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Archive for December 12th, 2020

As War Goes On in Ethiopia, Ethnic Harassment Is on the Rise

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 12, 2020

ሉሲፈራውያኑ እና ቆሻሻው ወኪላቸው አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ትግራይን ከኢትዮጵያ ገንጥለው የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ባላቸው ጠላቶቿ የምትመራዋን የዛሬዋን ኢትዮጵያን አፈራርሰው ከሞያሌ እስከ መተከልና ጎንደር ያለውን ግዛት ለኦሮሞዎች ለማስረከብ ተግተው በመሥራት ላይ ናቸው። አማራው የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ካላቸው ኦሮሞዎቹ ጎን ተሰልፎ የመንፈስ ማንነትና ምንነት ባላቸው ትግሬ ወንድሞቹ ላይ በመቶ ዓመት ውስጥ ለሦስተኛ ጊዜ ጦርነት በማወጁ አብቅቶለታል! አክሱም ጽዮንን ክዷልና የሆነ ተዓምር ካልመጣ በቀር ምንም ተስፋ የለውም፤ በቅርቡ ሃገር አልባ ነው የሚሆነው።

እነ ግራኝ እየሠሩ ያሉት ትግርኛ ተናጋሪ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከኢትዮጵያዊነታቸው፣ ከአረንጓዴ፣ ቢጫና ቀይ ሰንደቃቸው እና ከተዋሕዶ ክርስትናቸው እንዲላቀቁ ብሎም አእምሯቸውን ተቆጣጥረው፣ መንፈሳቸውን አድክመውና ሞራላቸውን ሰብረው ልክ እንደ “ኤርትራውያን” ለአውሮፓውያን አረጋውያን የኩላሊትና መቅኒ መለዋወጫ እንዲሆኑ ማድረግ ነው። ሰሞኑን “አማራ” የተባለው ክልል ባንዲራውን ለመቀየር መወሰኑ ከዚህ ሤራ ጋር የተያያዘ ነው። ከኦሮሞዎቹ ከእነ አብዮት አህመድ ጋር ተናበው በመስራት ላይ ያሉት ሀዋሃቶች የዚህ ዲያብሎሳዊ ሤራ አካል ቢሆኑ አይገርመንም። ዋ! ዋ! ዋ!

Ethnic Tigray people all over the country report an increase in discrimination and abuse from the authorities.

On a bright day in mid-November, about a dozen police officers with machine guns barged into the home of Lisanewerk Desta, a theologian who is the head of the library and museum department at the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and got to work.

The men, who had no warrant, Mr. Desta said, poured dried goods from his kitchen onto the floor, emptied his clothes drawers and even looked inside his clay coffee pot, seemingly searching for something to incriminate him. They confiscated only one item, he said: his Ethiopian identification card, which shows that he is from the Tigray ethnic group.

“I’m a scholar of the church, I’ve got nothing to be afraid of,” said Mr. Lisanewerk, who in an interview at his home shared photos and videos that his daughter had surreptitiously recorded of the raid. “But now I am under suspicion.”

Tigrayans belong to one of about eight major ethnic groups in Ethiopia, and for nearly three decades, they were the dominant force in the country’s politics. But life for many Tigrayans began to change in early November after Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, launched a military operation in the northern region of Tigray, whose leaders have resisted Mr. Abiy’s drive to centralize power in the federal government.

Nearly 50,000 Tigrayans have fled the country, in what the United Nations has called the worst exodus of refugees Ethiopia has seen in more than two decades.

Since then, many ethnic Tigrayans who live in the capital and other parts of Ethiopia say they have been treated like criminal suspects and subjected to various forms of discrimination, harassment and abuse by government officials.

They report being detained without charges, put under house arrest, and barred from traveling outside the country. Tigrayans say they have had their businesses shut down, homes ransacked and money extorted by security officials.

Several Tigrayans who live outside Ethiopia said they hadn’t heard for weeks from family members who were taken away suddenly to police stations and prisons. Some Tigrayan members of the Ethiopian military forces are being held in detention centers around the country, their families said.

The reports of ethnic profiling of Tigrayans, who represent about 6 percent of Ethiopia’s population of 110 million, are alarming to the delicate mix of people and power that makes up Ethiopia. The country is an uneasy confederation of 10 ethnically identified states, including Tigray, where fighting continues even though the national government has declared victory.

