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Posts Tagged ‘Tigre’

There Won’t Be Snow in Africa This Christmas’ – But There Will Be US-Enabled War Crimes

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 24, 2020

Human Tragedy Aside, How is a Nation Dependent on Aid Financing a Costly War on Tigray?

Considering a US AFRICOM Angle to Tigray, Ethiopia, and Uncle Sam’s role on Africa’s Horn.

Ethiopia has pursued “legitimate” military action in its Tigray province since early November, according Moussa Faki Mahamat, the chairman of the African Union (AU) Commission. Maybe.

It does seem that the northern state’s regional forces – the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) – attacked federal military bases on November 4 and may even have executed some surrendering soldiers. Still, one suspects something a bit more complicated afoot inside America’s “strategic linchpin” partner on Africa’s Horn. In fact, that Ethiopia – particularly its Western-favorite of a prime minister, Abiy Ahmed – is a U.S. partner at all, is reason enough to smell a rat in the AU chairman’s a bit too confident, yet also decidedly bland, judgment.

Consider the Source

Let’s start with the source – Mr. Faki himself. Because it doesn’t take too much research at all for an authorial judge to question this witness’s credibility. Faki is a former prime minister and longtime foreign minister of Chad – the highly authoritarian and longtime corrupt kleptocratic hub of Africa. He also just so happens to belong to the same Zaghawa ethnic group as Chad’s president-for-life (or at least since 1990), Idriss Déby. And just who is the farcically titled “Marshal” Déby?

Well, he’s a previous chair of the esteemed African Union body – preceded by that other human rights stalwart, deceased Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe – and was later African Union president. In fact, he managed to secure his 11-year veteran as foreign minister, Faki, the African Union chairman position on the same day that he handed over the rotating presidency of the organization. Rather convenient, that.

Additionally, President Déby is an alumni of late Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi’s World Revolutionary Center – which a 2011 Foreign Policy piece cheekily labeled “Harvard for tyrants.” On those merits, Déby has lived up to the school’s hype. He leads one the world’s most authoritarian regimes, bans demonstrations critical of his government, and has even been known to shut down social media in Chad for years at a time.

So maybe Ethiopia’s own oft-Western-hyped prime minister’s brutal ongoing campaign in Tigray was, in fact, totally on the legal up-and-up. A big maybe, by the way. Nevertheless, that the judgment was passed by the crony of a Chadian dictator known to collude with US and French neo-imperialism – yea, that’s enough to raise serious questions.

Peace Laureate at War

There’s something tragic-comic about euphemisms and contradictory concepts – they’re almost as beautiful as they are abominable. So it is with the very notion of Ethiopia’s own Nobel Peace Laureate waging war on a massive – and mostly unquestioned – scale inside his own country. Prime Minister Abiy absurdly claims Ethiopia’s federal forces have not killed a single civilian in Tigray, and his administration insists they “don’t need a babysitter” of an independent probe into their prosecution of the war.

Naturally there’s counter evidence galore. Like, why would the otherwise Abiy-amenable European Union (EU) withhold nearly $109 million in budget support payments to Addis Ababa because of unanswered questions about Ethiopian federal troop behavior in the conflict? Actually the EU was quite clear about their concerns. According to a spokesman, they “need to see certain conditions fulfilled by the Government of Ethiopia” – including full humanitarian access for relief workers, open refugee access to neighboring countries, an end to ethnic-based targeting, and restoring communications to the Tigray region.

Moreover, just what sort of routine “law enforcement operation” – which is how Abiy describes a war that’s killed thousands and displaced about a million Ethiopians – requires the intervention of thousands of traditionally mortal enemy troops from neighboring Eritrea, according to corroborated eyewitness accounts from aid workers and diplomats? Heck, even the normally pro-Abiy US State Department admitted it was “aware of credible reports of Eritrean military involvement in Tigray.” What’s more, a former Eritrean defense minister turned opposition figure cited sources currently inside its defense ministry claiming the country deployed no less than four mechanized divisions, seven infantry divisions, and a commando brigade, to open a second (northern) front for the invasion of Tigray.

Peculiar too, that the country’s single available broadcast source – Eritrean state television – hasn’t even mentioned the nearby Ethiopian conflict since it began some 50 days ago. Plus, the normally bellicose Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki has not uttered a public word in response to missiles the TPLF fired at his capital of Asmara in November. Me thinks the lady doth protest too little. Look, here in the real world, the Eritrean Army absolutely took part in this war – and they apparently did more than offer their Ethiopian peacemaking partner of a prime minister a selfless assist with his internal turmoil.

According to one of the nearly 100,000 Eritrean refugees in northern Ethiopia – who’ve previously fled state repression and indefinite military conscription across the border – Eritrean soldiers accompanied by Ethiopian troops patrolled his camp “searching name-by-name and home-to-home” for select individuals. He said “their main target seems to be opposition members.” Sounds like a win win for ever-authoritarian Asmara. If true – and there’s enough stored Eritrean state motive to assume it is – this would amount to direct Ethiopian complicity in a flagrant violation of international laws covering the protection of refugees.

Internal Vietnam?

Back on November 28, the Ethiopian government declared an end to military operations in Tigray – insisting federal forces were in “full control” of the region – but the TPLF leadership hasn’t been captured and claims, somewhat credibly, that their resistance continues. Could broad and persistent internal insurgency break out – which proves to be an Ethiopian Vietnam?

Well, Addis Ababa’s troops have faced a short version of African ‘Nam before – just over the border in Ethiopia’s longtime favorite intervention and manipulation spot: Somalia. Most recently from 2006-09, when Washington green-lighted – then actively assisted (with special forces teams and airpower) – an Ethiopian invasion and occupation that quickly turned into a bloody morass. The ostensible – and strictly achieved – purpose was a decapitating regime change of Somalia’s stabilizing, and reasonably moderate, Islamic Courts Union (ICU).

Only, as they do, this occupation proved complicated, indecisive, and ultimately counterproductive. The ICU’s moderates were assuredly toppled, but this empowered its more radical Al Shabaab youth wing – and lent legitimacy to a hard-liner Somali resistance that not only remains undefeated, but has spread its tentacles into another US partner state, Kenya. In fact, call me crazy but I think far more Americans ought know that three US troops and contractors were killed in Kenya this January – proof positive that global wars on terror sure can go truly global if they continue for two decades.

It is hard to know if Tigrayan resistance will prove persistent, or rise to Somali intervention levels – where, by the way, Ethiopia still maintains 4,000 troops. What’s certain is there’s plenty of foundational kindling for an insurgency in the region, if not a countrywide ethnic civil war. Abiy’s victory pronouncement is likely to be – historically speaking – absurdly premature. According to last week’s European Council on Foreign Relations report, there are “three dynamics” accounting for this.

First, the Tigray War has heightened ethnic tensions in a country with at least 80 such groups – many of which have long been at each other’s throats. In the wake of the Abiy’s brutal suppression of the regional rebellion with ground, armored, air, and Eritrean power, many average Tigrayans feel more alienated than ever from the federal government. That’s not good.

Second, the war – and the prime minister’s prosecution of it – have tainted perceptions of his broader national goals of modernization, infrastructure development, and general Western-backed neoliberalism. For the many Ethiopians already skeptical of Abiy’s corporatist “medemer” (“synergy”) project, the raw and reflexive violence of the Tigray campaign has exposed the prime minister’s goals as – just as they suspected – ultimately motivated by power centralization.

