Addis Ethiopia Weblog

Ethiopia's World / የኢትዮጵያ ዓለም

  • September 2021
    M T W T F S S
     12345
    6789101112
    13141516171819
    20212223242526
    27282930  
  • Archives

  • Categories

  • Recent Posts

Posts Tagged ‘Soldiers’

CNN on HUMERA MASSACRE | Men Are Marched Out of Prison Camps. Then Corpses Float Down The River

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 5, 2021

The ghostly outlines of limbs emerge through the mist along the Setit River in eastern Sudan. As the river’s path narrows, the drifting bodies become wedged on the silty clay bank and their forms appear more clearly; men, women, teenagers and even children. 

The marks of torture are easily visible on some, their arms held tightly behind their backs.

On a trip to Wad El Hilou, a Sudanese town near the border with Ethiopia, a CNN team counted three bodies in one day. Witnesses and local authorities in Sudan confirmed that in the days after the team’s departure, 11 more bodies arrived downstream.

Evidence indicates the dead are Tigrayans. Witnesses on the ground say the bodies tell a dark story of mass detentions and mass executions across the border in Humera, a town in Ethiopia’s Tigray region.

CNN has spoken with dozens of witnesses collecting the bodies in Sudan, as well as international and local forensic experts and people trapped and hiding in Humera, to reveal what appears to be a new phase of ethnic cleansing in Ethiopia’s war.

Humera is one of many towns involved in the conflict that has ravaged the 112 million-strong east African country since the Ethiopian government launched an offensive in the country’s northern Tigray region in November 2020. Despite Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s initial declaration of victory in late November, the region is still wracked by fighting and CNN has previously reported on the many atrocities including torture, extrajudicial killings, and the use of rape as a weapon of war.

At the end of June this year, the balance of power shifted suddenly as Tigrayan forces recaptured the regional capital, Mekelle, and the Ethiopian government began withdrawing troops from the region. The fighting continued, however. In mid-July, Tigrayan forces announced a new offensive to recapture areas taken by the Ethiopian government.

This new offensive, witnesses told CNN, was what prompted the government forces and militia groups holding the northern town of Humera, close to the border with Eritrea and Sudan, to launch a new phase of mass incarcerations of resident Tigrayans.

CNN’s investigations indicate that the ethnic profiling, detention and killing of Tigrayans bears the hallmarks of genocide as defined by international law.

‘We’re told to look out for the bodies’

In recent weeks, a community of Tigrayans living in the Sudanese town of Wad El Hilou, 65 kilometers (40 miles) downstream from Humera, has assumed the role of excavators and grave diggers for the bodies drifting down the river known in Sudan as the Setit and in Ethiopia as the Tekeze. 

It is arduous and distressing work. The stench from the bodies fills the air as they first extract each corpse from the riverbed and then dig new graves for them, before performing the burial rites.

Tigrayan community leader Gebretensae Gebrekristos, also known as Gerri, helps coordinate and document the recovery of the bodies in Sudan.

Tigrayan community leader Gebretensae Gebrekristos, also known as Gerri, helps coordinate and document the recovery of the bodies in Sudan.

Gebretensae Gebrekristos, known as “Gerri,” is one of the community’s leaders; he helps coordinate the grim task with a solemn determination. In total the community estimates at least 60 bodies have been found so far. He explained how the group is certain the bodies are Tigrayans from Humera. 

“We get calls from people in Humera that witnesses — often escaped detainees — saw people marched down to the river in one of the facilities and heard gunshots, or that a number of people were taken by soldiers from the detention facilities and never returned.  We’re told to look out for their bodies coming down the river.”

The bodies first appeared in Sudan in July when the river was at its highest volume due to the rainy season. Sudanese water engineers told CNN the speed of its flow then would enable the bodies to drift from Humera to Wad El Hilou in approximately two to three hours. Wad El Hilou is a natural pinch-point in the river’s path — and so, when the bodies arrived, they floated towards the banks.

According to Gerri, his community usually finds the exact number of bodies it has been told to expect.

Sixteen-year-old Natay and 17-year-old Gebrey, whose names have been changed for their safety, are among the Tigrayans who said they fled prison camps in Humera. Now in Wad El Hilou, they confirmed to CNN that they heard reports of men, with their hands tied, being marched in single file towards the Humera riverfront, to the area between St. Mary’s and St. Michael’s Church. The boys both say they heard shots ring out and the men did not return.

Natay said he remembered feeling paralyzed: “I was so fearful, thinking that they would kill me and throw me [in] too.”

Sudanese authorities in Wad El Hilou have filed police and coroner reports for each body found in their territory, documenting evidence of the extensive torture and “execution-style” bullet entry wounds found on many of the bodies, the authorities told CNN. Both local Sudanese authorities and forensic experts say all the bodies retrieved so far were likely dead before they hit the water.

In a statement issued via US public relations firm Mercury, the Ethiopian government said it was investigating the allegations. “In light of several inconsistencies in the allegations, we are working with the relevant authorities to gather evidence and will prosecute any individuals found to have committed crimes to the fullest extent of the law,” a spokesperson said.

“The government is keen to reiterate our desire to ensure a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Tigray and is actively working to secure a ceasefire.”

‘Everyone was sick’

For so many of the Tigrayans in Sudan, these bodies could have been people they knew. Many have fled from Humera and still have families there.

Temesgen, 24, and Yonas, 25, say they escaped together from a warehouse in Humera, called Enda Yitbarek, which they describe as being used as a makeshift mass detention camp for thousands of Tigrayans. CNN has changed their names for their safety. They were both imprisoned for just over two weeks.

“I was playing around my house, then they collected me and took me because I am Tigrayan,” Temesgen recalled. “We didn’t do anything, they just collected me and detained me.”

Ethiopia is at war with itself. Here’s what you need to know about the conflict

Inside the warehouse, people were crammed together on the floor without rooms or partitions to create privacy, he said.

“They weren’t providing us food and we didn’t even have access to the toilet,” Yonas said. “Some people were toileting inside the warehouse.”

For Temesgen the real horror was the lack of medical assistance. “Everyone was sick with flu and not getting medical help. They weren’t sending us to hospital,” he said.

Former detainees described to CNN prisoners of all ages squeezed tightly together — from mothers with young children to teenagers to men in their 70s.

Temesgen and Yonas say they escaped while on a rare toilet break permitted by the guards, and made the journey to Sudan. They both talked of multiple prison camps dotted around the city of Humera.

CNN spoke to dozens of other escapees from these camps and, based on their accounts, estimates there are up to nine locations where it is thought thousands of Tigrayans are being detained.

Ethnic profiling

Tigrayans still inside Humera told CNN that they live in constant fear of being detained or killed. They spoke of brazen ethnic profiling whereby residents of Tigrayan ethnicity are targeted and those of other ethnicities are safe, particularly those of the Amhara ethnicity;  militia from Amhara have fought alongside Ethiopian government forces in Tigray.

People of mixed ethnicity face an uncertain fate; residents told CNN that an Amhara ID card can suffice but to be seen socializing with Tigrayans will put someone at risk nonetheless. 

Alem, whose name has also been changed for security reasons, is half-Tigrayan but has a non-Tigrayan ID card and has been helping Tigrayans hide in his home in Humera while the arrests continue. Relatives abroad have urged him to flee, but he insists it’s his duty to stay and help those who are targeted.

Rahel, not her real name, is also Tigrayan but has a non-Tigrayan ID card and says she has been visiting friends and relatives in the prison camps despite the questions posed by guards. She is horrified by the conditions for those detained.

“They can’t move, they are not getting enough sanitation, no food, no water and no medicine. If they feel sick and die, no one cares. They are hungry and thirsty. How could they feel good thinking it’s their turn the next day, knowing their friends were killed yesterday? The guards don’t care about life,” she said.

People in Humera who spoke to CNN repeatedly mentioned the disappearances of members of the Tigrayan community. Those still free assumed they were detained in the camps, but those who escaped from the prisons told CNN that people were frequently summoned by guards and would never return. Others spoke of rare sightings of bodies being dumped into the river.

Across the water in Sudan, Yonas recalled the disappearances from the Enda Yitbarek warehouse.

“They weren’t torturing us but they were taking prisoners often at night and they never came back,” Yonas said. “We don’t know whether they killed them or not, but after they took them they never came back, and their families reported their disappearances.”

Residents of Humera with whom CNN spoke firmly believe the bodies arriving in Wad El Hilou are from their town. Several are in regular touch with those who escaped across the border to Sudan and when the bodies began arriving, news spread fast.

One man has been identified locally as Misganawu, a well-known barber in Humera. ”He had two nicknames, Totit and Gundi,” Alem recalled. “I knew Totit very well when he was working in Humera in that hairdressing shop. He was born and raised in Humera.”

Signs of torture

 Ongoing independent investigations by international and local forensic experts found no evidence that the victims had drowned. The experts, who asked not to be identified due to security concerns, told CNN that the bodies had all been exposed to some form of chemical agent after death, leading to a process which had effectively preserved them before entering the water.

The fact all the bodies were in a similar state indicated they had been stored in a similar environment, possibly a storage facility or a mass grave, before being dumped into the river, the experts said.