The moves have drawn concern from the United Nations Office on Genocide Prevention, which said that cases of ethnic profiling constituted “a dangerous trajectory that heightens the risk of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.”

Ethiopia’s attorney general, Gedion Timothewos, acknowledged last month that there had been “isolated incidents” in which law enforcement agencies “acted out of line.” But he said that the government takes the issue of ethnic profiling very seriously, and that it would establish a dedicated hotline for the public to report their complaints.

“We are doing everything within our power to make sure there will not be arbitrary or discriminatory measures,” he said, adding, “This is something that the government denounced.”

While the fighting has so far been confined to the Tigray region in the north, Tigrayan civilians in other parts of the country say they are feeling the spillover effects.

The 35-year-old manager of an accounting firm — who for fear of retribution from the government asked to be identified only by his given name, Sharon, which like many Ethiopians he also uses as his surname — said that last month his house in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, was raided by security officers in plain clothes who tore open his mattress and couch and smashed his washing machine.

“The problem here now is if you have any blood from Tigray, you are being discriminated” against, Mr. Sharon, who is of mixed ethnic Tigray and Amhara heritage, said. “This kind of fight, it won’t end.”

Mr. Sharon tried to help his sister when her house, too, was raided. A few days later, he went missing, and has not been heard from since, according to his family and close friends.

For almost three decades, the Tigrayans were at the center of power in Ethiopia after they led the guerrilla war that toppled the Marxist regime that had ruled the country from the mid-1970s until 1991.

But after antigovernment protests swept Mr. Abiy to power in 2018, leaders of the Tigrayan ethnic group were arrested and expelled from key positions — opening a wide gulf between the national government and the Tigray region, which is governed by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the party that used to exert national power.

While the government is suspicious that ethnic Tigrayans throughout Ethiopia are supporting the liberation front, many of those interviewed said they had no affiliation with the party. Others said they were former or current members, but even so, it did not make them antigovernment subversives.

“I was a member for 10 years but am no longer directly involved,” said Mr. Lisanewerk.

The latest conflict has aggravated the growing political divide in Africa’s second-most-populous nation, between pro-centralization Ethiopians like Mr. Abiy and those supporting ethnic self-rule, said Yohannes Gedamu, an Ethiopian lecturer of political science at Georgia Gwinnett College, in Lawrenceville, Ga.

The ethnocentric nature of Ethiopian politics makes “law enforcement and any criminal investigations difficult to conduct without looking at the ethnic element,” he said. “It’s saddening.”

In Addis Ababa, a state-backed condominium project sent a letter, which was seen by The New York Times, that suspended 10 Tigrayans, including drivers and site surveyors.

Security firms owned by Tigrayans have been suspended in the capital, with diplomats in three embassies confirming that, as a result, they have had to search for new security companies.

The purge is also taking place in state-owned companies like Ethio Telecom, the country’s major internet and telephone provider. In the days after the conflict began in November, officers arrived at a branch of Ethio Telecom in Addis Ababa and detained a maintenance manager and a senior director, both of Tigrayan descent, according to an employee who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.

The company’s chief executive officer did not respond to requests for comment.

The authorities have also targeted journalists. Since the conflict began, Bekalu Alamrew, a reporter with the Awlo Media Center, an outlet owned by Tigrayans, was detained for over two weeks without being formally charged.

One accusation the police leveled against him was that he was in contact with the liberation front, according to Muthoki Mumo, the sub-Saharan Africa representative for the Committee to Protect Journalists. This is “a strange allegation,” Ms. Mumo said, “given that journalists have to communicate with different political actors in order to do their jobs.” (Mr. Bekalu has since been released.)

The authorities have also recently arrested other journalists (most Tigrayan, but also one who was not but who reported on Tigrayan issues) And they expelled a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group, a policy organization whose headquarters are in Brussels.

The mistreatment of Tigrayans in Ethiopia is now worrying their families who live abroad.

Mahlet Gebremedhin, 26, who lives in Baltimore, said that a cousin who owns a mattress company in Addis Ababa was arrested on Nov. 19 and has not been heard from since. The authorities told another family member that his company accounts are being investigated to see whether he is aiding the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

The conflict is also affecting ethnic Tigrayans who want to leave Ethiopia. Civil aviation authorities have started asking Ethiopian passengers leaving the country to show not just their passports, but their identity cards, which state their ethnic affiliation — according to a letter from the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission seen by The Times.