Finally, by calling in Asmara’s soldierly dogs, Abiy turned the rebellion into a regional conflict. This plays right into the hands of a TPLF narrative that has long sought a Greater Tigray including ethnic brethren across the Eritrean border. It may even motivate a desperate move by the TPLF to pursue a strategy that expands any future insurgency into Tigray’s neighboring country. At that point, it’s game on!

Right now, let’s focus on the first couple of insurgency-accelerants. For starters, there’s been far too little media emphasis on one crucial and disturbing fact. That is, Ethiopia’s federal army – and longtime foes cum friends in Ethiopia – had two other allies in the Tigray fight: bordering Amhara State regional forces and ethnic Amhara militias. This is wildly problematic for two reasons.

One, the Amhara – Ethiopia’s second largest ethnic group – are widely resented nationwide for their millennia’s worth of traditional dominance of the country’s political and cultural institutions. Two, the chauvinist ethnic militiamen – often youth-based – have tribalistic scores to settle and are often unhinged murderers. By utilizing Amhara regional forces engaged in active border disputes with neighboring Tigray, and then deputizing bigoted substate young ethnic militiamen – both with a vested interest in punishing the Tigrayans – Prime Minister Abiy instantly poisoned the well of his internal “law enforcement operation.”

The proof is in the proceeding pudding. Because, wouldn’t you know that after the TPLF retreated in the face massive onslaught, Amhara state forces occupied all the previously contested territories – nearly one-third of Tigray – and then the Abiy government (can we say “regime” at this point?) appointed Amhara administrators for these disputed areas. There have also been credible reports of Amhara militiamen carrying out ethnic massacres of Tigrayan civilians in these newly occupied zones.

Secondly, Ethiopia’s ten other regional states, and its other 79 odd ethno-linguistic groups, are no doubt keeping a keen eye on what’s unfolding in the Tigray tumult. There are rising, serious, and countless reports of ethnic profiling, discrimination, retaliation, and even murder, in the war’s wake – not just in Tigray, but nationwide. And the truth is, Abiy’s “reform” agendas were always so many castles of sand – the prime minister long more popular with global elites than many Ethiopian locals.

For those suspicious of his motives from the first, the overwhelming and oppressive force applied in Tigray – in cahoots with their mortal Eritrean enemies – may be viewed as exposing Abiy’s real centralization plans and/or desire to reestablish traditional Amhara dominance (though typically identified as a member of the Oromo ethnic group – multiple sources identify his mother as Amhara). Are they next, many ethnic minorities and their regional leaders may wonder? Is it Tigray that’s been under attack – or ethnic federalism itself?

In such a scenario – their own instances of brutality aside – Abiy’s assault and metropole-centripetal policies may turn the TPLF fighters into bandit folk heroes like some band of African Jesse Jameses or Bonnies and Clydes. In fact, perhaps the analogy sticks – since it’s already replete with an old fashioned bounty on their bandit heads. Last week, the Ethiopia government announced a 10 million birr ($260,000) reward for information on the whereabouts of the fugitive Tigrayan leaders – or, if Abiy keeps it up: newfound Robin Hoods!

There’s also some dangerous – if anecdotal – language circulating among Tigrayans that I’ve personally heard fuel insurgencies and sectarian civil wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. One half-Tigrayan, half-Eritrean, civilian refugee – who barely escaped after five family members were shot – said that since the war, “The people that I know, they hate the TPLF. But now they want the TPLF to win. They want them to take over the power. Even people who had hope in [Prime Minister Abiy].”

So here we go again, with military overreach and overreaction alienating broad swathes of already unstable countries, thereby empowering – by dint of communal fear and perceived necessity – dubious violent actors previously lent less legitimacy. Oh, and all with an amoral American assist, enable, or authorization. I don’t know about you, but I’ve seen this movie before – including a sequel! – and it never ends well.

AFRICOM’s Ethiopian Opacity

Ethiopia’s hardly always been Washington’s East African linchpin. On the contrary, for a long while – and not so long ago – Addis Ababa was America’s regional nemesis, the foil to Uncle Sam’s best laid plans for the Red Sea region. Ethiopia, in fact, was a Soviet linchpin from the 1970s to the fall of the Berlin Wall – and Somalia’s autocrat was America’s man on the Horn. Talk about a turnabout! How soon Washington’s professional policymakers forget what they likely never knew in the first place. One wonders if the US generals charged with policing – I’m sorry, “security assisting” and “capacity building” – Africa have the slightest inkling of what’s under the continent’s hood. Given their record in East Africa – specifically Ethiopia – the safe money says hell no.

Strange isn’t it (or is it?), that in the month and a half since this semi-major regional war broke out over Tigray, that AFRICOM hasn’t published a single press release on the subject? Not even something mundane like otherwise obligatory calls for restraint, ceasefire, or respect for civilian life. The command did, of course, brag about – and release war porn footage – its airstrikes targeting Al Shabaab just across the border in the US military’s Somalian sinkhole. Could it be because Tigrayan victims of America’s East African linchpin don’t count?

See these poor, erased souls happened to be killed by the wrong people – Washington’s allies. And so it always goes in America’s deadly and language-distorting proxy campaigns on this – and other – troubled continents. Good news though! While thousands of Tigrayan Ethiopians were being killed, those sweethearts at AFRICOM donated a field hospital to the Kenyan Border Police – but hey, those guys keep our naughty shared Somali enemies outside of their US”partnered” colonial-legacy boundaries. They deserve humanitarian aid – Kenyan lives matter!

It’s actually rather hard to parse out the exact nature of AFRICOM’s agreements with and assessments of Ethiopia. After all, the command’s Fiscal Year 2020 Theater Posture Plan redacts the entire section identifying “gaps and risks” in US agreements with Addis Ababa. What our troops and our taxpayer dollars do in We the People’s name is by necessity secret squirrel stuff, I guess. That includes, especially, any problems with partner-relationships.

So about all AFRICOM’s more than 50 percent redacted overall posture reveals is that the US has an “enduring” Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) with Ethiopia – this excessive acronym vaguely described as a “bilateral agreement [that] allows exchange of Logistics support, supplies, and services (LSS)” offering the “benefit” of “support for combined operations [to] strengthen strategic partnerships.” Odd too, that America’s ally on Africa’s Horn didn’t receive a single mention in 43 pages worth of AFRICOM commander General Stephen Townsend’s testimony before the House Armed Services Committee this past March. Not one.

Strange because, just weeks earlier, the general took a two-day trip to Ethiopia and addressed the closing ceremony of the African Land Forces Summit (ALFS) – co-hosted by the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) and US Army Africa. While there, the AFRICOM chief met with General Birhanu Jula, Ethiopian military’s Deputy – and now primary – Chief of General Staff. You know, the same East African “land force chief partner” who recently accused the Word Health Organization’s first African director-general – “without offering any evidence” – of leaving “no stone unturned” to procure weapons for the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). No matter, Ethiopian military’s conspiracy theorist in chief and his subordinate officers can still expect a cool $1 million in Uncle Sam’s International Military Education and Training (IMET) largesse next year.