This state of preservation makes it easier to identify the marks on the bodies and what could have caused them, the experts said.

Some of those found had their arms bound tightly behind their backs, in keeping with a torture technique called “tabay.”  Several had their hands tied with small gauge yellow electrical wire and bone breakages and dislocations further indicate additional pressure was placed on their bodies before death. 

The experts say they are in a race against time to preserve evidence, in case it is needed for potential war crimes prosecutions in the future. They also confirmed the signs of torture apparent to the group in Sudan who’ve been collecting the corpses.

While investigators in Sudan continue to examine the bodies, Tigrayans and those helping them in Humera face a daily struggle to remain free from arrest and abuse.

And Tigrayans like Gerri, on the other side of the border, mourn and dig shallow graves for the bodies that drift downstream.

Speaking by the first riverside grave he dug, marked with a makeshift wooden cross, Gerri said it pained him to be unable to give them a proper burial.

Source

___________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Ethiopia’s Tigrayans Rounded Up, Mutilated & Dismembered In Civil War Ethnic Purge

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 5, 2021

Sources said that after a series of victories by Tigrayan Defence Forces, the occupying forces in Humera started to purge ethnic Tigrayans.

Courtesy: The Tlegraph

By Lucy Kassa

Forces occupying a major city in Ethiopia are throwing thousands of men, women and children into makeshift “concentration camps”, cutting off limbs and dumping mutilated bodies into mass graves as part of an orchestrated ethnic purge, a dozen separate witnesses told The Telegraph.

Ethnic Amhara forces have been going “door-to-door” to round up anyone who is ethnic Tigrayan in the latest harrowing evidence of population cleansing in Ethiopia’s blood-drenched civil war.

“Feven Berhe was an innocent resident who owned a small shop. They took her to Tekeze river and shot her,” said one resident, who knew the 40-year-old victim well.

“Before they killed her, they removed her eyes and cut off her legs. They did not let anyone pick her body up and bury her.”

Humera is a city of about 50,000 near Ethiopia’s border with Eritrea and Sudan. Because of its strategic location, it was one of the first places to be attacked when Ethiopia’s Nobel Peace Prize-winning Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrea’s dictator launched a devastating pincer attack to crush Tigray’s regional government in November.

For the last year, ethnic Amhara forces, who hail from a neighbouring region and are allied to the Nobel laureate, have controlled the city, along with swathes of western Tigray.

Sources said that after a stunning series of victories by the Tigrayan Defence Forces in late June, the occupying forces in Humera started to purge ethnic Tigrayans in the city.

The Telegraph understands that on 15 July, Amhara forces held a public meeting in the main municipality hall in Humera to decide the fate of Tigrayans in the areas they controlled.

“They said this; ‘We should exterminate all Tigrayan residents in the city. We must cleanse them all,” said one man who claims he attended the public meeting.

Multiple residents said that a massive campaign of arrests started soon after the meeting.

“They have been going from house to house arresting everyone. No Tigrayan is left except those who fled to Sudan or found a hiding place in the city. They have a list of Tigrayan residents from the administrative offices,” said another man.

“If it is written in your identity card that you are Tigrayan, there is no mercy,” said another.

Children displaced by fighting in northern Ethiopia play among sacks of clothes at the Addis Fana School where they are temporarily sheltered,

At the beginning of August, 43 bloated and bloodied bodies were found floating down the Tekeze River, which separates the region from Sudan.

The Telegraph understands that these were some of the original victims of the purge. Residents say that when the floating bodies attracted huge international attention, Amhara forces started dumping bodies elsewhere.

Elderly people, children and pregnant women have all been taken to several detention centres and three different warehouses across the city, which have been turned into makeshift “concentration camps”, survivors said.

The Telegraph could not confirm these accounts because of major reporting restrictions in Tigray.

However, imagery analysis by Vigil Monitor (previously DX Open Network), an atrocity early warning and detection research organisation based in the UK, shows that ethnic Amhara forces and allied Ethiopian troops have been stationed at ‘numerous’ centres for the past few months.

One man the Telegraph spoke to called Gizau claimed that he had escaped one of the centres by convincing militiamen he was not fully ethnic Tigrayan.

“We were 250 detainees. The Amhara forces take detainees every night and bring new ones. The ones they take never come back,” he said.

Gizau and ten other witnesses said that people were being killed and dumped in pits around the three warehouses and in craters outside the city.

Satellite imagery partially corroborates the sources. It shows a pit roughly the size of a swimming pool outside one of the warehouses, which has been gradually filled up since mid-July.

There is a similar pattern of suspicious pits being filled up slowly over the same time period at the other locations.

“There are very suspicious holes in the ground next to the camps, in an area where no other hole gets filled with earth,” say analysts at Vigil Monitor.

The state president for Ethiopia’s Amhara region Agegnuh Teshager and the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s Office were both approached for comment on The Telegraph’s findings bit neither responded.

*Names have been changed in this article to protect identities.

__________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Life, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

ፋሺስት ፋኖ ፉን ፉን እያለ ከአላማጣ ወጣ | አይ አማራ ለብስኩት ብለህ እንዲህ የኦሮሞ መጫወቻ አሻንጉሊት ትሆን?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 12, 2021

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

አቅምን አውቆ መኖር ጥሩ ነው ታላቅ ችሎታ ነው!

አሁንም ወልቃይትን እና ሑመራን ባፋጣኝ ለቅቃችሁ ብትወጡ ይሻላችኋል። በአኖሌ የደምቢዶሎ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ሴት ተማሪ እኅቶቻችንን ጡት ቆርጠው የጨረሷቸው የግራኝ ኦሮሞዎች እንጂ የጽዮን ልጆች አይደሉም፤ አያደርጉትምም! ስለዚህ አሁን ወደ አዲስ አበባ አምርታችሁ አፈ ሙዙን ወደ አራት ኪሎ ቤተ ፒኮክ ብታዞሩት በይበልጥ ትጠቀማላችሁ፤ የብዙ ወገኖቻችን ሕይወት ታድናላችሁ! ግራኝ ገና ያኔ እነ ጄነራል አሳምነውንና እነ ኢንጂነር ስመኘውን እንደገደላቸው ከትግራይ ወንድሞቻችሁ ጋር ለመተባበር እጃችሁን ብትዘረጉ ኖሮ የስንት ወገኖች ሕይወት ባዳናችሁ፣ ላለፉት ስምንት ወራት ከአህዛብ ጠላት ጋር አብራችሁ በጽዮን ልጆች ላይ በፈጸማችሁት ወደር የለሽ ግፍ ለብዙ ትውልድ ከሚቆይ ዕዳና ለሺህ ዓመታት ከማይወርድ ከባድ ሸክም እራሳችሁን እና ኦሮሞዎችን ነፃ ባወጣችሁ! አሁን የፍርድ ቀን ተቃርቧልና ጉዳዩ በእናነተ እና በእግዚአብሔር መካከል ብቻ ነው!

____________________________________

Posted in Curiosity, Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

How Local Guerrilla Fighters Routed Ethiopia’s Powerful Army

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 11, 2021

By The New York Times

A scrappy force of local Tigrayan recruits scored a cascade of battlefield victories against the Ethiopian military, one of Africa’s strongest. Times journalists witnessed the decisive week in an eight-month civil war.

SAMRE, Ethiopia — The Tigrayan fighters whooped, whistled and pointed excitedly to a puff of smoke in the sky, where an Ethiopian military cargo plane trundling over the village minutes earlier had been struck by a missile.

Smoke turned to flames as the stricken aircraft broke in two and hurtled toward the ground. Later, in a stony field strewn with smoking wreckage, villagers picked through twisted metal and body parts. For the Tigrayan fighters, it was a sign.

“Soon we’re going to win,” said Azeb Desalgne, a 20-year-old with an AK-47 over her shoulder.

The downing of the plane on June 22 offered bracing evidence that the conflict in the Tigray region in northern Ethiopia was about to take a seismic turn. A Tigrayan guerrilla army had been fighting to drive out the Ethiopian military for eight months in a civil war marked by atrocities and starvation. Now the fight seemed to be turning in their favor.

The war erupted in November, when a simmering feud between Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Tigrayan leaders, members of a small ethnic minority who had dominated Ethiopia for much of the three previous decades, exploded into violence.

Since then, the fighting has been largely hidden from view, obscured by communications blackouts and overshadowed by international outrage over an escalating humanitarian crisis. But during a pivotal week, I went behind the front lines with a photographer, Finbarr O’Reilly, and witnessed a cascade of Tigrayan victories that culminated in their retaking the region’s capital, and altered the course of the war.

We saw how a scrappy Tigrayan force overcame one of the largest armies in Africa through force of arms, but also by exploiting a wave of popular rage. Going into the war, Tigrayans were themselves divided, with many distrustful of a governing Tigrayan party seen as tired, authoritarian and corrupt.

But the catalog of horrors that has defined the war — massacres, ethnic cleansing and extensive sexual violence — united Tigrayans against Mr. Abiy’s government, drawing highly motivated young recruits to a cause that now enjoys widespread support.

“It’s like a flood,” said Hailemariam Berhane, a commander, as several thousand young men and women, many in jeans and sneakers, marched past en route to a camp for new recruits. “Everyone’s coming here.”

