceremony is an occasion to recognize that.

But if Mr. Beasley is unlikely to go one step further and name the leaders who are inflicting starvation on civilians even as he speaks. Beasley cannot risk offending governments that wield power over the hungry. Those who perpetrate starvation are by definition unscrupulous and inhumane, and they are perfectly capable of expelling aid agencies or restricting where aid workers can go and what they can say until they have completed their military goals. And the innocent will suffer. So we can expect that the Executive Director of the World Food Program will be discreet when it comes to identifying the men who make man-made famine.

The World Peace Foundation has also campaigned for accountability for mass starvation. We can be more candid. Let’s name some names—and list seven cases that the UN Secretary General should swiftly report to the Security Council.

One of the countries on the list of shame is led by a Nobel Laureate, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed who won last year’s prize for turning the Ethiopian government’s antagonism with Eritrea into a partnership. Today, Ethiopia, which has a long history of famine, is on the brink of becoming the world’s most urgent humanitarian crisis. The month-old war in Tigray is being fought among a population plagued by food insecurity; the region was the epicenter of the infamous 1984-85 famine that was the occasion for the LiveAid outcry and global effort to feed the world’s hungry.

There are strong indications that all three belligerents in the Ethio-Eritrean war—the Ethiopian army and allied militias, the Eritrean army and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)—are responsible for starvation crimes, either deliberately or recklessly. With the current near blackout on information from the war zone, firm evidence isn’t yet available, but the urgency of the situation demands action without waiting for proof—especially if that proof arrives in the form of children dead from hunger and disease.

Tigray was already vulnerable before the war. The region has long been beset by chronic food insecurity, dependence on commercial supplies and relief aid brought in from elsewhere—over 600,000 people were receiving emergency food rations from World Food Program in October—and a locust infestation. These made it especially important that the warring parties fight in such a way as to preserve objects indispensable for the survival of the civilian population, and not only permit humanitarian access but take proactive steps to make it happen.

The Federal Army has officially been tasked with a rapid operation aimed at capturing the main towns and apprehending the leadership of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. If that military objective could be achieved rapidly, it might be possible to avoid actions that cause massive displacement and hunger—but the longer the war goes on, the less likely that is likely to be. Air force and drone strikes have hit civilian targets, though it is not yet clear if patterns of attacks would be sufficient to determine war crimes including destroying objects indispensable for people’s survival. Artillery barrages have killed and injured civilians. One clear cause for alarm is reports of troops preventing people fleeing the violence from crossing into Sudan.

There is, however, little doubt that the militia from Amhara state have been looting, displacing people and killing. Even if starvation isn’t their main aim, that’s the obvious outcome.

The Federal Government’s agreement for “humanitarian corridors” is welcome but is at best a partial remedy, because the provision that humanitarian aid is directed only to areas under government control means de facto that those outside its control (or where it can block access( won’t get aid. P.M. Abiy at first refused to acknowledge that he was at war, and has since declared “victory”, but until his government faces the brute fact that it needs to negotiate a humanitarian truce or humanitarian access with the TPLF, it risks becoming party to a famine crime.

The TPLF is de facto the responsible authority for large parts of Tigray’s rural areas, which in addition to local people, currently also host many people who left the towns and cities when Eritrean and Federal forces moved in. Some of those evacuations appear to have been organized by the TPLF itself. To date we have heard nothing from the TPLF about its humanitarian plans. Its leadership undertook extensive military preparations prior to November but, it appears, made no plans for the needs of over 5 million people. Its leaders must be called to account for that reckless and inhumane (in)action.

Eritrea is the third belligerent. For the first weeks of the war, Eritrea’s leading role was an open secret—known to all who had followed the Horn of Africa, but not publicly acknowledged by any government or international organization. Last week, a highly-respected exiled Eritrean general provided an authoritative overview of the extent of the Eritrean Defense Forces’ operations. As well as major combat against the TPLF, there are reliable reports of Eritrean forces shelling hospitals, looting towns (including Adigrat and Mekelle) and overrunning refugee camps inside Tigray that until recently hosted 95,000 Eritreans who had escaped from their country seeking safety, causing a food crisis. President Isseyas Afewerki is a major suspect for starvation crimes committed against Ethiopian and Eritrean civilians.