Plus, a couple of months before that, in November 2019, Townsend had praised Ethiopia’s “critical and significant leadership role in the region, and across the continent,” and how “their willingness to develop and enhance security capabilities, have helped create a safer region.” As the Pentagon’s Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) – the continent’s largest and most enduring US base and headquarters in nearby Djibouti – put it in their 2019 “Command Year in Review:” They “are proud to be on the same team building a safe and secure Africa with our coalition partners” – including “Ethiopia.”

See, shooting down protesters in the streets, failing to control widespread nationwide ethnic killings, or the late brutality – including at least one credible massacre that could be the “tip of the iceberg” – of the ENDF’s recent operation to cow Tigrayan separatism: none of this warrants Washington halting the flow of aid to Addis Ababa.

What can, and recently did put Ethiopia’s development assistance at risk – to the tune of $130 million cut by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo in September – is angering an even more staunch and autocratic American ally, Egypt. The unforgivable crime: daring to begin filling a damn for a Nile River – 85 percent of which’s water sources are inside Ethiopia’s borders – to perhaps more than double the power capacity of a country where 60 percent of the people still lack electricity.

There’s a hierarchy to US favoritism, Prime Minster Abiy – you should know that by now – and it has little to do with a country’s respective stability, democracy, or humanitarian record.

Get with the program, doctor! It’s big boys rules on the Horn of Africa this Christmas…



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የአህዛብ ግራኝ አህመድ እና አፈቆርኪ ሠራዊት የመቀሌ ነዋሪዎችን በሽብር ሲያሳድዳቸው

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 23, 2020

👉 ፕሮጀክት ኦሮሙማ የሰሜን ግንባር

ስልጣን ላይ ለሃያ ሰባት ዓመታት ያህል የነበሩትና በሃገረ ኢትዮጵያ ሁሉንም ነገር ከመቆጣጠርም ተርፈው በመላዋ አፍሪቃ በጸጥታ አስከባሪነት ተሰማርተው የነበሩት ህወሀቶች “ህዝቤ” የሚሉትን ምስኪን ኢትዮጵያዊ እንዴት ዛሬ ሊከላከሉት አልቻሉም? በእጃቸው የነበረውን መሳሪያ ሁሉ፣ ታንኩንም ተዋጊውንም ለአህዛብ የዋቄዮ-አላህ ልጆች እንዲሁ በቀላሉ አስረክበው እንዴት ወደ መቀሌ ሊያመሩ ቻሉ? ለአስተማሯቸው ላሰለጠኗቸው ለእነ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እንዲሁ በቀላሉ ባስረከቧቸው መሳሪያዎች እኮ ነው የትግራይ ህዝብ ዛሬ እየተጨፈጨፈ ያለው! በየትኛዋ የዓለማችን ሃገር ነው እንዲህ ያለ ሃላፊነት የጎደለው የስልጣን ሽግግር ተካሂዶ የሚያውቀው? እኔ አላውቅም!


Posted in Conspiracies, Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

በ “ኢትዮጵያ” እና በኤርትራ ኃይሎች የተወረረችው ትግራይ አስደንጋጭ ሁኔታ | የቤልጂየም ብሔራዊ ቴሌቪዥን ዘገባ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 22, 2020

እስካሁን ድረስ በእገታ ላይ ስለሚገኘው የትግራይ ሕዝብ የቀረበ ብቸኛ ዘገባ።

ፍላንደርን (ሆላንድኛ) ተናጋሪ ከሆነው የቤልጂም ክፍል የመጣ ጋዜጠኛ ነው። በቤልጂይም ሆላንድኛ፣ ፈረንሳይኛ እና ጀርመንኛ ቋንቋዎች ይነገራሉ። ቤልጂይም በቅርቡ በዘውገኞች ከሚፈራርሱት ሃገራት ትመደባለች። ኢትዮጵያ የሙከራ ቤት መሆኗ ነው፤ ለጊዜው ልምድ እየቀሰሙ ነው።

ይህ የኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊት አይደለም፤ የግራኝ አህመድ፣ የዋቄዮ-አላህ አህዛብ ሰራዊት እንጅ። የኤርትራውም የኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ አህዛብ ሰራዊት ነው። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ኢትዮጵያውያን ጋዜጠኞች ግን ይህን ሁኔታ አያሳዩንም። ለመሆኑ አስር ሺህ ሜዲያዎችን ከፍተው የሚቀባጥሩት ግብዞች የት አሉ?

አይ ቆሻሻው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ! አቤት ቅሌት! ለኦሮሙማ ህልሙ ሲል የተጣሉትን ወገኖች እየፈለገ አንዱን በሌላው ላይ እንዲነሳ ተንኮል ይሰራል፤ ከኤርትራ ጋር ሰላም አመጣሁ ብሎ ኤርትራን ትግራይ ውስጥ ገብታ ምስኪኑን ሕዝብ እንድትጨፈጭፍ አደረጋት። አቤት ቅሌት! አቤት ወንጀል! እየተደረገ ያለው ነገር ሁሉ እጅግ በጣም አስከፊ ወንጀል፤ በእግዚአብሔርም ዘንድ በጽኑ የሚያስጠይቅ እንደሆነ አውቀውት ይሆንን?


Posted in Conspiracies, Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

የተባበሩት መንግስታት | በትግራይ አረመኔያዊ የዘር ማጥፋትና የጦር ወንጀል ተፈጽሟል ፥ ቶሎ ይጣራ!

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 22, 2020

ይህ ሁሉ ጉድ ሲፈጸም ይህ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋም የፖለቲካ ሽርሙጥና ድራማውን ይሰራል። የእነርሱም እጅ እንደሚኖርበት እርግጠኛ መሆን ይቻላል፤ ለእውነትና ፍትሕ የቆሙ ቢሆኑ ኖሮ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን ገና ዱሮ ለፍርድ ባቀረቡት ነበር።

ውስጤ የሚነግረኝ፤ በአንድ ወር ብቻ ምናልባት እስከ ሃምሳ ሺህ ንጹሐን ትግሬ ኢትዮጵያውያን ሳይጨፈጨፉ አይቀሩም! እግዚአብሔር አይፈቅድላቸውም እንጅ በዚህ መልክ እንደ ዕቅዳቸውና ፍላጎታቸው ከሆነ በአንድ ዓመት ውስጥ በመላው ትግራይ እና በሱዳን ስደት (በሱዳን በኩል ጦርነት የከፈቱት አንዱ ለዚህ ነው፤ ሌላው ከአማራ ክልል አማራ ኢትዮጵያውያን እንዲወጡና እንዲሰደዱ ለማድረግ ነው) የሚገኙትን ክርስቲያን ወገኖቻችንን ሙሉ በሙሉ መጨረስ ይችላሉ ማለት ነው።



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Horrific Testimony of Tigray War | Ethnic Profiling & War on Tigrayans + UN Bias

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 22, 2020

British Citizens Of Tigray Origin Testify about Abiy Ahmed’s War Crimes & Atrocities They Themselves Witnessed.