A column of thousands of Tigrayans who joined the rebels. Many said they were motivated by atrocities perpetrated against civilians by the Ethiopian military and its allies.

Mr. Abiy, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 and has staked his prestige on the Tigray campaign, has downplayed his losses. In a self-assured address to Parliament on Tuesday, of a kind that once dazzled admiring Westerners, Mr. Abiy insisted that his military’s retreat from Tigray was planned — the latest phase of a fight the government was on course to win.

Seen from the ground, though, Tigray has been slipping through his fingers.

In the past three weeks, Tigrayan fighters have captured a wide swath of territory; retaken the regional capital, Mekelle; imprisoned at least 6,600 Ethiopian soldiers — and claimed to have killed about three times as many.

In recent days, Tigrayan leaders have expanded the offensive to new parts of the region, vowing to stop only when all outside forces have been expelled from their land: Ethiopians, allied troops from the neighboring country of Eritrea and ethnic militias from the next-door Amhara region of Ethiopia.

“If we have to go to hell and back, we’ll do it,” said Getachew Reda, a senior Tigrayan leader.

Press officers for Mr. Abiy and the Ethiopian military did not respond to questions for this article.

We flew into Mekelle on June 22, a day after national elections in Ethiopia which had been heralded as major step toward the country’s transition to democracy.

In Tigray, though, there was no voting and the Ethiopian military had just launched a sweeping offensive intended to crush for good the Tigrayan resistance, now known as the Tigray Defense Forces, commanders on both sides said.

An Ethiopian airstrike had struck a crowded village market that day, killing dozens. We watched as the first casualties arrived at Mekelle’s largest hospital.

Days later, three aid workers from Doctors Without Borders were brutally murdered by unknown assailants.

In the countryside, the war was moving at a furious pace. Ethiopian military positions fell like dominoes. Hours after the Tigrayans shot down the military cargo plane, we reached a camp holding several thousand newly captured Ethiopian soldiers, about 30 miles south of Mekelle.

Clustered behind a barbed wire fence, the prisoners erupted into applause when we stepped from our vehicle — hoping, they later explained, that we were Red Cross workers.

Some were wounded, others barefoot — Tigrayans confiscated their boots as well as their guns, they said — and many pleaded for help. “We have badly wounded soldiers here,” said Meseret Asratu, 29, a platoon commander.

An estimated 3,000 Ethiopian soldiers captured by the Tigrayans were being held at a makeshift prison camp about 30 miles south of Mekelle on June 29. Many were wounded, others barefoot.

Further along the road was the battlefield where others had died. The bodies of Ethiopian soldiers were scattered across a rocky field, untouched since a fight four days earlier, now swelling in the afternoon sun.

Personal items cast aside nearby, amid empty ammunition boxes and abandoned uniforms, hinted at young lives interrupted: dog-eared photos of loved ones, but also university certificates, chemistry textbooks and sanitary pads — a reminder that women fight on both sides of the conflict.

Stragglers were still being rounded up. The next day, Tigrayan fighters marched five just-captured prisoners up a hill, where they slumped to the ground, exhausted.

Dawit Toba, a glum 20-year-old from the Oromia region of Ethiopia, said he had surrendered without firing a shot. War in Tigray was not like he had imagined it. “We were told there would be fighting,” he said. “But when we got here it was looting, robbery, attacks on women.”

“This war was not necessary,” he added. “Mistakes have been made.”

Driving off, we came across a figure sprawled on the roadside — an Ethiopian, stripped of his uniform, with several bullet wounds to his leg. He groaned softly.

The wounded soldier appeared to have been dumped there, although it wasn’t clear by whom. We drove him back to the prisoner camp, where Ethiopian medics did some basic treatment on the ground outside a school. Nobody was sure if he would survive.

Artillery boomed in the distance. The Tigrayan offensive was continuing to the north, using captured heavy guns against the Ethiopian troops who had brought them in. A platoon of fighters walked through, bearing a wounded man on a stretcher. Teklay Tsegay, 20, watched them pass.

Before the war, Mr. Teklay was a mechanic in Adigrat, 70 miles north. Then, last February, Eritrean soldiers fired into his aunt’s house, killing her 5-year-old daughter, he said. The following day, Mr. Teklay slipped out of Adigrat to join the resistance.

“I never thought I would be a soldier,” he said. “But here I am.”

As Tigrayans quietly mustered a guerrilla army this year, they drew on their experience of fighting a brutal Marxist dictatorship in Ethiopia in the 1970s and 1980s, under the flag of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

Then, Tigrayan intellectuals used Marxist ideology to bind peasant fighters to their cause, much like the Viet Cong or rebels in Angola and Mozambique.

But this time, the Tigrayan fighters are largely educated and hail from the towns and cities. And it is anger at atrocities, not Marxism, that drew them to the cause.

The wave of recruits has included doctors, university professors, white-collar professionals and diaspora Tigrayans from the United States and Europe, colleagues and friends said. Even in government-held Mekelle, recruitment grew increasingly brazen.

Two weeks ago, a T.D.F. poster appeared on a wall beside St. Gabriel’s, the city’s largest church. “Those who fail to join are as good as the walking dead,” it read. Hours later, Ethiopian soldiers arrived and tore it down.

Mulugeta Gebrehiwot Berhe, 61, a senior fellow at the World Peace Foundation at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, in Massachusetts, was visiting Mekelle when war erupted in November. I found him near the town of Samre, a leather-holstered pistol on his hip.

“I joined the resistance,” said the academic, who once helped broker a peace deal for the United Nations in Darfur. “I felt I had no other option.”

Even some Ethiopian commanders felt alienated by Mr. Abiy’s approach to the conflict.

Until late June, Col. Hussein Mohamed, a tall man with a gold-tooth smile, commanded the 11th Infantry Division in Tigray. Now he was a prisoner, held with other Ethiopian officers in a closely guarded farmhouse.

Of the 3,700 troops under his command, at least half were probably dead, said Colonel Hussein, confirming that he was speaking voluntarily. “The course of this war is political madness, to my mind,” he said.

He always had serious reservations about Mr. Abiy’s military alliance with Eritrea, Ethiopia’s old foe, he said: “They ransack properties, they rape women, they commit atrocities. The whole army is unhappy about this marriage.”

Still, Ethiopian soldiers have been accused of much the same crimes. I met Colonel Hussein in a stone-walled room, with a tin roof, as rain splattered outside. When the room’s owner, Tsehaye Berhe, arrived with a tray of coffee cups, her face clouded over.

“Take it!” she snapped at the Ethiopian officer. “I’m not serving you.”

Moments later Ms. Tsehaye returned to apologize. “I’m sorry for being emotional,” she said. “But your soldiers burned my house and stole my crops.”

Colonel Hussein nodded quietly. Col. Hussein Mohamed, who commanded an Ethiopian army division, was captured with his troops and held in a closely guarded farmhouse. He called the war “political madness.”

Even before Ethiopian forces abandoned Mekelle on June 28, there were hints that something was afoot. The internet went down, and at the regional headquarters where Mr. Abiy had installed an interim government, I found deserted corridors and locked offices. Outside, federal police officers were slinging backpacks into a bus.

Smoke rose from the Ethiopian National Defense Forces’ headquarters in Mekelle — a pyre of burning documents, it turned out, piled high by detainees accused of supporting the T.D.F.

Weeks earlier, Ethiopian intelligence officers had tortured one of them, Yohannes Haftom, with a cattle prod. “We will burn you,” Mr. Yohannes recalled them saying. “We will bury you alive.”

But after he followed their orders to cart their confidential documents to the burn pit on June 28, the Ethiopians set Mr. Yohannes free. Hours later, the first T.D.F. fighters entered Mekelle, setting off days of raucous celebration.

Residents filled streets where young fighters paraded on vehicles like beauty queens, or leaned from speeding tuktuks spraying gunfire into the air. Nightclubs and cafes filled up, and an older woman prostrated herself at the feet of a just-arrived fighter, shouting thanks to God.

A woman in Mekelle fell to the ground and shouted thanks to God on June 29, as it became clear that Tigrayan forces had taken control of Mekelle.

On the fourth day, fighters paraded thousands of Ethiopian prisoners through the city center, in a show of triumphalism that was a pointed rebuke to the leader of Ethiopia. “Abiy is a thief!” people chanted as dejected soldiers marched past.

The celebrations eventually reached the house where Mr. Getachew, the Tigrayan leader and T.D.F. spokesman, now descended from his mountain base, was staying.

As the whiskey flowed, Mr. Getachew juggled calls on his satellite phone while a generator rattled in the background. Mr. Abiy had once been his political ally, even his friend, he said. Now the Ethiopian leader had cut the power and phone lines to Mekelle and issued a warrant for his arrest.

Buoyed by victory, the guests excitedly discussed the next phase of their war in Tigray. One produced a cake with the Tigrayan flag that Mr. Getachew, sharing a knife with a senior commander, cut to loud cheers.

For much of his career, he had been a staunch defender of the Ethiopian state. But the war made that position untenable, he said. Now he was planning a referendum on Tigrayan independence.