This food crises marked by starvation crimes—mark a dreadful escalation of man-made hunger in the world today. The least that we can do is name the men who perpetrate starvation crimes.

👉 የሚከተለው ከዚህ ቪዲዮ ጋር በተያያዘ ባለፈው ጥቅምት ወር መግቢያ ላይ የቀረበ ጽሑፍ እና ቪዲዮ። ሁሉም ነገር ሲከሰት ዓይናችን እያየው ነው፦

የተቋማቱን አርማዎች ልብ ብለን እንመልከታቸው!

👉 ድርቅ፣ ረሃብና በሽታ

እስካሁን በጥይትና በሜንጫ አስጨፍጭፈውናል፤ በቀጣዩ ደግሞ ድርቅ፣ ረሃብና በሽታ ታቅደውልናል።

የዘንድሮው ሽልማት ደግሞ ተባበሩት መንግሥታት ድርጅት የምግብ ፐሮግራም(World Food Program) ተሰጥቷል። ስለዚህ ይህ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖችን በረሃብ የመጨፍጨፊያ ቀብድ እንደሆነ ተደርጎ መወሰድ ይኖርበታል።

የዘንድሮውን የሰላም ኖቤል ሽልማት ለማን እንደሚሰጡት ለማየትና ለመስማት በጉጉት ነበር የጠበቅኩት፤ የጠበቅኩትም ተከስቷል። የ2020 የሰላም ኖቤል ተሸላሚ ሉሲፈራዊው ተቋም የተባበሩት መንግሥታት ድርጅት የምግብ ፐሮግራም ነው። በቀጣዩ ቪዲዮ እንደምንሰማው ኢትዮጵያውያኑ ትኩረት የሰጡት ለ2019 የሰላም ኖቤል ተሸላሚ ለሉሲፈራውያኑ ወኪል አብዮት አህመድ አሊ እንጅ ካለፈው ሽልማት ጋር የተያያዘውና በመጪዎቹ ወራት በኢትዮጵያ ሁኔታ ላይ ዲያብሎሳዊ አጀንዳ ይዞ የመጣውን የዘንድሮውን ሽልማት አይደለም። የወገናችን መዘናጋትና መንፈሳው ዓይን መዘጋት አሳሳቢ ነው።

በቀጣዩ ቪዲዮ እንደምንሰማው ብዙዎቹ ወገኖቻችን ለሉሲፈራውያኑ ወኪል ለአብዮት አህመድ የተሰጠው ሽልማት ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖችን በጥይት የመጨፍጨፊያ ቀብድ እንደሆነ በትክክል አውስተዋል።

የዘንድሮው ሽልማት ደግሞ ለተባበሩት መንግሥታት ድርጅት የምግብ ፐሮግራም መሰጠቱ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖችን በረሃብ የመጨፍጨፊያ ቀብድ እንደሆነ ተደርጎ መወሰድ ይኖርበታል። ግራኝ አብይ አህመድ መንገዱን ከፍቶላቸዋል፤ ለድርቅና ረሃብ የሚያበቁትን ቅድመ ሁኔታዎች ሁሉ አዘጋጅቶላቸዋል፤ የህዳሲውን ግድብ መሙላት በሐምሌ ወር እንጀምራለን(ዝናብ ብቻ እንደሚሞላው ስለሚያውቅ)በሚል የማታለያ ዘዴ የአንበጣውን እንቁላል ከአየር ላይ ባዘጋጁት ቦታ ላይ በመዝራት በሰሜኑ የኢትዮጵያ ክፍል የአንበጣ መንጋ እንዲዘምት ተደርጓል፤ የቀረው አማራና ትግሬ በተባሉት ኢትዮጵያውያን መካከል የእርስበርስ ግጭት መቀስቀስ ብቻ ነው፤ አውሬው አብዮት ከኢሳያስ ጋር ሽርጉድ የሚለውም ለዚሁ ዲያብሎሳዊ ተግባር ነው። በደርግ ጊዜ ተደርጎ የነበረውን ዛሬም መድገም ነው አላማቸው፤ ያኔም ኦሮሞው አባቱ መንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም በቤተ አምሃራና ትግራይ ረሃብ እንዲቀሰቀስ ያደረገው ጎን ለጎን ኢትዮጵያውያኑ አረቦች ካዘጋጁት የኢሳያስ አፈወርቅ ሠራዊት ጋር ጦርነት እንዲያካሂዱ መንገዱን ከከፈተ በኋላ ነበር።