የትግራይ ጦርነት ዘግናኝ ምስክርነት | በትግራይ ተወላጆች ላይ የሚካሄደው የዘር አድሎ እና ጦርነት + የተባበሩት መንግስታት አድሎ

የብሪታኒያ ዜግነት ያላቸው የትግራይ ተወላጆች ስለ ዐብይ አህመድ የጦር ወንጀሎች እና እራሳቸው ያዩትንና ያጋጠማቸውን ለምስክርነት አቅርበዋል።

Wow! ወዮ! ወዮ! ወዮ! 😢😢😢

አዎ! ትግሬ መሆን ወንጀል የሆነበት ዘመን ላይ ነን። በደርግ ጊዜም ትክክለኛውን ኢትዮጵያኛ ስም በያዙት ትግርኛ ተናጋሪዎች ላይ በየመስኩ አድሎና በደል ይፈጸምባቸው ነበር። ዛሬ እያየን ያለነው ነገር ግን በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ታይቶና ተደርጎ የሚታወቅ አይደለም። ተመሳሳይ ነገር ኦቶማን ቱርኮች በአርሜኒያውያን ክርስቲያኖች ላይ እና ናዚው ሂትለር በአይሁዳውያን ላይ ሲያደርጉት የነበረውን ዓይነት ነገር ነው። በጣም የሚያስገርመው ደግሞ ላለፉት መቶ ሃምሳ ዓመታት እየተበደሉ፣ እየተራቡ፣ እየታመሙና እየተሰደዱ በዝምታቸው፣ በትህትናቸው፣ በጠንካራ ጸሎታቸውና ታታሪነታቸው ሳያማርሩና ብዙ ሳይጠይቁ ኢትዮጵያን ባቆዩአት ትግሬ ኢትዮጵያውያን ላይ ይህ ሁሉ አድሎና ሰቆቃ መታየቱ ነው። ያውም በትግሬዎች እርዳታና ከፍተኛ መስዋዕት ሳይራቡ፣ ሳይጠሙና ደማቸውን ሳያፈሱ ነፃነቱን፣ ሃብቱን፣ ስልጣኑን፣ የህዝብ ቁጥሩን፣ የኢትዮጵያን ግማሽ ግዛት እንዲይዙ በተደረጉት ኦሮሞዎች መፈጸሙ ነው። ይህ ተግባራቸው የክህደትን ልኬት እጅግ በጣም ከፍ ያደርገዋል።

ለመሆኑ ላለፉት ሃያ ሰባት ዓመታት በህወሃቶች እርዳታና ድጋፍ በሁሉም መስክ ከፍተኛ ደረጃ ላይ ለመድረስ የበቁት ኦሮሞዎችና መሀመዳውያን እንደከዷችሁ ትግሬ ወገኖቼ እያያችሁ ነውን? እስኪ እነ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ፣ እባብ ዱላ ገመዳ፣ ሳሞራ ዩኑስ፣ ሞፈሪያት ካሚል፣ ብርሃኑ ጁላ፣ ኬሪያ ኢብራሂም፣ ሬድዋን ሁሴን ወዘተ ለምን እንደከዷችሁ እራሳችሁን ጠይቁ። የከዷችሁ ህወሀት መጥፎውን የብሔር ፖለቲካና የአብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲ ርዕዮተ ዓለም በመከተሏ ሳይሆን እነርሱ የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ያላቸው የዋቄዮ-አላህ ልጆች በመሆናቸው ፥ እናንተ ደግሞ የመንፈስ ማንነትና ምንነት ያላችሁ ትግሬዎች በመሆናችሁ፣ የቀራችሁት ንጹሆቹና ጥንታውያኑ ኢትዮጵያውያን እናንተ በመሆናችሁ፣ አጥባቂ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖች በመሆናችሁ ነው። የአማራ ልሂቃኑም ከኦሮሞዎቹ ጋር የተደመሩት በዚህ ምክኒያት ብቻ ነው። እነርሱም እኮ ይህን በግልጽ ይናገሩታል!

ለመሆኑ ለምንድን ነው በአዲስ አበባ፣ በአማራ፣ በቤኒሻንጉል፣ በኦሮሚያ፣ በሶማሊያና ደቡብ ክልሎች ላለፉት ሃምሳ ዓመታት ሽብርና አሰቃቂ ግድያዎችን በመፈጸም ላይ ያሉት ኦሮሞዎቹ መታወቂያ ወይም ፓስፖርት ላይ በሰፈረው ማንነታቸው በቦሌ አውሮፕላን ማረፊያም ሆነ በሌላ ቦታ እየተነጠሉ ሲፈተሹና ሲመረመሩ የማይታዩት?

በጣም ይቅርታ ወንድሞቼና እህቶቼ፤ አይዟችሁ ወገኖቼ! በእናንተ ላይ የተነሱት ሁሉ ኢትዮጵያን እና ኢትዮጵያዊነትን ከናንተ ለመንጠቅ የተነሱ የኢትዮጵያ እና ኢትዮጵያዊነት ጠላቶች ናቸው እንጂ በጭራሽ ኢትዮጵያውያን አይደሉም። እባቦቹ ጋላዎች/ጋላማራዎች (ጎንደር) ከትግሬ የተነጠለ አማራ (አማራ ሳይንት) በጣም ደካማ እንደሆነ እና በቀላሉም ሊያጠፉት እንደሚችሉ በደንብ ያውቁታል። ቆሻሻው አብዮት አህመድ እናንተን አዳክሞ፣ አባርሮና አስገንጥሎ አማራውን ለመብላት ሲል ነው ይህን ሁሉ አሳዛኝ ድራማ በመስራት ላይ ያለው።

ዛሬ በምናየው የኢትዮጵያ ተስፋ እናንተ ብቻ ናችሁ፤ ስለዚህ አሁን ኢትዮጵያን ለማዳን ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪን ባፋጣኝ መንጥራችሁ ጥንታዊቷን ኢትዮጵያን መልሷት፤ እየደማችና እያነባች ያለችውን ኢትዮጵያን አድኗት፤ በአሁኑ ሰዓት እግዚአብሔር ከእናንተ ጋር ብቻ ነውና!



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Nobel Laureate’s Barbaric Bombing of Ethiopia’s Mekelle | “ከመቀለ ድብደባ የተረፍንበት መንገድ”

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 21, 2020

ቆሻሻውና አረመኔው አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ሚስቱንና ልጆቹን ወደ አሜሪካ ልኮ ምስኪን የትግራይ እናቶችንና ሕፃናትን በቦምብ ይደበድባል!!! እንደው የትግራይ ወንዶች ይህን አውሬ ባፋጣኝ ካልቆራረጣችሁት ወንዶች አይደላችሁም!