“Nothing can save the Ethiopian state as we know it, except a miracle,” he said. “And I don’t usually believe in them.”

Source

__________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

TDF Attack on a Retreating Ethiopian Army Convoy from Tigray (possibly June 28, 2021)

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 10, 2021

የትግራይ ሠራዊት ከትግራይ ወደ ኋላ በማፈግፈግ በሚገኘው የኢትዮጵያ ጦር ሰራዊት ላይ ጥቃት ሲፈጸም (ምናልባት ሰኔ 28 ቀን 2021)

________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Amhara Troops Attacking Tigray Civilians in Humera & Alematta | አይ ኦሮማራ!

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 10, 2021

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

Tigrayans in Humera and Alematta plead for help to escape ethnic violence

Tigrayan residents of the towns of Humera and Alematta say they are being singled out, attacked and driven from their homes by Amhara Special Forces.

The city of Humera, close to the tri-point of Eritrea, Ethiopia and Sudan, has been at the forefront of the Tigray war since it began in November last year.

Attacks from Ethiopian troops and Amhara special forces from the South and by the Eritrean army from the North drove the Tigrayan forces from the city. But many Tigrayans remained. Now, as the Tigray Defence Forces are reportedly advancing from their strongholds in central Tigray westwards and southwards, the Tigrayans living in Humera are again under severe threat.

Tigrayans in Alematta say they are also being attacked.

This information has come from several sources.

Many Tigrayans in Humera and surrounding area say they are trapped and threatened.

Amhara Special Forces have been going door to door, warning Tigrayans to get out of what they call “their land”. Tigrayans say they have been given just 24 hours to leave their homes. Some people have been beaten and the community is traumatised.

“We told the Amhara that we don’t have a safe route to leave: the border with Sudan is closed and we are prevented from moving to Amhara or Tigray. They replied by telling us to go to Eritrea, but we said we can’t and won’t go to Eritrea.”

An appeal for help

The community says the situation is really urgent. They say they are being starved, abused, traumatized and have no hope.

Residents of Humera are appealing for the Red Cross, and other International Humanitarian Organisations, to come to their aid. They fear that unless a route out of the town is found along which Tigrayans can escape from Humera they will be abused or killed by the Amhara.

Alematta

Similar reports are coming from the town of Alematta and surrounding areas.

Many Tigrayans are taken from their home by Amahra force at gunpoint, without warning. There is a report that 9 young Tigrayan men were killed in public on Friday – accused of being supporters of the Tigrayan “junta”.

Tigrayans in the town are terrified, with many taken to prisons where they are being held. Older people and children have been taken to Mokeoni and left there – told they can walk into territory held by the Tigray Defence Forces, some 25 kilometres away.

These displaced people are being forced to leave their homes without money, clothes, or documents.

The UN Ocha recently reported that: “The road from Mekelle to Alematta, in Southern Zone, was also cleared but access beyond it has been denied by Amhara Security Forces (ASF), who are still in control of areas south of Korem toward Alematta and beyond.”

The Tigrayans of Humera and Alematta are appealing to the International Committee of the Red Cross to arrange safe routes along which these threatened people can escape to safety.

Source

የግራኝ ኦሮሞዎች ከእስማኤላውያኑ እና ኤዶማውያኑ ጋር አብረው አማራውን ጨፈጨፉት፥ አማራው አቅም አንሶት እራሱን ስይመክት ቀርቶ ከግራኝ ኦሮሞዎች ፣ እስማኤላውያኑ እና ኤዶማውያኑ ጋር ለማበር ወስኖ ተዋሕዶ ትግራዋይን ያሳድዳል፣ ይደፍራል፣ ያፈናቅላል፣ ይጨፈጭፋል።

አይ አማራ! ወደ ኦሮሚያ እና ቤኒሻንጉል ሲዖል ገብተህ “የኔ ናቸው” የምትላቸውን አማራዎች ነፃ እንዳታወጣ በኦሮሞው ቁራ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ ስትከለከል ጸጥ ለጥ ብለህ እንዳልነበር፡ ታዲያ ዛሬ ሆን ብሎ ከውንድምህ ጋር ሊያጣላህ “ወደ ትግራይ ግባና እርስትህን አስመልስ እኔ ድጋፍ እሰጥሃለሁ” ብሎ ካታለለህ በኋላ አሁን “በሬ ሆይ! ሳሩን አየህና ገደሉን ሳታይ” ብሎ ተርተብህ። ታዲያ በምዕራብ ትግራይ ባለፉት ስምንት ወራት በፈጸምከው ግፍ ተጸጽህተህና ንሰሐ ገብተህ፣ በሠራኸው ወደር የሌለው ወንጀል ሳቢያ ምንም ዓይነት የግዛት ጥያቄ በትግራይ ወንድሞችህ ላይ ሳታነሳ (ይህ ሲያንስህ ነው፣ ግዴታህም ነው!) በመጠናከር ላይ ካለውና ሊረዳህ ከሚችል ብቸኛው የትግራይ ተዋሕዶ ሕዝብ ጎን ቆመህ የዋቄዮ-አላህ ወራሪዎችን መዋጋት ሲገባህ ለዓመታት ካለሟቸው ከተማዎች እናቶችንና ሕፃናትን ታፈናቅላቸዋለህ፣ የኦሮሞውቹ እና የመሀመዳውያኑ ወኪል፣ ደጀንና ደጋፊ ሆነህ ምንም ያላደረግኽን የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብን በመርዳት ፈንታ አስርቦ ለመጨረስ ወደ ትግራይ የምግብ እርዳታ እንዳያልፍ ትከለክላለህ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ታዲያ አማራ ዛሬ በዳይም ተበዳይም የመሆን መብት አለውን?! ይህ መርገም አይደለምን?! እንግዲህ ይህን ያህል የትንቢት መፈጸሚያ የሆነከው የትውልድ እርግማን ደርሶብህ ሳይሆን አይቀርምና መጥፊያህን ዛሬውኑ አመቻች።

እንደው፤ አንድ ክርስቲያን ነኝ፣ ተዋሕዶ ነኝ” የሚል ሕዝብ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያን የሆነውን ሕዝብ አስርቦ ለመፍጀት መንገድ ሲዘጋ የቤተ ክርስቲያን “አባቶች” ፣ መምህራን፣ ዲያቆናትና አገልጋዮች ለምንድን ነው ወጥተው የማይናገሩት፣ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍስ የማያደርጉት? ከዚህ የበለጠ አስከፊ ነገር ምን ሊኖር ይችላል? እንዴት ነው ኦሮዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ክርስትና ከኢትዮጵያ ምድር እንድትጠፋ እና ክርስቲያኖች እንዳይኖሩ ይፈልጋሉን? በተለይ በአዲስ አበባ እና በአማራ ክልል ያሉ የቤተክህነት አገልጋዮች እግዚአብሔርን በጣም የሚያስቆጣ ሁኔታ ላይ ነው ያሉት። በየትም ዓለም ታይቶ ተሰምቶ የማይታወቅ ዝምታ ነው እያሳዩ ያሉት። በእኔ በኩል፤ ይህን ያህል ምንም ሰብብ ወይም ምክኒያት ሊኖር ስለማይችል ከላይ እስከ ታች ሁሉንም የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚዎች፣ የተዋሕዶ ክርስትና እና የኢትዮጵያ ጠላቶች እንደሆኑ አድርጌ ነው የማያቸው።

👉 “አታላዩና አምታቹ ቁራ ነፃነትና ሕይወት አፍቃሪዎቹን ድመቶች እርስበርስ ሲያባላቸው”

👉 “አማራና ትግሬ ተባበሩ፤ የተነሳባችሁን ጠላት ቄሮ ቁራ በአንድነት አባርሩ”

__________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, Life, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Tigray Crisis: A Conversation With General Tsadkan Gebretensae, Tigray Defense Force Central Command

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 10, 2021

💭 ከትግራይ መከላከያ ሰራዊት ማዕከላዊ እዝከ ጄነራል ጻድቃን ገብረ ትንሳኤ ጋር የተደረገ ውይይት

✞✞✞[ትንቢተ ኢዮኤል ምዕራፍ ፪፥፩፡፫]✞✞✞

የእግዚአብሔር ቀን መጥቶአልና፥ እርሱም ቀርቦአልና በጽዮን መለከትን ንፉ፥ በቅዱሱም ተራራዬ ላይ እሪ በሉ፤ በምድርም የሚኖሩ ሁሉ ይንቀጥቀጡ፤ የእግዚአብሔር ቀን መጥቶአልና፤ የጨለማና የጭጋግ ቀን፥ የደመናና የድቅድቅ ጨለማ ቀን ነው፤ ታላቅና ብርቱ ሕዝብ በተራሮች ላይ እንደ ወገግታ ተዘርግቶአል፤ ከዘላለምም ጀምሮ እንደ እነርሱ ያለ አልነበረም፥ ከእነርሱም በኋላ እስከ ብዙ ትውልድ ድረስ እንደ እነርሱ ያለ ከእንግዲህ ወዲህ አይሆንም። እሳት በፊታቸው ትባላለች፥ በኋላቸውም ነበልባል ታቃጥላለች፤ ምድሪቱ በፊታቸው እንደ ዔድን ገነት፥ በኋላቸውም የምድረ በዳ በረሃ ናት፤ ከእነርሱም የሚያመልጥ የለም።

General Tsadqan Gebretensae is a key member of the Tigrayan Defence Forces Command and widely regarded as one of Africa’s best military thinkers and strategists.