የዚህ ሁሉ አሳዛኝ ድራማ ዓላማ፤ የሕዝብ ቁጥር ቅነሳ ነው፤ በተለይ በጥንታውያኑ ክርስቲያን ኢትዮጵያውያን ላይ ጦርነቱ ከሁሉም አቅጣጫ ነው የሚካሄደው

የተባበሩት መንግስታት አጀንዳ 2030 እንደ ግራኝ አብዮት በመሳሰሉት በአሻንጉሊት ጌቶች እየተገፋ እንደሆነ እያየነው ነው። ፺/90% የሚሆነውን የዓለም ህዝብ ለመግደል እና በሕይወት የተረፉትንም በባርነት ለማስያዝ በታቀደው እቅድ ኢትዮጵያ ቀዳሚና ቁልፍ የመተወኛ መድረክ ሆናለች። ሕዝቡ በጎሳና ሃይማኖት ተከፋፈሎና አንዱ ሃይማኖት ወይም ጎሳ የበላይነቱን ይዞ በሌሎች እምነቶች ወይም ጎሳዎች ላይ አድሎ፣ ሰቆቃና ጀነሳይድ የሚፈጸምባት ብቸኛዋ የዓለማችን ሃገር ኢትዮጵያ መሆኗን የአጀንዳውን ምንነት በደንብ ይጠቁመናል፤ ጉዳዩን አስመልክቶ የዓለም አቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ የሚያሳየው ዝምታም ብዙ ነገሮችን ይነግረናል።

የተባበሩት መንግሥታት ድርጅት የምግብ ፐሮግራም (World Food Program) የተሰኘው ይህ ተቋም ጨካኝና ወንጀለኛ ተቋም እንደሆነ ይነገርለታል። ለምሳሌ በመላው ዓለም በረሃብ ተጠቂ ለሆኑ ሕዝቦች ሰበሰብኩ የሚለውን ገንዘብ እና ምግብ ለተጠቂዎች በአግባቡ እንደማያደርስ ብዙ ምሳሌዎች ይጠቁማሉ፤ ለምሳሌ በሶማሊያ ረሃብ ወቅት ተቋሙ የሰበሰባቸውን እህሎች የአልሸባብ ጂሃዳውያን ተቀብለው በውድ ገንዘብ ይሸጡት ነበር። በኢትዮጵያም የታቀደው ይህ ነው፤ “ኢትዮጵያ ተራበች እህል እንላክ” ይሉና እህሉን ለቄሮ ፋሺስቶችና ጂሃዳውያን

አሳልፈው ይሰጣሉ፤ በዚህ መልክ የሕዝብ ቁጥር ቅነሳ አጀንዳቸውን ያሳካሉ

👉 የዚህ የተባበሩት መንግስታት ተቋም ዋና መሥሪያ ቤት የሚገኘው ከ FAO ጋር በሮም ጣልያን ነው፤ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ የተመለሰው የአክሱም ሐውልት ከተቋሙ ዋና መሥሪያ ቤት ፊት ለፊት ነበር ተተክሎ ሲታይ የነበረው(በምክኒያት ነው!)

+ July 18, 2001 – ረቡዕ, ሐምሌ 11 / 1993 ዓ.ም

👉 የአክሱምን ሐውልት ለማስመለስ ኢትዮጵያ ጩኸቷን አሰማች፤ በኋላም ላይ በሮማው የተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ እና እርሻ ድርጅት(FAO) ዋና መሥሪያ ቤት በሆነው ህንፃ ረሃብን የተመለከተ ስብሰባ ላይ ተግኘትው የነበሩት ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር መለስ ዜናዊ ኢጣሊያ ሐውልቱን ለኢትዮጵያ በፍጥነት እንድትመልስ ጥሪ አቀረቡ።

+ ሮማ 27 May 2002 – ሰኞ, ግንቦት 19 / 1994 ዓ.ም ፥ የቅዱስ ገብርኤል ዕለት

👉 የአክሱም ሐውልት በመብረቅ ተመታ።

+ July 19, 2002 – ዓርብ, ሐምሌ 12 1994 ዓ.ም


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