ቤተሰቦቹን ያጣ ጨቅላ ህፃን፣ ራሷን ስታ ያለች ታዳጊ፣ የተገደሉ አዛውንት ሴት- እነዚህ ክስተቶች የመከላከያ ሠራዊት መቀለን ለመቆጣጠርና የትግራይ ክልል አስተዳደሪ የነበረውን ህወሓትን ለመጣል በተደረገው ውጊያ ከታዩ አደጋዎችና ሞቶች መካከል የተወሰኑት ናቸው።

እነዚህ ሕዳር 19/ 2013 .ም መቀለን ለመቆጣጠር በደረሰው የከባድ መሳሪያ ጥቃት ከተረፉ ነዋሪዎችና ዶክተር የተሰሙም ታሪኮች ናቸው።

500 ሺህ በላይ ሕዝብ ነዋሪ ባለባት የትግራይ ክልሏ መዲና መቀለ ስለተፈጠረው ነገር ከጥቃቱ የተረፉ ነዋሪዎችና ዶክተሮቹ የሚናገሩት ከጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐብይ አህመድ ካሉት ጋር ይቃረናል።

ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐብይ አህመድ ለሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት ወቅታዊ ሁኔታን አስመልከቶ በተናገሩበት ወቅት መካላከያ ሠራዊት ባደረገው ወታደራዊ ዘመቻ አንድ ንፁህ ዜጋም አልተገደለም ማለታቸው የሚታወስ ነው።

ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ ሻክሮ የነበረው የፌደራል መንግሥቱና የትግራይ ክልል አስተዳደር ግንኙነት ወደ መጨረሻው ምዕራፍ አምርቶ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ የትግራይ ልዩ ኃይል በክልሉ የሚገኘውን የሰሜን ዕዝ ላይ ጥቃት በመፈፀሙ ወታደራዊ እርምጃ እንዲወሰድ ትዕዛዝ አስተላልፈዋል። ይህም የምድር ውጊያና የአየር ጥቃቶችን ያካተተ ነበር።

ግጭቱ ከተነሳ በኋላ የኮሚዩኒኬሽን ሁኔታ ሙሉ በሙሉ በመቋረጡ መረጃ ማግኘት አዳጋች የነበረ ቢሆንም በአሁኑ ወቅት የስልክ አገልግሎት በመመለሱ ቢቢሲ በርካታ ነዋሪዎችን ማናገር ችሏል። ስማቸው ለደኅንነታቸው ሲባል አልተጠቀሰም።

ማስጠንቀቂያ፡ በፅሁፉ ውስጥ የተጠቀሱት ሁኔታዎች አንዳንድ አንባቢያንን ሊረብሹ ስለሚችሉ ከወዲሁ እንዲጠነቀቁ እናሳስበለን።

👉 በአይደር የሚገኙ የቤት አከራይ

እለቱ ቅዳሜ ሕዳር 19/2013 .ም ነበር። በግቢያችን ውስጥ በደረሰ የከባድ መሳሪያ ድብደባ አራት ቤቶች በሙሉ ወደሙ።

በአንደኛው ቤት ውስጥ ሙሉ ቤተሰቡ አልቆ አንድ ታዳጊ ልጅ ብቻ በህይወት ተረፈ። አባቱ፣ እናቱና ሁለት እህቶቹ ወዲያው ነበር የሞቱት። አስከሬናቸውም ተቆራርጦ ነበር። ለስድስት ዓመታት ያህል ተከራይተው ነው የኖሩት። የደረሰባቸውም ሁኔታ በጣም አሳዛኝና ልብ የሚሰብር ነው።

ባለቤቴም ብትጎዳም ይህን ያህል ለክፉ የሚሰጥ አይደለም። እኔም ደረቴ ላይ ጉዳት የደረሰብኝ ሲሆን እስካሁንም አላገገምኩም። በመቀሌ ከሚገኘው ዋነኛው የአይደር ሪፈራል ሆስፒታል የወጣነው ከቀናት በፊት ነው።

በሆስፒታሉ ባለው የመድኃኒት፣ የህክምና ቁሳቁሶች እንዲሁም የዶክተሮች እጥረት ምክንያት ተገቢ ህክምና ማግኘት አልቻልንም። በርካታ ጉዳት ደርሶባቸው የመጡም ስለነበሩ የሆስፒታሉ ዋነኛ ትኩረት ክፉኛ በቆሰሉት ላይ ነው።

ለኔእና ለባለቤቴ ሆስፒታሉ የታዘዘልንን መድኃኒት ከውጭ በሚገኝ ፋርማሲ እንድንገዛ በተነገረን መሰረት ብንፈልግም መድኃኒት እንዳለቀ ተነገረን። ጨርሰናል፤ በክምችት ክፍላችን የለም ተባልን።

ሕይወት አዳጋች ሆናብናለች። ለአርባ ቀናት ያህል ዋና ዋና ገበያዎች እንደተዘጉ ናቸው። መሰረታዊ የሚባሉ ቁሳቁሶችን ማግኘት አስቸጋሪ ነው። ምግብ ማግኘት ራሱ ፈታኝ ነው።

ህይወታቸውን ለማዳን እግሬ አውጭኝ ብለው ከመቀሌ የሸሹ ነዋሪዎችም እስካሁንም አልተመለሱም። ደብዛቸው እንደጠፋ ነው። ያሉበትንም አናውቅም።

👉 የሁለት ልጆች እናቷ በሃወልቲ አካባቢ

ከፍተኛ የሆነ የከባድ ጦር መሳሪያ ጥቃትና የአየር ድብደባዎች ከሕዳር 19/2013 .ም በፊትም በመቀለ ላይ ነበር። ሕዳር 19 ግን በመኖሪያዬ አካባቢ ተከሰተ።

ጠዋት የጀመረ እሰከ ምሽት ድረስ አላባራም። በቤታችንም ላይ የከባድ ጦር መሳሪያ ድምፆች እያፏጨ ያልፍ ነበር። በከፍተኛ ፍርሐት ውስጥ ስለነበርን ልጆቼ ያለቅሱ ነበር።

በአካባቢው በሚገኝ ቤትም የከባድ ጦር መሳሪያ በማረፉ ቤቱ ሙሉ በሙሉ ወደመ።

አንዲት አዛውንት ተገደሉ፤ ልጃቸውም ከፉኛ ቆሰለች። በአይደር ሪፈራል ሆስፒታል በሞትና በሕይወት መካከል በፅኑ ህሙማን ክፍል ውስጥ ትገኛለች።

አብዛኛዎቹ ጎረቤቶቻችን መቀለ ላይ ከደረሰው ከባድ ጥቃት ከተፈጸመበት ከሕዳር 19 በፊት ነው፤ ለህይወታቸው ፈርተው የሸሹት።

እኔም፣ ልጆቼም እንዲሁም በቤታችን ተከራይተው የሚኖሩ ሰዎች ሳንሸሽ ቀረን። በቤታችን አካል ጉዳተኛና መሮጥ የማትችል ሰውም ስለነበረች ነበር ሁኔታውን የጠበቅነው።

ነገር ግን በዚያች ዕለት የከባድ መሳሪያ ጥቃቱና ድብደባው በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ ሲያስጨንቀን በአቅራቢያችን ወደሚገኝ በግንባታ ላይ ወዳለ ህንፃ ስር ገብተን ምሽቱን እዚያ አሳለፍን።

👉 የተራቡ የሠራዊቱ አባላት ምግብ አንድንሰጣቸው እየጠየቁን ነበር

በነገታው ጠዋት የሰዎች ድምፅ መስማት ጀመርን፤ ነገር ግን ሁሉ ነገር እስኪረጋጋ ከተደበቅንበት ለመውጣት አልደፈርንም። ወደ በኋላ ላይ ስንወጣ ግን ከተማዋን የተቆጣጠሯትን የፌደራል መከላከያ ሠራዊት አባላትን ማየት ጀመርን።