ጄኔራል ፃድቃን ገብር ትንሳኤ የትግራይ መከላከያ ሀይል አዛዥ ቁልፍ አባል ሲሆኑ ከአፍሪካ ምርጥ ወታደራዊ አዋቂዎች እና ስልተኞች መካከል አንዱ እንደሆኑ በሰፊው የሚታወቁ ናቸው።”

ኤዶማውያኑ ምዕራባውያን ላለፉት ስምንት ወራት የሚካሄደውን የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት በቃል ከማውገዛቸው በቀር ምንም ሊያደርጉ ያልቻሉበት ዋናው ምክኒያት የጽዮንን እና የጽላተ ሙሴን ኃይል ዓይተው ለማረጋገጥ ስለሚፈልጉ ነው። ለአብዛኛዎቹ የሕዝቡ መሰቃየት እና ማለቅ ብዙም አያሳስባቸውም። አሁን አንድ በአንድ እየወጡ ልክ ራስ አሉላና በከፍተኛ ደረጃ ሲያሞካሿቸው እንደነበረው ጄነራል ፃድቃንንም በማሞካሸት ላይ ናቸው። አዎ! በዘመነ ደርግና በባድሜው ጦርነትም ‘ልታይ ልታይ’ ሳይሉ በደንብ አስመስክረዋል። አሁን ደግሞ “ዳግማዊ አሉ አባ ነጋ” የሚለውን በጣም ልዩ የሆነ ክብር ለማግኘት ወደ አዲስ አበባ በማምራት የአረመኔውን ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊንና ጭፍሮቹን አንገት ቆርጠው ወደ አክሱም ማምጣት አለባቸው፤ ለጽዮን ልጆች ስቃይና ሰቆቃ ብሎም ለአፄ ዮሐንስ መበቀል አለባቸው። ነፍሳቸውን ይማረውና ጄነራል ሰዓረ ግራኝን በእሳት ጠረገው የሽግግር መንግስት ማቋቋም ነበረባቸው።

💭 የምኒልክ ኢትዮጵያ አራት ትውልዶች በኢትዮጵያ መናኽሪያ በአዲስ አበባ ኃውልት ወይም መታሰቢያ ጎዳና እንኳን ያላቆሙላቸው/ያልሰየሙላቸው ጀግናው ራስ አሉላ አባ ነጋ ቀዳማዊ በወቅቱ እንግሊዞች ሳይቀሩ “ከሃኒባል በኋላ የተፈጠረ ጀግና ጥቁር ጄኔራል አሉላ ብቻ ነው” ብለው ሲያደንቋቸው ነበር።

(የቀይ ባህሩ አንበሳ አሉላ አባ ነጋ በጎልማሳነታቸው)

አሉላ አባ ነጋ ትግራይ ውስጥ በተንቤን አውራጃ መናዌ በምትባል መንደር እንግዳ ቁቤ ከተባሉ ገበሬ ነው የተወለዱት። በወጣትነታቸው በሚያሳዩት ጀግንነት የአጼ ዮሃንስን የዚያን ጊዜውን ካሳ ምርጫን ትኩረት ስበው ነበር

አሉላ በቅድሚያ ጀግነታቸውን ያስመሰከሩት ጉንደትና ጉራዕ በዋለው ጦርነት ለወረራ የመጡትን ግብጾች ለነጋሪም እንዳይተርፉ ከጨረሷቸው በሁኣዋላ ነው። ከዚህም ድል በሁዋላ በ፴፭/ 35 ዓመታቸው ራስ ሆነው ተሾሙ። የመረብ ምላሽ ገዥም ሆኑ። የአስመራን ከተማም ቆረቆሯት በዚህን ጊዜ ነው። ቁልቁል ወደ ቀይ ባህር እየተመለከቱም ኢትዮጵያን ለመውረር ለሚመጣ ጠላት ሁሉ መቅሰፍት ሆኑት።

በኩፊት ጦርነትም ማህዲስቶችን ድል አድርገው ለእንግሊዞች በር ከፍተውላቸዋል።(ሁኣላ ቢክዱንም) በዚህ የተናደዱት አሉላ የእንግሊዙን ተወካይ አውጉስቶስ ዋይልዴን ሲያገኙት “ አገርህ እንግሊዝ ምን ማለቷ ነው የሄዊትን ስምምነት ጥሳ ጣልያን ያገሬን መሬት ልትወስድ የፈቀደችው? ከቦጎስ የግብጾችን መከበብ ተዋግቼ ነጻ አላወጣሁም? ከሰላ ላይ ኣስቸጋሪውን ጦርነት አልተጋፈጥሁም? የምችለውን ሁሉ አላደረግሁም? እናንተ እንግሊዞች እናንተ የምትፈልጉትን ካደረግንላችሁ በሁዋላ ተዋችሁን (ካዳችሁን) ”ሲሉ በንዴት ገልጸዋል።

(What does England mean by destroying Hewett’s treaty and allowing the Italians to take my country from me? …Did I not relieve the Egyptian garrison in the Bogos country? Did I not fight at Cassala when it was too late? Have I not done everything I could? You English used us to do what you wanted and then left us)

ከእንግሊዝ ክህደት በሁዋላ ኢትዮጵያን ሊወር ተጠናክሮ የመጣውን የኢጣልያ ሰራዊት ሰሃጢ ላይ አድክመው ዶጋሊ ላይ ጨረሱት። በዚህ ጦርነት ፬፻/400 የጣሊያን ወታደርና ፳፪/22 መኮንኖችን በመግደል ጠላትን አሸማቀውታል። የኢትዮጵያውያን ጀግንነት የታየበትና የጥቁር ዘር ሁሉ የኮራበት፤ የበላይነት የሚሰማቸው የነበሩ ነጮችም ልካቸውን ያወቁበት ታላቁ የአድዋ ድል ጉልህ ድርሻ የአሉላ አባ ነጋ ነው። ጠርጣራውና የጠላትን ተንኮል አጥርተው የሚያውቁት አሉላ በሰላዮቻቸው ባገኙት መረጃ ነበር ጣልያን የተፈጠመው። አዋዕሎምና ጓደኞቻቸው የኢጣልያንን መንቀሳቀስ፣ የመጣበትንም አቅጣጫ፣ የጦሩንም አይነትና መጠን ለራስ አሉላ መረጃ ሰጡ። አውጉስቶ ዋይልድ ስለ ራስ አሉላ የአድዋ ጦርነት አስተዋጾ የሚከተለውን ብሏል፦

The Abysssinians never expected to be attacked, and the Italian advance would have been a complete surprise, had it not been for Ras Aloula, who never believed the Italian officials, and would never trust them. Two of his spies observed the Italians leave Entiscio, and arrived by a circuitous route, and informed Ras Aloula, who was one mile to the north of Adi-Aboona, that the enemy was on the march to Adowa. The Ras immediately informed King Menelik and the other leaders, and the Abyssinians prepared for battle, sending out strong scouting parties in all directions in front of their positions towards Entiscio. During the battle itself, Ras Alula was assigned to watch the Gasgorie Pass and block the arrival of Italian reinforcements coming from Adi Quala

ያኔ በራስ አሉላ መሪነት የጽዮን ልጆች በአድዋ የተቀዳጁትም ድል ሆነ ዛሬ በእነ ጄነራል ጻድቃን የሚመራው የጽዮን ሠራዊት እያስመዘገበው ያለው ድል ሦስት ቁልፍ የሆኑ ነገሮችን ይጠቁሙናል

፩ኛ. ድሉ ሁሌ የእግዚአብሔር መሆኑን፤ በጽዮን ማርያም እናታችን እርዳታ የተገኘ ድል መሆኑን

፪ኛ. የኤርትራ፣ የኦሮሞ፣ የአማራ እና የሶማሌ አህዛብ ወታደሮች በአክሱም ጽዮን ሰማዕታት ላይ ጭፍጨፋ ያደረጉት ጽላተ ሙሴን ለማውጣት ባለመቻላቸው ስልተናደዱ ነበር። እንግዲህ ጽላቱን ወደ ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያ ለመውሰድ አለመቻላቸውንና ተልዕኳቸውም አለመሳካቱን ይጠቁመናል።

፫ኛ. ኢትዮጵያዊ ያለሆነው የኦሮሞ፣ የአማራ፣ የሶማሌ ሰአራዊቶች እና የኤሚራቶች ድሮኖች በህብረት የተሳተፉበትን አንድ ሚሊየን የሰው ኃይል ያካተተውን ይህን የጭፍጨፋ ጦርነት በድል ሊቀዳጅ የሚችለው ጽላተ ሙሴን በእጁ፣ በደሙ እና መቅኒው ውስጥ የያዘ፣ ጽዮን ማርያምንና ቅዱሳኑን ለእርዳታ መጥራት የሚችል ሠራዊት ብቻ መሆኑን ይጠቁመናል።

👉 የአሜሪካ ሆሊውድ ፊልም ሰሪዎችን አባባል ልጥቀስና፤ “ጽላተ ሙሴን የያዘ የአንድ ሃገር ሠራዊት በዓለም ኃያሉ ሠራዊት ነው!!!