Daniel Bekele, who leads the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, said in an interview that the commission was “alarmed by the rising number of complaints from people who have been stopped from traveling, including on work missions, for medical treatment or studies.”

After raising the issue with the government, Mr. Bekele said the authorities had stopped checking travelers’ ethnic identities — even as other Tigrayans have continued to report otherwise.

Even the C.E.O. of the national carrier, Ethiopian Airlines, who is an ethnic Tigrayan, was barred from leaving the country earlier this month, according to a pilot at the airline and a foreign diplomat who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter. The pilot said that the C.E.O., Tewolde GebreMariam, was prevented from boarding a flight to Paris on Nov. 8 because of his strong links to senior members of the T.P.L.F. Mr. Tewolde himself could not be reached for comment.

Henok Sirak, a spokesman for the airline, declined to comment.

There are also reports that Tigrayans are being purged from Ethiopia’s armed forces.

Yared, who also gave only his first name for fear of reprisals, said his father, a communications operator in the federal army, had traveled north to the border with Tigray with his unit on Nov. 2. But on Nov. 9, he texted that his phone was being confiscated and that he was being imprisoned. He has not heard from his father since.

Mr. Lisanewerk, the theologian, said his recent experience had dampened his faith in his own country. He said that his father had fought for his country against the military regime that was toppled in 1991, but that today, his own countrymen are treating his people as a foreign entity.

“To tell the truth, I’m not Ethiopian,” he said. “I’m Tigrayan now.”

Source

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Shadowy Ethiopian Massacre Could be ‘Tip of the Iceberg’ | ማይካድራን የሚያስንቁ ጭፍጨፋዎች

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 12, 2020

የአምነስቲ መርማሪው ፍሰሃ ተክሌ፤ “ማይ-ካድራ የበረዶው ተራራ ጫፍ ብቻ ነው” ሲል በትግራይ ውስጥ ገና ሌሎች ያልተሰሙ አሰቃቂ ግፎች እንዳሉ ጠቁሟል። በአቅራቢያው በሚገኙ ከተሞች በሁመራ ከተማ ፣ በዳንሻ ከተማ እና በትግራይ ዋና ከተማ በመቀሌ “ሌሎች ተአማኒነት ያላቸው ክሶች እየወጡ ነው …” ብሏል።

አሶሺዬትድ ፕሬስ ወደ ትግራይ ክልል ለመጓዝ ፍቃድ ማግኘት ባለመቻሉ የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋው ዘገባዎችን በተናጥል ማረጋገጥ አልቻለም። አምነስቲም ሆነ የኢትዮጵያ ሰብዓዊ መብት ኮሚሽን ቃለ መጠይቅ ካደረጉላቸው ምስክሮች ጋር ለመነጋገር ፈቃደኛ አልሆኑም።

የተባበሩት መንግስታት የሰብአዊ መብት ጽህፈት ቤት በዚህ ሳምንት በግጭቱ ላይ ገለልተኛ ምርመራ እንዲካሄድ ጥሪ ያቀረበ ቢሆንም የኢትዮጵያ ባለስልጣናት በዚህ ሳምንት መንግስት “ሞግዚት” አያስፈልገውም በማለት ጣልቃ ገብ የሚሏቸውን ወገኖች ውድቅ አድርገዋቸዋል።

አሄሄሄ…እስከመቼ ነው ቆሻሻው አብዮ አህመድ ነገሮችን ደባብቆና ሸፋፍኖ ማለፍ የሚቻለው? እየሰማን ነው? ወስላታዎቹ እነ ዶ/ር ዳንኤል በቀለ ቃለ መጠይቅ ካደረጉላቸው ምስክሮች ጋር ገለልተኛ ጋዜጠኞች እንዳያናግሯቸው ፈርተዋል፤ “ፈቃደኞች አይደሉም!” ዋው! እውነቱን እውነት ሐሰቱን ሐሰት ማለት ግድ ነው እና በእኔ በኩል አንድንም የትግራይ ሰው፤ ህወሃቶችን ጨምሮ ማይ-ካድራን በሚመለከት እጃቸው አለ ብዬ አልጠረጥራቸውም። ያው እኮ አንድ ሺህ ምርኮኞችን “ነፃ አውጥትናል” ብሎ የለም እንዴ የግራኝ ሰራዊት?! ምርኮኞቻቸው ነበሩ፤ ከፈለጉ ይገድሏቸው ነበር፤ አይደል?!