ገበያዎቹና ሱቆቹ በመዘጋታቸው ምክንያት የሚበላ ምግብና ውሃ እንድንሰጣቸው ጠየቁን።

እርስ በርስ የምንጋራት ትንሽ ምግብ ብትኖረንም ካለችን የተወሰነ ሰጠኋቸው።

በአሁኑ ወቅት አንዳንድ ገበያዎች ቢከፈቱም ዋጋቸው ከመወደዱ የተነሳ የሚቀመስ አልሆነም። ካለው የሸቀጦች እጥረትም ጋር ተያይዞ ዋጋቸውን በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ እያናሩት ነው።

በመቀለ በአንዳንድ አካባቢዎች ተቋርጦ የነበረው ውሃ፣ ኤሌክትሪክ ቢመለስም እኔ ግን የምኖርበት አካባቢ አልተመለሰም።

ምግብም ለማብሰል በእንጨትና በምድጃ ነው የምንጠቀመው። እንጀራም የምንጋግረው በእንጨት ነው። ጎረቤቶቼም መጥተው ይጠቀሙበታል። የውሃ አገልግሎትም ባለመኖሩ ከመቀለ ወጣ ብሎ ከሚገኙ ጉድጓዶች ውሃ እየቀዳን ነው የምንጠቀመው።

የፌደራል መከላከያ ሠራዊት አባላት ከተማውን እየዞሩ ቅኝት ያደርጋሉ። ነዋሪዎች ፊት ለፊት ወታደሮቹን ሲያዩ በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ ይደነግጣሉ።

በአንዳንድ የትግራይ አካባቢዎች ወታደሮቹ ነዋሪዎችን እንደገደሉና ንብረትም እንደዘረፉ ቢሰማም በመቀሌ ይህንን አላየሁም።

በአንዳንድ የከተማዋ ሰፈሮች ተፈላጊ ሰዎችን ለመያዝ የቤት ለቤት አሰሳ ቢያደርጉም እኔ በምኖርበት ሰፈር ይኼ አላጋጠመኝም።

👉 ነፃ የወጡ እስረኞች ከተማዋን መዘበሩ

በሰዓት እላፊ አዋጁ ምክንያት አሁንም ቢሆን ከማታ እስከ ጠዋት በከተማዋ መንቀሳቀስ አይቻልም። እሰከ ቅርብ ቀናትም ድረስ ከፍተኛ የተኩስ ድምፅ እየሰማን ነበር። ወታደሮቹ የከተማዋን ወጣቶች እንደገደሉ ሰምተናል።

በከተማዋ ውስጥ ከፍተኛ ዝርፊያም ስለነበር ወጣቶቹ የሰዓት እላፊ አዋጁን ተላልፈው ከተማዋን እየጠበቁ ነበር። ወታደሮቹም የሰዓት እላፊውን ተላልፋችኋል በሚል በሚጠይቋቸውም ወቅት በተፈጠረ ፍጥጫ ተኩሰውባቸዋል።

በክልሉ አስተዳደር የነበሩትና በከተማዋ ተሰማርተው የነበሩት ፖሊሶች በጎዳናው ላይ አይታዩም።

በከተማዋ በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ ዝርፊያ ተፈፅሟል። በተለይም የክልሉ አስተዳዳሪ በከተማዋ ላይ ቁጥጥሩን ካጣ በኋላ የከተማዋ ዝርፊያው ቀላል የሚባል አልነበረም።

አብዛኞቹ ዘረፋዎች የተፈፀሙት በቅርቡ ከእስር ቤት በወጡ ታራሚዎች ነው። ታራሚዎቹ ከእስር ቤት በነፃ ይለቀቁ ወይም ያምልጡ የምናውቀው ነገር የለም። የከተማዋ ነዋሪዎችም በዝርፊያው ተሳትፈዋል። ነገር ግን አሁን ይኼ በአብዛኛው ቆሟል።

👉 ዶክተር-በአይደር ሪፈራል ሆስፒታል

አሰቃቂ የሚባለውን ጊዜ አልፈን ይኸው በህይወት አለን። እኔ ከቤተሰቤ ጋር ደህና ነኝ። ነገር ግን በሆስፒታሉ አካባቢ የሚኖሩ ሰዎች በከባድ መሳሪያ ጥቃቱ ተገድለዋል። ሕዳር 19/2013 .ም አራት ሰዓት አካባቢ የመከላከያ ኃይል መድፎችን ጨምሮ ከባድ መሳሪያ በከተማዋ ላይ መተኮስ ጀመረ፤ ይህም እስከ ምሽት ድረስ ሳያባራ ቀጠለ።

እኔ ራሱ የ22 ሰዎች አስከሬን ቆጥሬያለሁ። ሰባት ሟቾች ጥዋት እንዲሁም 15 ሰዎች ወደ አመሻሹ አካባቢ። ሁሉም ሰላማዊ ዜጎች ናቸው። የአንዳንዶቹ አስከሬኖች በጥቃቱ ምክንያት በከፍተኛ ሁኔታ በመጎዳታቸው ምክንያት ማንነታቸውንም ማወቅ አልተቻለም።

ማወቅ ከቻልነውም ሰዎች ውስጥ አንዲት የ10 ዓመት ታዳጊ ልጅ አስከሬን እንዲሁም የ70 ዓመት አዛውንት ይገኙበታል።

ሟቾቹ ከከተማዋ ከተለያዩ ሰፈሮች የመጡ ናቸው፤ ቀበሌ 15፣ እንዳገብርኤል፣ መናኸሪያና ቀበሌ 12 ይገኙበታል።

የአንድ ዓመት ተኩል ጨቅላ ህፃንን ጨምሮ 70 ቁስለኞችን ተቀብለናል።

የመከላከያ ሠራዊት የመቀለ ከተማን ከመቆጣጠሩ ሁለት ሳምንት በፊት የአየር ጥቃት ነበር። በጥቃቱም አንደኛው የመቀለ ዩኒቨርስቲ ካምፓስ ተመትቷል።

በአየር ጥቃቱም የተጎዱ 22 ተማሪዎችን አክመናል። በሚያሳዝን ሁኔታም አንድ የሶሺዮሎጂ ተማሪ ህይወት አልፏል።

እንደርታ አካባቢ በደረሰም ሌላ የአየር ጥቃት አንዲት እናትና የሰባት ዓመት ልጇ ተገድለዋል።

እናቲቱ ወዲያው ህይወቷ ሲያልፍ፤ ልጇ ግን ጭንቅላቷ ላይ ከፍተኛ ጉዳት ደርሶባት እንዲሁም አንድ አይኗ ጠፍቶ ነበር የመጣችው። ህይወቷን ለማትረፍ የሚቻለንን ነገር ሁሉ ብናደርግም አልተሳካልንም።

በከፍተኛ ደረጃ የህሙማን አልጋ፣ የመድኃኒትና እንዲሁም የህክምና ቁሳቁሶች ግብአት እጥረት አጋጥሞ ነበር። በአሁኑ ወቅት የፌደራል መንግሥቱ በተወሰነ መልኩ የህክምና ግብአቶችን ቢልክም ሆስፒታሉ በሙሉ አቅሙ እየሰራ አይደለም።



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የግራኝ ወታደሮች በሰላማዊ የትግራይ ነዋሪዎች ላይ የፈጸሙትን ግድያ የተረፉት ዜጎች በመሳቀቅ ይተርካሉ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 15, 2020

ጊዚያዊው የኢትዮጵያ ህገ-ወጥ አገዛዝ በትግራይ ላይ ያደረሰውን ፋሺስታዊ ጥቃት በሕይወት የተረፉት በወር በተካሄደው ዘመቻ ወታደሮች ሰላማዊ ሰዎችን ስለመግደላቸው ይናገራሉ።

በሌላ በኩል እየተፈጸመ ያለውንና ሃገራችን ዓይታው የማታውቀውን የጭካኔ ማራቶን የምዕራባውያኑ ሳተላይቶቻቸው አንድ በአንድ ይቀርጹታል፤ አሁን አላስችል ስላላቸውና መቅረጻቸውን ከበላይ ሆኖ በሚቀርጸው በእግዚአብሔር ፊት ተጠያቂ ከመሆን ለማምለጥ ሲሉ መደረግ ያለበትን ያደርጉ ዘንድ ይገደዳሉ።

አውሮፓ ለኢትዮጵያ የምታደርገውን የገንዘብ ድጋፍ ሁሉ ታግዳለች። የኢትዮጵያ አገዛዝ በትግራይ የተፈጠረውን ግጭት የሚያስተናግድበት መንገድ የዚያ አውሮፓዊ ውሳኔ መሰረት ነው። አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ ያለው መንግሥት በዚያ ግጭት ሰብዓዊ መብቶችን እስከጣሰ ድረስ የአውሮፓ የገንዘብ አቅርቦት እንደተዘጋ ይቆያል።

👉 የቢሶበር ነዋሪ የሆኑት አቶ ጌታቸው አበራ፤ “በዚህ አንድ አካባቢ ብቻ ይህ ሁሉ ጭፍጨፋ ከተደረገ ታዲያ በአጠቃላይ ምን ሊሆን እንደሚችል አስቡ፡፡”

👉 If in just this one area you have this much destruction,” said Bisober resident Getachew Abera, “then imagine what might have happened generally.”

The first shells landed before dawn, crashing through tin-roofed mud homes and sending Jano Admasi’s neighbours fleeing for the cacti-dotted hills around her village in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region.

Jano, a soft-spoken woman in her sixties, tried to escape as well, running with her eldest son, 46-year-old Miskana, along a dirt road leading out of the village.

But on the way, she says, they encountered Ethiopian government soldiers who turned them around, forcing them into a nearby house with two other terrified families.

What happened next, described by three eyewitnesses but denied by the Ethiopian government, casts doubt on Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s claim that his military offensive in Tigray has been prosecuted with special care for civilian lives.

In an apparent rage, the soldiers accused Miskana and two other men in the group of aiding the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), whose leaders are the target of the military operations ordered last month.

“They asked us who we were, and we said we are just farmers and elderly women,” Jano told AFP. “They came back again and said ‘Get out’, and separated the men from the women.”

The soldiers made the men including Miskana sit down and, before Jano fully realised what was happening, shot them dead with Kalashnikov rifles.

A 15-year-old boy who leapt in front of a bullet in a futile bid to save his father was also killed.

The killings — which took place on November 14, 10 days after Abiy announced the offensive — represent just one incident of civilian suffering in Bisober, a farming village home to roughly 2,000 people in southern Tigray.

In the three days it took federal forces to wrest control of the village from the TPLF, 27 civilians died, according to local officials and residents: 21 from shelling and six in extrajudicial killings.

The government has tightly restricted access to the region, making it difficult to assess the toll of a conflict the UN warns is “spiralling out of control”.

But AFP recently obtained exclusive access to southern Tigray, where residents of multiple towns and villages accused both government and pro-TPLF combatants of, at best, putting civilians in harm’s way — and, at worst, actively targeting them.

Survivors told AFP they dreaded how many civilians could have died across Tigray.

“If in just this one area you have this much destruction,” said Bisober resident Getachew Abera, “then imagine what might have happened generally.”


Posted in Conspiracies, Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

አሳዛኝ ኤርትራውያን/ኢትዮጵያውያን ስደተኞች | እኔ በሕይወት ውስጥ ዕድለኛ አይደለሁም

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 15, 2020


Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

የ፹/80 አመቷ ስደተኛ አያታችን | ከስደት ይልቅ እዚያው በቤተ ክርስቲያኔ ብሞት ይሻለኝ ነበር

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 15, 2020


Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, Infos | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

As War Goes On in Ethiopia, Ethnic Harassment Is on the Rise

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 12, 2020

ሉሲፈራውያኑ እና ቆሻሻው ወኪላቸው አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ትግራይን ከኢትዮጵያ ገንጥለው የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ባላቸው ጠላቶቿ የምትመራዋን የዛሬዋን ኢትዮጵያን አፈራርሰው ከሞያሌ እስከ መተከልና ጎንደር ያለውን ግዛት ለኦሮሞዎች ለማስረከብ ተግተው በመሥራት ላይ ናቸው። አማራው የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ካላቸው ኦሮሞዎቹ ጎን ተሰልፎ የመንፈስ ማንነትና ምንነት ባላቸው ትግሬ ወንድሞቹ ላይ በመቶ ዓመት ውስጥ ለሦስተኛ ጊዜ ጦርነት በማወጁ አብቅቶለታል! አክሱም ጽዮንን ክዷልና የሆነ ተዓምር ካልመጣ በቀር ምንም ተስፋ የለውም፤ በቅርቡ ሃገር አልባ ነው የሚሆነው።

እነ ግራኝ እየሠሩ ያሉት ትግርኛ ተናጋሪ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከኢትዮጵያዊነታቸው፣ ከአረንጓዴ፣ ቢጫና ቀይ ሰንደቃቸው እና ከተዋሕዶ ክርስትናቸው እንዲላቀቁ ብሎም አእምሯቸውን ተቆጣጥረው፣ መንፈሳቸውን አድክመውና ሞራላቸውን ሰብረው ልክ እንደ “ኤርትራውያን” ለአውሮፓውያን አረጋውያን የኩላሊትና መቅኒ መለዋወጫ እንዲሆኑ ማድረግ ነው። ሰሞኑን “አማራ” የተባለው ክልል ባንዲራውን ለመቀየር መወሰኑ ከዚህ ሤራ ጋር የተያያዘ ነው። ከኦሮሞዎቹ ከእነ አብዮት አህመድ ጋር ተናበው በመስራት ላይ ያሉት ሀዋሃቶች የዚህ ዲያብሎሳዊ ሤራ አካል ቢሆኑ አይገርመንም። ዋ! ዋ! ዋ!

Ethnic Tigray people all over the country report an increase in discrimination and abuse from the authorities.

On a bright day in mid-November, about a dozen police officers with machine guns barged into the home of Lisanewerk Desta, a theologian who is the head of the library and museum department at the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and got to work.

The men, who had no warrant, Mr. Desta said, poured dried goods from his kitchen onto the floor, emptied his clothes drawers and even looked inside his clay coffee pot, seemingly searching for something to incriminate him. They confiscated only one item, he said: his Ethiopian identification card, which shows that he is from the Tigray ethnic group.