☆ Raiders of the Lost Ark (CIA Meeting)

An Army That Carries The Ark Before it… is Invincible„

❖Soldier of Zion | የጽዮን ወታደር

👉 ፈሪሃ እግዚአብሔር ያለው ክርስቲያን ሠራዊት ሁሌ ያሸንፋል!

✞✞✞[መዝሙረ ዳዊት ምዕራፍ ፸፯]✞✞✞

፩ ሕዝቤ ሆይ፥ ሕጌን አድምጡ፤ ጆሮአችሁንም ወደ አፌ ቃል አዘንብሉ።

፪ አፌን በምሳሌ እከፍታለሁ፤ ከቀድሞ ጀምሮ፥ ያለውንም ተምሳሊት እናገራለሁ።

፫ የሰማነውንና ያውቅነውን፥ አባቶቻችንም የነገሩንን፥ ለሚመጣ ትውልድ ከልጆቻቸው አልሰወሩም።

፬ የእግዚአብሔርን ምስጋናና ኃይሉን ያደረገውንም ተኣምራት ተናገሩ።

፭ ለልጆቻቸው ያስታውቅ ዘንድ ለአባቶቻችን ያዘዘውን ምስክር በያዕቆብ አቆመ፥ በእስራኤልም ሕግን ሠራ፤

፮ የሚመጣ፥ ትውልድ የሚወለዱም ልጆች ያውቁ ዘንድ፥ ተነሥተው ለልጆቻቸው ይነግራሉ፤

፯ ተስፋቸውን በእግዚአብሔር እንዲያደርጉ፥ የእግዚአብሔርንም ሥራ እንዳይረሱ፥ ትእዛዙንም እንዲጠብቁ፤

፰ እንደ አባቶቻቸው እንዳይሆኑ ጠማማና የምታስመርር ትውልድ፥ ልብዋን ያላቀናች ትውልድ፥ ነፍስዋ በእግዚአብሔር ዘንድ ያልታመነች።

👉 Will the ceasefire between Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Ethiopian government’s bring lasting peace to Ethiopia?

Editor’s note: General Tsadqan Gebrretnnssaye is a key member of the Tigrayan Defence Forces Command and widely regarded as one of Africa’s best military thinkers and strategists. He was a former top Ethiopian army general. He is widely-regarded as one of the masterminds of Operation Alula which in late June 2021 led to major reversals for the Ethiopian army in Tigray. In this interview, conducted in Tigray on 6 July by The Elephant, General Tsadqan spells out his views on peace and the way forward for Ethiopia.

The Elephant: What is the context of what is happening in Tigray?

General Tsadqan: I don’t need to go back to the horrendous atrocities that have been committed against the people of Tigray by invading forces of Isaias and Abiy, but after the offensive, after what has happened recently, the Ethiopian government is in my opinion living in an illusion. It is an illusion that has been created by themselves. They tried to deny the reality on the ground. They tried to cheat the world by saying they have declared a unilateral ceasefire while they have been defeated. We decimated two brigades of their forces which were running away from Mekelle, so this nonsense of unilateral ceasefire is a drama that has been created by themselves. Instead, they should recognize the realities on the ground and come with a realistic solution. You cannot have a ceasefire at a time when you have already blocked every movement of goods and services. Ethiopian Airlines is not flying to Mekelle, there is no telephone, there is no internet, there is no power, there is no road transport, humanitarian aid has been blocked. He cannot talk about any unilateral ceasefire while trying to strangle the whole people of Tigray.

So, I think I would like the international community to understand the situation we are in. We have been very much restrained because we don’t want to be seen as if we are not accepting a political solution. The whole problem is not only in Tigray but in the whole of Ethiopia. We know the Government forces are almost finished but at the same time we are restraining ourselves for a realistic political solution to the whole problem. I would like the international community to understand this situation, that is the message I have now.

The Elephant: You were a part of the group that mediated between the PM and the TPLF before war broke out, what led you to break off that role?

General Tsadqan: You are right, myself and a group of prominent political individuals in Ethiopia have been trying to mediate. The basis of the interaction we had was to accept the existing Constitution of Multinational Federalism and resolve any other issue apart from it. In my interaction with the PM, it was very clear that he was looking for; (A) dismantling the Multinational Federalism, which brought Ethiopia together and (B) he was looking for a solution that is not a political peaceful solution but preparing himself for war. That was very clear for me in our last meetings. So I had to make a choice. I knew that the political solution to Tigray would not come, in my interactions with him. I was interacting with the President of Tigray, Debretsion Gebremichael. On the part of Tigray, I saw willingness to resolve the issue, as long as the Multinational Federal Constitutional Arrangement is respected. That was not the case with Dr Abiy Ahmed, so I had to take a position. And at the same time, there was no other choice. The Ethiopian Government invited foreign forces to invade our country, so the choice was either to surrender to foreign forces or Abiy’s forces, or join the resistance. I chose the latter.

The Elephant: Those final meetings you had with the PM, when was that, 2019 or 2020?

General Tsadqan: I think it was 2020. It was not 2019. We had several, we had some meetings earlier, precisely around three major meetings, but the last one was in 2020.

The Elephant: When did you specifically join the armed resistance?

General Tsadqan :It was after November.

The Elephant: Could you explain the relationship btw the TPLF, the TDF, the Government of Tigray and your position now?

General Tsadqan: The TPLF is the ruling party, the TDF is a word that has been coined, not in a negative sense but in a positive sense, during the resistance. The whole resistance is led by the Government of Tigray, not the TPLF, as a ruling party it might have its say but the resistance is led by the Government, the duly elected Government of Tigray. The Government of Tigray has established a Central Command which decides on all issues related to war and peace, all issues: political, diplomatic, military, economic issues, this body is chaired by the President of Tigray, Dr. Debretsion, and the military effort is one aspect of the resistance. I serve as a member of the Central Command in the structure that I have described, so the TPLF is the ruling party, the Government of Tigray is the one leading the resistance, through a structure called the Central Command that decides on all issues related to peace and war. The TDF, the Tigrayan Defense Forces, is an element in the whole structure that is being commanded by the Central Command. Below the Central Command there is a structure called the Military Command, the Military Command specifically directs and commands operations in the army. This is the arrangement.

The Elephant: Were you expecting to win control of Tigray so soon or even at all, did it come as a surprise to you?

General Tsadqan: No, it didn’t come as a surprise to me. In fact, I am on public record even before the war started telling people, you know, of all regions, the Region of Tigray is a region which shall not head for war but at same time is not scared of war. I know the history, I know the potential, when this thing started it was very clear that the most senior, most highly experienced commanders are from Tigray, which has been the backbone of the Ethiopian armed forces for the last thirty years, highly experienced because most of them have gone through two major wars, I very much know the military tradition of Tigray, so when you combine those two elements, highly experienced and skillful commanders and a society with a very deep military tradition, it only takes a short period of time to reorganize and regain control. That’s exactly what happened.

At the same time, this has been facilitated by the atrocities committed by the enemies of Tigray, that created a widespread opposition and dedicated of the youngsters to finish all this within a short period of time. When all those things came together, given the experience we had, we had to organize the fighting units, train the fighting units, and it was clear for us that when we get some time, we will create a very formidable fighting machine, and that’s what has happened.

The Elephant: how many POWs do you currently have?

General Tsadqan: I might miss some of the information, the latest information I have before five days is around more than 8000, the prisoners of war kept increasing, they might have increased a little bit. But that is the figure I know.

The Elephant: Do you want to say about plans for treatment of these POWs?

General Tsadqan: No, I don’t think there is anything in particular, I know my colleagues are in touch with the ICRC, and will handle them according to international law.

The Elephant: What is the current humanitarian situation? What actions are you hoping the International Community will take?

General Tsadqan: As has been described by the international media several times and by UN Agencies, the humanitarian situation is extremely dire. The Ethiopian Government is trying to aggravate this by blocking any connection with Sudan and any other corridor. Even they have blocked air communications. So the Government of Tigray and the Central Command have decided, I think it has been communicated, we are ready to accept any humanitarian assistance, ready to facilitate anything that the U.N. or any humanitarian assistance agencies would like to have, security, we will provide security to the areas we control, more than 90 percent of Tigray, we will comply with their requirements, so my message is, there is a huge need for humanitarian assistance and we are ready to accept any assistance, if the international community means business, let them come and do what is required to save lives in Tigray.

The Elephant: what will happen if the PM continues to refuse humanitarian access to your region?

General Tsadqan: Not only resisting humanitarian assistance to our region, but if he continues to do the way they are acting, that is, strangling Tigray, blocking power, electricity, internet, air transport, land transport, not only humanitarian assistance but to civilians as well, I think the Government of Tigray and the resistance in Tigray will be required to break its restraint, restraint from military activities, we know we have the capacity, we have increased our capacity, we know we can do what it takes to pressurize the government so if they continue behaving like the way they are doing, playing games, and trying to deceive the world with their illusions, the first consequence will be continuation of operations. We will be left with no other alternative except to resolve it militarily. We would like it to be resolved peacefully but if there is no other choice, then the next choice will be, try to resolve it militarily, and we know we are capable of doing that.