ገና ስልጣን ላይ እንደወጣ የተናገርኩት ነው፤ ያየሁትን አይቻለሁ፤ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ እጅግ ሰው ከሚያስበው በላይ አረመኔ፣ ጨካኝ፣ እርኩስና ቆሻሻ አውሬ ነው። መቼም ዛሬ እንደምናየው ብዙ ኢትዮጵያውያን ወድቀዋልና የሚገባቸውን ቆሻሻ መሪ ነው ያገኙት፤ ይህን ቆሻሻ በመትፋት ንስሐ እስካልገቡ ድረስ ገና ብዙ ሰቆቃና ለቅሶ ነው የሚጠብቀን።

በትግራይ ኢትዮጵያውያን ላይ ከተደረገው ጭፍጨፋ በይበልጥ የሚከፋው ደግሞ ገዳዮቹ “ተገዳይ ነን” በለው ተገዳዮቹን ለመወንጀል መጣደፋቸው ነው። በዳዩ ተበዳይ ሆኖ የሚቀርብበት ዓለም የፈሪሃ እግዚአብሔር የሌለበት የዋቄዮ-አላህ ዓለም ብቻ ነው። ምን ዓይነት ከባድ ሃጢአት እንደሆነ እስኪ ይታየን፤ እነ ግራኝ አብዮት በሺህ የሚቆጠሩ ንጹሐንን ከጨፈጨፉ በኋላ፤ የንጹሐኑን ብሔር ለመወንጀልና ስሙንም ለማጠልሸት “እነርሱ ናቸው የገደሏቸው!”፤ ይላሉ። ይህም አልበቃቸውም፤ ጭፍጨፋውን አይተው ልጆቻቸውን እያዘሉ ወደ ሱዳን የሸሹትን ምስኪን ወገኖች “ገድለው ነው የሸሹት!” በማለት ቁስላቸው ላይ ጨው ይጨምራሉ። ይህ ዲያብሎስ እንኳን ሊያደርገው የማይደፍረው ምን ያህል ከባድ ኃጢዓት እንደሆነ የእግዚአብሔር ልጅ የሆነ ሁሉ ይገነዘበዋል።

[መጽሐፈ ምሳሌ ምዕራፍ ፲፱፥፭]

“ሐሰተኛ ምስክር ሳይቀጣ አይቀርም፥ በሐሰትም የሚናገር አያመልጥም።”

[መዝሙረ ዳዊት ምዕራፍ ፭፥፮]

“ሐሰትን የሚናገሩትን ታጠፋቸዋለህ፤ ደም አፍሳሹንና ሸንጋዩን ሰው እግዚአብሔር ይጸየፋል።”

[ወደ ሮሜ ሰዎች ምዕራፍ ፩፥፲፰]

“እውነትን በዓመፃ በሚከለክሉ ሰዎች በኃጢአተኝነታቸውና በዓመፃቸው ሁሉ ላይ የእግዚአብሔር ቍጣ ከሰማይ ይገለጣልና፤”

[የዮሐንስ ወንጌል ምዕራፍ ፰፵፥፬]

እናንተ ከአባታችሁ ከዲያብሎስ ናችሁ የአባታችሁንም ምኞት ልታደርጉ ትወዳላችሁ። እርሱ ከመጀመሪያ ነፍሰ ገዳይ ነበረ፤ እውነትም በእርሱ ስለ ሌለ በእውነት አልቆመም። ሐሰትን ሲናገር ከራሱ ይናገራል፥ ሐሰተኛ የሐሰትም አባት ነውና።”

The only thing the survivors can agree on is that hundreds of people were slaughtered in a single Ethiopian town.

Witnesses say security forces and their allies attacked civilians in Mai-Kadra with machetes and knives or strangled them with ropes. The stench of bodies lingered for days during the early chaos of the Ethiopian government’s offensive in the defiant Tigray region last month. Several mass graves have been reported.

What happened beginning Nov. 9 in the agricultural town near the Sudanese border has become the most visible atrocity in a war largely conducted in the shadows. But even here, much remains unclear, including who killed whom.

Witnesses in Mai-Kadra told the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and Amnesty International that ethnic Tigrayan forces and allies attacked Amhara — one of Ethiopia’s largest ethnic groups but a minority in Tigray. In Sudan, where nearly 50,000 people have fled, one ethnic Amhara refugee gave The Associated Press a similar account.

But more than a dozen Tigrayan refugees told the AP it was the other way around: In strikingly similar stories, they said they and others were targeted by Ethiopian federal forces and allied Amhara regional troops.

It’s possible that civilians from both ethnicities were targeted in Mai-Kadra, Amnesty now says.

“Anyone they found, they would kill,” Tesfaalem Germay, an ethnic Tigrayan who fled to Sudan with his family, said of Ethiopian and Amhara forces. He said he saw hundreds of bodies, making a slicing gesture at his neck and head as he remembered the gashes.

The conflicting accounts are emblematic of a war about which little is truly known since Ethiopian forces entered Tigray on Nov. 4 and sealed off the region from the world, restricting access to journalists and aid workers alike. For weeks, food and other supplies have run alarmingly low. This week Ethiopia’s security forces shot at and briefly detained U.N. staffers making the first assessment of how to deliver aid, a senior Ethiopian official said.

Ethiopia’s government and the Tigray one have filled the vacuum with propaganda. Each side has seized on the killings in Mai-Kadra to support its cause.

The conflict began after months of friction between the governments, which now regard each other as illegitimate. The Tigray leaders once dominated Ethiopia’s ruling coalition, but Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed sidelined them when when he came to power in 2018.

Long-held tensions over land in western Tigray, where Mai-Kadra is located, between Tigrayans and Amhara have added fuel to the fire.

Amnesty International said it confirmed that at least scores, and likely hundreds, of people were killed in Mai-Kadra, using geolocation to verify video and photographs of the bodies. It also remotely conducted “a limited set of interviews.”

But Mai-Kadra “is just the tip of the iceberg,” Amnesty researcher Fisseha Tekle told an event on Tuesday as fears grow about atrocities elsewhere in Tigray. “Other credible allegations are emerging … not only in Mai-Kadra but also” in the nearby town of Humera, the town of Dansha and the Tigray capital, Mekele.

In Mai-Kadra, witnesses told the visiting Ethiopian rights commission they saw police, militia and members of a Tigray youth group attack Amhara.

“The streets were still lined with bodies yet to be buried” days later, the commission said. One man who looked at identity cards of the dead as he cleared away the bodies told Amnesty International that many of them said Amhara.

But several ethnic Tigrayans who have fled blamed Ethiopian and allied Amhara regional forces for killings in the same town at the same time, saying some asked to see identity cards before attacking.

In some cases, they said they recognized the killers as their neighbors.

Samir Beyen, a mechanic, said he was stopped and asked if he was Tigrayan, then beaten and robbed. He said he saw people being slaughtered with knives, and dozens of rotting corpses.

“It was like the end of the world,” he recalled. “We could not bury them because the soldiers were near.”

The AP has been unable to obtain permission to travel to the Tigray region and has been unable to independently verify the reports of the massacre. Neither Amnesty International nor the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission agreed to requests to speak with witnesses they interviewed.

The U.N. human rights office this week called for independent investigations into the conflict, but Ethiopian officials have rejected what they call interference, saying this week the government doesn’t need a “babysitter.”

To assume the government can’t do such work itself “is belittling,” senior Ethiopian official Redwan Hussein told reporters on Tuesday.

The prime minister has called the killings in Mai-Kadra “the epitome of moral degeneration” and even expressed suspicion that the perpetrators may have fled to Sudan and be hiding among the refugees. Abiy offered no evidence, only pointing to the number of young men among the refugees — though roughly half are women.

The prime minister also has rejected allegations of abuses by the Ethiopian defense force, saying it “has not killed a single person in any city” during the conflict.

But the Tigray leader, Debretsion Gebremichael, blamed the “invading” federal forces for the killings, telling the AP that “we’re not people who can commit this crime, ever.”

The ethnic frictions and profiling must stop, the U.N. human rights chief Michelle Bachelet warned this week, saying they are “fostering divisiveness and sowing the seeds for further instability and conflict” — in a region already rife with both.

Source

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ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ አዲግራትን ከ፳፪/22 ዓመታት በፊት በቦምብ ደበደበ ፥ ዛሬም እንዲሁ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 12, 2020

👉 ከ፳፪/22 ዓመታት በፊት ፥ አዲግራት፤ ሐሙስ ፥ ሰኔ ፬/4 ፥ ፲፱፻፺/1990 ዓ.ም

የኤርትራ ወታደሮች የአዲግራት ከተማን በቦምብ ደበደቡ፤ ቢያንስ ፬/4 ሰዎች ተገደሉ፣ ሰላሳ አካባቢ ቆሰሉ። ሄሊኮፕተሮች እና የጦር አውሮፕላኖች ቢያንስ ስምንት ቦምቦችን ጣሉ ፥ በጥምር በኢንዱስትሪመኖሪያ አካባቢ የእህል መጋዘኖችን በእሳት አቃጥለዋል።

👉 ታሪክ እራሷን በከፋ መልክ እየደገመች ነው።

👉 ዛሬ፤ ኅዳር ፪ሺ፲፫ ዓ.ም በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ታይቶ የማይታወቅ ጣልቃ ገብነት፣ ጭካኔና ክህደት በመታየት ላይ ነው።

የኢሳያስን ኤርትራ ለምኖ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ያመጣውና በሚከተለቱ አህዛብ/ ግብረሰዶማውያን ከሃዲዎች ስብስብ የሚመራው ጂሃዳዊ ሰራዊት ገለባ መሆኑና ፍጻሜውም እንደማያምር ሳይታለም የተፈታ ነው።

አብዮት አህመደ አሊ (ሙስሊም መናፍቅ)

ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን (ሙስሊም)

ሳሞራ አሞራ ዩኑስ (ሙስሊም)

ሙስጠፌ መሀመድ ዑመር (ሙስሊም)

ብርሃኑ ጂኒ ጁላ (ዋቀፌታ-ሙስሊም)

መሀመድ ተሰማ (ሙስሊም)

ሀሰን ኢብራሂም (ሙስሊም)

ሬድዋን ሁሴን (ሙሊም)

ሞፈርያት ካሚል (ሙስሊም)

ኬሪያ ኢብራሂም (ሙስሊም ፥ ለስለላ ነበር ወደ መቀሌ ተልካ የነበረችው)

አህመድ ሺዴ (ሙስሊም)

ጃዋር መሀመድ(ሙስሊም)(አዎ!“የታሰረው” ለስልት ነው)

👉 ከ፳፪/22 ዓመታት በኋላ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ በድጋሚ የተካሄደውን ጦርነት በፊልድ ማርሻልነት የሚመራው ግን ዛሬም ከሃዲው አህዛብ ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ ነው።

👉 የቀድሞው የኤርትራ መከላከያ ሚኒስትር አቶ መስፍን ሃጎስ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ ምድር የገባውን የኤርትራ ሰራዊት በአሜሪካኖቹ በተረጋገጠ መልክ እንዲህ ስለውታል፦

በዛላምበሳ በኩል ብቻ የኤርትራው ፕሬዝዳንት በ 42 ኛ እና በ 49 ኛው መካኒካል ክፍፍል እና 11 ኛ ፣ 17 ኛ ፣ 19 ኛ እና 27 ኛ እግረኛ ክፍል ላከ።

ከአዲግራት በስተደቡብ እና ከመቀሌ በስተ ሰሜን የሚገኘው ኤዳጋሀሙስ ሲደርሱ እነዚህ ክፍሎች የ 525 ኛ ኮማንዶ ምድብ 2 ኛ ብርጌድን ጨምሮ ተጨማሪ አምስት የኤርትራ ክፍሎች የተጠናከሩ ነበሩ፡፡

በተጨማሪም በአድዋ ግንባር የ 26 ኛ ፣ 28 ኛ እና 53 ኛ እግረኛ እና የ 46 ኛ እና 48 ኛ ሜካናይዝድ ክፍሎችን ከአንድ የኢትዮጵያ ፌዴራላዊ ጦር ጋር ብቻ አስለቅቀዋል፡፡

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