“I’m a scholar of the church, I’ve got nothing to be afraid of,” said Mr. Lisanewerk, who in an interview at his home shared photos and videos that his daughter had surreptitiously recorded of the raid. “But now I am under suspicion.”

Tigrayans belong to one of about eight major ethnic groups in Ethiopia, and for nearly three decades, they were the dominant force in the country’s politics. But life for many Tigrayans began to change in early November after Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, launched a military operation in the northern region of Tigray, whose leaders have resisted Mr. Abiy’s drive to centralize power in the federal government.

Nearly 50,000 Tigrayans have fled the country, in what the United Nations has called the worst exodus of refugees Ethiopia has seen in more than two decades.

Since then, many ethnic Tigrayans who live in the capital and other parts of Ethiopia say they have been treated like criminal suspects and subjected to various forms of discrimination, harassment and abuse by government officials.

They report being detained without charges, put under house arrest, and barred from traveling outside the country. Tigrayans say they have had their businesses shut down, homes ransacked and money extorted by security officials.

Several Tigrayans who live outside Ethiopia said they hadn’t heard for weeks from family members who were taken away suddenly to police stations and prisons. Some Tigrayan members of the Ethiopian military forces are being held in detention centers around the country, their families said.

The reports of ethnic profiling of Tigrayans, who represent about 6 percent of Ethiopia’s population of 110 million, are alarming to the delicate mix of people and power that makes up Ethiopia. The country is an uneasy confederation of 10 ethnically identified states, including Tigray, where fighting continues even though the national government has declared victory.

The moves have drawn concern from the United Nations Office on Genocide Prevention, which said that cases of ethnic profiling constituted “a dangerous trajectory that heightens the risk of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.”

Ethiopia’s attorney general, Gedion Timothewos, acknowledged last month that there had been “isolated incidents” in which law enforcement agencies “acted out of line.” But he said that the government takes the issue of ethnic profiling very seriously, and that it would establish a dedicated hotline for the public to report their complaints.

“We are doing everything within our power to make sure there will not be arbitrary or discriminatory measures,” he said, adding, “This is something that the government denounced.”

While the fighting has so far been confined to the Tigray region in the north, Tigrayan civilians in other parts of the country say they are feeling the spillover effects.

The 35-year-old manager of an accounting firm — who for fear of retribution from the government asked to be identified only by his given name, Sharon, which like many Ethiopians he also uses as his surname — said that last month his house in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, was raided by security officers in plain clothes who tore open his mattress and couch and smashed his washing machine.

“The problem here now is if you have any blood from Tigray, you are being discriminated” against, Mr. Sharon, who is of mixed ethnic Tigray and Amhara heritage, said. “This kind of fight, it won’t end.”

Mr. Sharon tried to help his sister when her house, too, was raided. A few days later, he went missing, and has not been heard from since, according to his family and close friends.

For almost three decades, the Tigrayans were at the center of power in Ethiopia after they led the guerrilla war that toppled the Marxist regime that had ruled the country from the mid-1970s until 1991.

But after antigovernment protests swept Mr. Abiy to power in 2018, leaders of the Tigrayan ethnic group were arrested and expelled from key positions — opening a wide gulf between the national government and the Tigray region, which is governed by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the party that used to exert national power.

While the government is suspicious that ethnic Tigrayans throughout Ethiopia are supporting the liberation front, many of those interviewed said they had no affiliation with the party. Others said they were former or current members, but even so, it did not make them antigovernment subversives.

“I was a member for 10 years but am no longer directly involved,” said Mr. Lisanewerk.

The latest conflict has aggravated the growing political divide in Africa’s second-most-populous nation, between pro-centralization Ethiopians like Mr. Abiy and those supporting ethnic self-rule, said Yohannes Gedamu, an Ethiopian lecturer of political science at Georgia Gwinnett College, in Lawrenceville, Ga.

The ethnocentric nature of Ethiopian politics makes “law enforcement and any criminal investigations difficult to conduct without looking at the ethnic element,” he said. “It’s saddening.”

In Addis Ababa, a state-backed condominium project sent a letter, which was seen by The New York Times, that suspended 10 Tigrayans, including drivers and site surveyors.

Security firms owned by Tigrayans have been suspended in the capital, with diplomats in three embassies confirming that, as a result, they have had to search for new security companies.

The purge is also taking place in state-owned companies like Ethio Telecom, the country’s major internet and telephone provider. In the days after the conflict began in November, officers arrived at a branch of Ethio Telecom in Addis Ababa and detained a maintenance manager and a senior director, both of Tigrayan descent, according to an employee who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.

The company’s chief executive officer did not respond to requests for comment.

The authorities have also targeted journalists. Since the conflict began, Bekalu Alamrew, a reporter with the Awlo Media Center, an outlet owned by Tigrayans, was detained for over two weeks without being formally charged.

One accusation the police leveled against him was that he was in contact with the liberation front, according to Muthoki Mumo, the sub-Saharan Africa representative for the Committee to Protect Journalists. This is “a strange allegation,” Ms. Mumo said, “given that journalists have to communicate with different political actors in order to do their jobs.” (Mr. Bekalu has since been released.)

The authorities have also recently arrested other journalists (most Tigrayan, but also one who was not but who reported on Tigrayan issues) And they expelled a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group, a policy organization whose headquarters are in Brussels.

The mistreatment of Tigrayans in Ethiopia is now worrying their families who live abroad.

Mahlet Gebremedhin, 26, who lives in Baltimore, said that a cousin who owns a mattress company in Addis Ababa was arrested on Nov. 19 and has not been heard from since. The authorities told another family member that his company accounts are being investigated to see whether he is aiding the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

The conflict is also affecting ethnic Tigrayans who want to leave Ethiopia. Civil aviation authorities have started asking Ethiopian passengers leaving the country to show not just their passports, but their identity cards, which state their ethnic affiliation — according to a letter from the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission seen by The Times.

Daniel Bekele, who leads the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, said in an interview that the commission was “alarmed by the rising number of complaints from people who have been stopped from traveling, including on work missions, for medical treatment or studies.”

After raising the issue with the government, Mr. Bekele said the authorities had stopped checking travelers’ ethnic identities — even as other Tigrayans have continued to report otherwise.

Even the C.E.O. of the national carrier, Ethiopian Airlines, who is an ethnic Tigrayan, was barred from leaving the country earlier this month, according to a pilot at the airline and a foreign diplomat who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter. The pilot said that the C.E.O., Tewolde GebreMariam, was prevented from boarding a flight to Paris on Nov. 8 because of his strong links to senior members of the T.P.L.F. Mr. Tewolde himself could not be reached for comment.

Henok Sirak, a spokesman for the airline, declined to comment.

There are also reports that Tigrayans are being purged from Ethiopia’s armed forces.

Yared, who also gave only his first name for fear of reprisals, said his father, a communications operator in the federal army, had traveled north to the border with Tigray with his unit on Nov. 2. But on Nov. 9, he texted that his phone was being confiscated and that he was being imprisoned. He has not heard from his father since.

Mr. Lisanewerk, the theologian, said his recent experience had dampened his faith in his own country. He said that his father had fought for his country against the military regime that was toppled in 1991, but that today, his own countrymen are treating his people as a foreign entity.

“To tell the truth, I’m not Ethiopian,” he said. “I’m Tigrayan now.”



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