The Elephant: What is your timeline for that option?

General Tsadqan: No, I’m afraid to comment on this. We are watching the situation seriously.

The Elephant: are you prepared to negotiate peace with Abiy and with the Eritrean leader Isaias?

General Tsadqan: I think that’s an issue that we have to deal with when it comes. We have made our points clear on the last declaration of what we mean by a negotiated ceasefire, we have clearly indicated that we are for a negotiated ceasefire. In a negotiated ceasefire, issues are raised and we discuss to resolve them, but the process has to start.

The Elephant: Do you have anything to add to the conditions for the negotiated ceasefire that TPLF released on Sunday?

General Tsadqan: No, I was part of the Central Command that drafted that list and I’m happy with it.

The Elephant: Do you have any message for Ethiopians as a whole?

General Tsadqan: I would like to say it’s very sad that our country Ethiopia is in such a situation. We were forced to act the way we did, because of the Central Government in Ethiopia, is in our opinion directed by Asmara, by Isaias, Isaias’ security forces, intelligence forces are operating in Ethiopia day and night. I hate this kind of situation to prevail in Ethiopia, but at the same time, it is sad to see that Ethiopians are just accepting the behavior of the Central Government, but I would like to say that even though so many atrocities have been committed, it’s not led to resolve our issue peacefully and politically. So, when Ethiopians come out of the illusion that the Prime Minister has created, the reality on the ground is completely different, let Eritreans get out, not only from Tigray, but from all of Ethiopia. Let Ethiopians set their own trajectory themselves.

Eritrea has a heavy hand, heavy presence not only in Tigray but in Addis Ababa and all over Ethiopia as well.

The Elephant: What are the battlefield developments, status of Western Tigray?

General Tsadqan: It’s very clear that Amhara forces are in Western Tigray, it’s obvious that they are preparing to face us. So, we’ll handle it the way they would like to handle it.

The Elephant: Does that mean you are waiting for them to act, you’re not going to push it?

General Tsadqan: No, I didn’t say anything, it is a military situation and we will see the situation and act according to what is warranted militarily for us

The Elephant: have the ENDF and Amhara forces retreated to other side of Tekezze River?

General Tsadqan: They have already blown up bridges, it is very clear that it’s a continuation of the policy of Abiy Ahmed to strangle Tigray and take away a Constitutionally recognized geographic region of Tigray to another area. So, they are preparing themselves across the river. That, we know.

The Elephant: Do you see the capture of Mekelle as a turning point that will lead to a speedy end to conflict or is it opening up a new front in the war, in the north and west?

General Tsadqan: It all depends upon the central government of Ethiopia and its partner Isaias, it could be, it’s very clear that they cannot win the war. The capture of Mekelle and the defeat of the Ethiopian army clearly shows if there was any doubt, that they cannot win this war. On the other hand, the people of Tigray have been under huge atrocities of all kinds, have stood and resisted. The war will continue growing. Even the military experience and the political nature of the just cause of the war, it will keep on growing. So the capture of Mekelle would signal a huge political message to Abiy, to come to his senses and then resolve the political situation not only in Tigray but in all of Ethiopia peacefully, sooner. It has signaled that he cannot get his way by force, that is what he wanted, he could not, he mobilized not only his forces but other forces as well, he mobilized all of the army of Eritrea, he mobilized the technological capacity of the UAE, that did not work. So, for us, we were not craving for war. We wanted a peaceful solution from the very beginning. And it is now after the defeat of Abiy’s forces we are saying, let’s have a negotiated ceasefire. But Abiy and the Amhara elites can resist this, can say no, we’ll have our way by military means, if that is their choice, we’ll see. So it all depends on how they will react. The sooner they come out of their illusion that they have created, that they are riding victory after victory, it will be better for all of Ethiopia and Tigray as well. As long as they live with that illusion, and trying to mobilize innocent peasants and bringing them as cannon fodder to the new fronts that have been created in southern and western Tigray, then the war will continue.

The Elephant: Are there any splits within TPLF, on any topics such as engaging the government, or are you pretty united?

General Tsadqan: Pretty united. Obviously, there are different opinions on how the political situation should be resolved, and resolved once and for a durable period of time. But that is for Tigrayans to discuss among themselves and resolve. That is the situation. On the issue of you know defeating the invaders, and coming to a lasting political situation, there is complete unity.

The Elephant: is there anything you would like to share about journey of your life, as someone who fought against Dergue and toppled it?

General Tsadqan: I would like to say that I am a product of the people of Tigray. The struggle and the pain that the people of Tigray have went through have created people like me, not only me, several like me. So, when all these things are done, I hope some people will have a lot of time, I will have time as well, to go through all this. But for the time being, as I said, I am the product of the struggle and the pain of the people of Tigray.

Thank you very much.

Source

_______________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Ethiopia Tigray Conflict | Famine & Abiy Ahmed’s War Crimes Explained

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 9, 2021

How do you go from winning a Nobel Peace Prize to being accused of horrific war crimes in just two years? That’s the situation facing Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed. For months, Ethiopia has been in the middle of a violent civil war with the Tigrayan people; an ethnic group that lives in the country’s north. As many as 50,000 people are said to have died, which, if true, is more than any conflict anywhere in the world in 2021.

Abby’s government is being accused of committing war crimes and putting millions of its own citizens at risk of dying from starvation and the United Nations has just announced that more than 400,000 Ethiopians are currently experiencing famine,

So, how did it go from a Nobel Peace Prize to this? To answer that question, we need to take a closer look at the rise of Abiy, as well as the four stages of Ethiopia’s recent leadership. Ethiopia is a diverse country with distinct regions and lots of different ethnic groups, like the Tigrayans. That’s because for centuries, right up until the 1970s, Ethiopia was actually an empire ruled by an emperor. After the fall of the empire and years of civil war and Communist dictatorship under Mengistu, Eritrea declared independence and the TPLF went on to rule Ethiopia with the EPRDF for almost 30 years .

The man the government chose to eventually replace the outgoing Prime Minister was Abiy Ahmed. Abiy was seen as a young and dynamic politician and often spoke of peace, reconciliation and unity.

Abiy’s most well-known act, however, was reaching out to Eritrea and ending the war that had been going on for decades. This is how he won the Nobel Peace Prize.

Things seemed like that were going well for Ethiopia and that they were finally moving away from years and years of authoritarian rule. But inside the country, conflicts between ethnic groups were flaring up. Abiy responded to all of this by going back to some of the methods used by those before him.

Then came COVID.

Like many other nations, Ethiopia decided to postpone its elections. Opponents accused Abiy of using the pandemic as an excuse and said that he didn’t want to face an election. The Tigrayans went one step further and defied the government by holding their own elections the following month. What followed were reports of the Ethiopian government mobilising its military and in the early hours of November 4th, while the rest of the world was watching the US election, Abiy issued a statement that the Tigrayans had attacked a military base and that they’d be forced to respond with military action.

The two sides were now at war. Although Abiy and his government refused to refer to the situation as a war. In the early stages, it was referred to as a ‘law and order operation’ against politicians who had to defied the government and needed to be brought to justice. Abby also said it would be over in weeks and would be entirely bloodless. After a while it became clear that both of those statements weren’t true.

Details started to trickle out eventually, with more than 60,000 Tigrayans fleeing across the border into Sudan.

They came with stories of not just fighting between the military and militias, but of massacres of civilians and widespread sexual violence.

There have also been signs of widespread hunger across Tigray, a place that’s already vulnerable to food shortages.

The United Nations says that all sides of the conflict have been carrying out atrocities, but that the vast majority have been perpetrated by the Ethiopian military and its allies. That brings us to a key point. The Ethiopian military hasn’t been acting alone. Abiy allied with the Eritrean military to attack his own people, something that government denied at first. Eritrea is led by President Isaias Afwerki.

Internationally, there has been a huge amount of pressure on Abiy to stop the fighting and to send the Eritreans home. Now, it seems as if the Eritrean military are finally starting to pull out and the Ethiopian government did recently announce a ceasefire. However, it was rejected by the TPLF, who said that they won’t stop fighting until all enemy troops have left the region. Experts fear the fighting will continue to spread and millions more are at risk of dying from starvation if regions in Tigray continue to be cut off from food aid and essential services. The Ethiopian government continues to deny that this is happening even though there have been reports of trucks with aid being held up and bridges into towns being destroyed.

According to experts, the only way to get through this without further violence is getting all of the ethnic group leaders and political party leaders together to negotiate a path to pace and a new direction for Ethiopia.

For now, many Ethiopians of all ethnic groups and people right around the world are just hoping to see an end to the ongoing violence and for the enormous number of Ethiopians that are currently starving to be given the help that they desperately need.

👉 Courtesy: ABC (Australia)

________________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

AXUM PEACE ACCORD: A Reality Fantasy

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 9, 2021

This article is part of the blog series,”Rethinking Peace in Ethiopia” reflections on aspects of peace in Ethiopia.

Introductory note

The present ‘reality fantasy’ (Stephen Tyler) is based on the knowledge that a paragon – an excellent example – is well suited to serve as a model for action. In this light, a paragon for peace making in the Horn of Africa may well be a peace ceremony held 1993 at Arbore, southern Ethiopia.

Blunting spears

At the event seven different ethnic groups met to make peace in southern Ethiopia.

Breaking spears

Initiator of this peace ceremony was one of the political leaders of the Arbore, Grazmach Surra Gino. He called on all warring groups to attend, enlisted the help of local administrations and NGOs for hosting the participants, and also invited scholars from the South Omo Research Center to witness and report about the event. This is what he said to me:

German son, people are all the same,
only the colour is different.
The foreigner is white, people like I are black.
Being human, how can they spill each other’s blood?
This disturbs me.
Therefore I now want to reach the whole world.
Yes, the whole world.
Today you must help me reach all people on Earth.
When they have taken it from you,
this will be my day.”

Grazmach Surra Gino

Taking these words as encouragement and a mandate, I now proceed to outline – as briefly as possible – how a symbolic form of peace making may help consign the war in Tigray to the past, and open the way to a peaceful future.

Genius loci’ or ‘spirit of the place’

The peace ceremony at Arbore has shown that the ‘spirit’, the historical, ecological, and transcendental qualities of the place of peace making are highly significant. For Tigray it is the ‘genius loci’ of Aksum, the capital of the ancient Aksumite Empire, which seems to be particularly well suited to serve as a place for peace making.

Participants at the Aksum Peace Accord

1) Tigray Delegation

2) Ethiopian Federal Republic Delegation

3) Eritrea Delegation

4) Amhara Delegation

5) Sudan Delegation

6) Religious Delegations

7) Independent observers

Issues of conflict

As the Arbore case shows, not all disputes need to be settled in detail before symbolic peace making can take place. However, an effective ceasefire must be in place, and all parties should share a conviction that the most menacing issues have been resolved.

Topics of the peace accord

(1) Expression of grudges: The actual peace ceremony at Arbore was preceded by a meeting where representatives of the different warring group recalled the suffering they had endured at the hands of others, and insisted that their grudges should not be forgotten. The Aksum Peace Accord would include such a – cathartic – expression of previous grudges in analogous fashion.

(2) Destruction of tools of war: Although the different groups in southern Ethiopia had fought each other with modern rifles they destroyed and buried traditional weapons as a more powerful symbol of disarmament. The same would apply to the Aksum Peace Accord.

(3) Revaluation of honour and shame: During some of the speeches held at Arbore it was mentioned that in the future the traditional praise and glorification of killers should be abandoned. A similar condemnation of killing would be proclaimed at the Aksum Peace Accord.

(4) Cursing and blessing: At the climax of peace making in Arbore, representatives of each group cursed and blessed in their own language and with their own style, generating a heightened feeling and conviction of peace and well-being.

(5) Tools for economic and social reconstruction: Towards the end of the Arbore peace ceremony, the hosts handed out tools of production (digging sticks and herding whips), and of social control and general welfare (ritual staffs) to representatives of each of the attending groups. As host of the Aksum Peace Accord, the Tigray delegation would similarly present gifts to the formerly warring parties. Rather than whipping wands, digging sticks and ritual staffs, they would offer substantial grants for social and economic reconstruction. These grants would come from the international community, i.e. from nations with particularly friendly relations with Tigray and all its neighbours.

(6) Joint feasting: The peace ceremony at Arbore ended with a celebratory meat feast at which all the previously warring groups took part. The symbolism of sharing food is so universally known that it need not be further explicated.

International prestige

The 2020 -2021 war has negatively affected the image of each warring party. The Aksum Peace Accord will serve to regain international prestige.

Timeline

We also learn from the Arbore peace making that the time between the announcement and the actual performance of a peace ceremony can be very fertile. It helps the conflicting parties to focus on the promises of peace rather than war. Therefore, the sooner the plan and support for an Aksum Peace Accord are made and announced, the faster the process of reconciliation will begin, and peace will return.

Postscript

Below follow the final blessings – in seven different languages – pronounced at the peace making in Arbore. They have been recorded in the film “Bury the Spear. Cursing War and Blessing Peace at Arbore, southern Ethiopia.” Their expressive power may well be able to inspire the Aksum Peace Accord once eventually it becomes a reality:

Grazmach Surra Gino (Arbore)
May God sweep war out of our country.
May God make people live in harmony with each another.
May God make their stomachs one.
May God keep quarrelling away.
May He pull away the harness of rain for us!

Huna Arshal (Arbore)
Let god send rain good for cattle.
Let god send fatty rain that makes happy.
We have discarded evil,
let God discard it for us!

Iyaberet (Dassanetch)
Let my father’s village eat well and play.
Country – peace! Country – peace!
Let bad things not be.
Yes, let bad war disappear.
Yes, my father’s country is sleeping peacefully.

Naqua Deldo (Bashada)
Let us only talk truth!
Then let our mouths become one,
let the land we cleaned be peaceful,
let what we said be repeated).
Let the children play together.
Let the cattle come home in peace and be milked.
Let people meet one another.
Let people open roads to one another.
Let their mouths be one.
Let bad things go away!

Kaile Akkol (Nyangatom)
Let this land be peaceful.
Let there not be bad things,
let only good things come.
Let there be peace.
Let this rebirth be good!
Let livestock and crops all be well!

Walelo Duba (Konso)
May Ethiopia be peaceful together!!!
The wrong we mistakenly did yesterday,
let it disappear from us today.
From today on let it go away.
From now on let evil disappear from us.
Let our enemies who played against us disappear.
Let Ethiopia move together !!!!

Yembo Dele (Tsamai)
We who are sitting, let God hear all what we say.
Let God make our mouths one, let everything be one.
Let war go away!
Let God hear our words and make our tongues one.
Let God hear and destroy war.
I am a Tsamai – a farmer – let me smell farming.
God gave us sticks to herd cattle and goats,
so let God give us livestock.
Let Tsamai be peaceful.
Before, the Borana, Wata and we drank from one gourd,
let us return to one drinking gourd.

Gelgelo Tore (Wata)
May our family be peaceful!
Day and the night be peaceful.
May the people of Borena have peace.
May the whole of Ethiopia be at peace !!!
We have peace!
May the times be peaceful, in night and day.
We have passed bad times,
now we have given each other peace.
Let the sleeping place at the cattle camps be peaceful.
The people of Borena are all in peace.
We have refused war, we have sent it away.

Galafo Lale (Karo)
Won’t evil go away? – Let it go!
Won’t go away with the setting sun?
Won’t evil go away?
Won’t good come?
Let us love one another.
Peace!
Let war go away
from Bume, Kara, Geleb, Konso, Boran
and all these lands in this EPRDF time!
Let war disappear,
let the land be healthy.
Let us talk together, play together, laugh together!

Balambaras Aike Berinas (Hamar)
God who created us let him hear our words!
Let him bring us rain,
let him keep illness away from us.
Let the cattle graze in peace.
Let the goats herd in peace.
Let the children sit under shade in peace.
Let the children play there.
Let the mother go to fetch water,
let her come back in peace,
Let her collect wood in peace.
Let the goat go in peace,
let her return grazing on the leaves of bushes
Let the cow graze and come back,
let what she eats be like sheep’ fat for her.
Let the sleeping hides be peaceful:
Let the sleeping hides of Borana be peaceful.
Let the sleeping hides of Konso be peaceful.
Let the sleeping hides of Tsemai be peaceful.
Let the sleeping hides of Karo be peaceful.
Let the sleeping hides of Hamar be peaceful.
Let the sleeping hides of Borana be peaceful.
Let the sleeping hides of Mursi be peaceful.
Let people all be of one family.
Let the sky hear, and after hearing,
let it make our speech appealing.
Let us multiply!

Source

___________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Tigrayans Parade Seized Missiles From Abiy Ahmed’s Jihadist Forces

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 8, 2021

👉 Next: The missiles of the rapist soldiers 😈 must be castrated.

👉 በቀጣዩ 😈 የቆሻሹችን ሴት ደፋሪ ወታደሮች ሚሳኤሎች መቁረጥ ግድ ነው!

❖❖❖[መጽሐፈ ምሳሌ ምዕራፍ ፮]❖❖❖

፲፮ እግዚአብሔር የሚጠላቸው ስድስት ነገሮች ናቸው፥ ሰባትንም ነፍሱ አጥብቃ ትጸየፈዋለች፤ በሐሰት የሚናገር ሐሰተኛ ምስክር በወንድማማች መካከልም ጠብን የሚዘራ

፲፯ ትዕቢተኛ ዓይን፥ ሐሰተኛ ምላስ፥ ንጹሕን ደም የምታፈስስ እጅ፥

፲፰ ክፉ አሳብን የሚያበቅል ልብ፥ ወደ ክፉ የምትሮጥ እግር፥

፲፱ በሐሰት የሚናገር ሐሰተኛ ምስክር በወንድማማች መካከልም ጠብን የሚዘራ።

___________________________________

Posted in News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

 
%d bloggers like this: