💭My Note: It’s amazing. It took them twenty-two years to catch this criminal?! Even in South Africa?! Well, better late than never!
The United States, which was willing to offer a reward of five million dollars, supports Isaias Afwerki/Abdella-Hassan, Left Revolutionist Ahmed Ali, Debre Zion and their allies, who massacred more than one million Christian Ethiopians, and wants to free them from their crimes. The same monsters who massacred more than a million innocents in Ethiopia – worse than Rwanda – are living in Addis Ababa, Asmara and Mekelle. European, American and Asian authorities visit and reward these criminals officially. Isn’t it because they all had planned this genocide and carried out the horrendous massacres together?! The evil world turned upside down!
💭 Fulgence Kayishema, a former police officer accused of ordering the killing of some 2,000 Tutsis who were seeking refuge in a church during the 1994 Rwandan genocide, has been arrested in South Africa, a UN war crimes tribunal and South African police said on Thursday.
Fulgence Kayishema was arrested on Wednesday in South Africa, the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (IRMCT), which was set up by the United Nations, said.
Kayishema, who is believed to be in his early 60s, had assumed a false identity and gone by the name Donatien Nibashumba, South African police added.
He was captured in a joint operation by the tribunal’s fugitive tracking team and South African authorities following an investigation that had tracked him across several African countries, including Mozambique and Eswatini, since his indictment in 2001.
The United States had offered a $5 million (£4 million) reward for information leading to Kayishema’s arrest through its Rewards for Justice program. He was eventually captured at a vineyard in Paarl, a small town in a wine-making region about 30 miles east of Cape Town.
More than 800,000 people were killed in Rwanda’s genocide, which took place over the course of three months in 1994.
👉 It is very important that this report is from Africa – because it’s unusual.
👉 ይህ ዘገባ ከአፍሪቃ መሆኑ በጣም አስፈላጊ ነው ፥ ያልተለመደ ስለሆነ
💭 Courtesy: The Nation Africa, Kenya
Africa and the world are staring at a genocide in the Tigray region of Ethiopia similar to that in Rwanda in 1994, UN investigators, local and regional observers have warned.
The groups say the Ethiopia National Defence Forces (ENDF), Eritrea Defence Forces (EDF) and allied militias on one side and the Tigrayan forces have separately committed atrocities against civilians that violate international human rights, humanitarian and criminal law populations, with Tigrayans bearing the brunt of the attacks.
A report from the United Nations International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia released at the UN General Assembly on Thursday reveals that rights violations have been committed since fighting erupted in Tigray in November 2020.
“The report concludes that there are reasonable grounds to believe that violations, such as extrajudicial killings, rape, sexual violence, and starvation of the civilian population as a method of warfare have been committed in Ethiopia since 3 November 2020,” the report says.
“The Commission finds reasonable grounds to believe that, in several instances, these violations amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.”
The continued blockade of the Tigray region by the ENDF that has blocked access to essential services such as food, healthcare, telephone, banking and restricted humanitarian assistance, and the shelling of farmlands have left more than 20 million people in need of assistance and protection, the investigators said.
The UN commission was convinced that the blockade was deliberate, and that the denial of food and healthcare to the Tigray population violates the prohibition against the use of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare, as well as the obligation of each party to a conflict to allow and facilitate the delivery of impartial humanitarian relief.
UN chairperson of Ethiopia Commission Betty Murungi describes the humanitarian crisis in Tigray as “shocking, both in terms of scale and duration”.
“The widespread denial and obstruction of access to basic services, food, healthcare, and humanitarian assistance is having a devastating impact on the civilian population, and we have reasonable grounds to believe it amounts to a crime against humanity,” she said.
In an attempt to uncover what is going on in Tigray, a region closed to local and international media since the war started, Nation.Africa on Thursday hosted a Twitter Space discussion with researchers, human rights activists, the media, and security experts on the challenges facing Ethiopia.
Since the war resumed on August 24 after five months of a humanitarian truce, most of the speakers concurred that the world does not know the exact suffering of the people of Tigray.
“What the world is listening to is basically from the government side, which exposes only what it believes favours them. Not much is known about the war in Tigray,’ said Basha Desta, a Tigrayan human rights activist.
Local militias
“For two years, the people have experienced intense war waged against them by the federal government, the Eritrean army, and the local militias from Amhara. The Tigray people are fighting to defend themselves and their survival, which they are entitled to.”
The federal government under Prime Minister Ahmed Abiy initially allowed international journalists into Tigray, only to kick them out after they exposed widespread human rights violations, said According to Meaza Gebremedhin, an independent human rights researcher and advocate.
“The government has intimidated both local and international media by insisting that the Tigray region is a war zone and they could not guarantee their safety. What we are seeing is an intended genocide, where Eritrean has joined hands with the federal government in an effort to exterminate the people of Tigray.”
She added: “They now want to invade all parts of Tigray and are using drones to attack even hospitals and kindergartens on top of the hate speech that is being spread around against the people of Tigray including national television stations.”
She argued that the government used the five-month humanitarian truce to regroup.
While those from Tigray, such as Mr Desta, insist that the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) is a political party that has no military capabilities, those supporting the federal government argued that TPLF is a criminal organisation that triggered the war by attacking the ENDF in the northern command on November 4, 2020.
“Calling TPLF a criminal and vile organisation does not amount to hate speech, because TPLF is not the people of Tigray, who are our sisters and brothers,” said MIMI, an Ethiopian national.
Eritrea re-entered the war after allegedly withdrawing last year but experts say its forces never actually left the Tigray region.
There are questions about the real interests of Asmara in the Ethiopian civil war. Some analysts believe Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki is taking advantage of the situation to take revenge against his arch-enemy, the TPLF, which frustrated him during the two-year war with Ethiopia between 1998 and 2000 over the border town of Badme.
When Dr Abiy made peace with Eritrea after coming to power in 2018, many of the Tigrayans saw this as an ominous sign, said William Davidson, a senior researcher on Ethiopia for the International Crisis Group.
“President Afwerki saw this as a good opportunity to [take] revenge against TPLF. What we are seeing is that Tigray nationalism cannot coexist with Eritrean nationalism. Many in Tigray see Eritrea as the real threat and the power behind Dr Abiy,” he said.
The presence of Eritrean troops in Ethiopia only serves to complicate matters and to inflame an already tragic situation, Mike Hammer, the US Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa told a digital media briefing on September 20.
Despite the release of the UN commission report, Mr Davidson said, the Ethiopian government is highly resistant to any investigation or judicial process, given that the government has been implementing a siege regime and using starvation as a weapon.
“There will be no form of cooperation, even if the government said they had said they will cooperate with independent investigations,” he said.
“We are seeing lip service to the concept of accountability, which also extends to the Tigray regional administration, which has also been accused by the commission of committing atrocities. The only hope is if the UN agency comes back with the intention to bring the culprits to book.”
Dr Abiy has set up an inter-ministerial task force to investigate allegations of crimes against humanity.
He has also established a National Dialogue Commission to resolve the “difference of opinions and disagreements among various political and opinion leaders, and also segments of society in Ethiopia on the most fundamental national issues … through broad-based inclusive public dialogue that engenders national consensus”.
However, UN investigators and speakers in the Nation Twitter Space forum concurred that the steps taken by the Addis Ababa administration appear to be mere “PR exercises”, with the UN team punching holes in their composition and the execution of their mandates.
On the inter-ministerial commission, the investigators said: “The Commission was not able to corroborate the number of interviews, prosecutions, trials, and convictions; nor that the redress measures regarding victims are under way.
“The draft new transitional justice policy, while a potentially important initiative, is not public nor was it shared with the Commission. The Commission was also unable to confirm that the training of investigators or military personnel is in progress”.
The transitional justice process, which should be transparent and open to the public is opaque, the team found.
It its report, the Commission said: “The IMTF did not include critical information regarding transparency in the presentation of its work, such as information about the ethnicities and genders of interviewees or convicted persons; the methods by which it obtains preliminary information about events in Tigray; and how it is obtaining information from victims and witnesses who have left the country”.
Dr Muliro Nasongo, who lectures on international relations and security at Technical University of Kenya, said the continued conflict in Ethiopia bodes ill for the stability of the Horn of Africa.
He noted that Ethiopia is not just any other African country as it hosts the headquarters of both regional and continental bodies, including the African Union.
If Ethiopia disintegrates into small states, he said, it would have a domino effect on countries that are federal states such as Somalia.
Secondly, it could exacerbate the problem of refugees in the region and see a rise in transnational crimes such as money laundering, and human and drug trafficking that feeds into terrorism.
“There had been hopes that stability in Ethiopia and Kenya would consolidate Somalia and South Sudan because Khartoum is already fragile. Instability in Ethiopia will contribute to violent extremism that contributes to terrorism,” he said.
Dr Nasongo’s main concern is that the region should address the issue of the regional interests of global powers scrambling for resources in Africa, given that Ethiopia is one of the epicentres in the scramble.
He says the US, China and countries in the Middle East have a hand in what is going on in Ethiopia.
“While we might handle Ethiopia with kids’ gloves because it is a major ally in the war against terrorism, there is the challenge which most African countries suffer from, because to the global players, the state and the stability of the country are more important than anything else, so other aspects such as human rights abuses might be neglected,” Dr Nasongo said.
💭 Prince Charles and Camilla pay tribute to Rwandan genocide victims: Prince Charles, the future king, 73, was joined by Camilla, the Duchess of Cornwall, in the Rwandan capital where they met survivors and perpetrators of the mass genocide and paid homage to the victims by laying a wreath of white roses that included a card signed.
💭 Another Genocide is happening in Ethiopia right now – and no one is Stopping it. Oromo Hutus are massacring systematically and vilifying Tigrayans, Amharas & other non Oromos – á la “give a dog a bad name and hang him”
Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on May 20, 2022
✞✞✞ The Ancient Christian Genocide of Ethiopia✞✞✞
💭 Learn Lessons of Rwandan Genocide and Act Now to Stop Ethiopian War, UN Urged
African groups urge UN to press for humanitarian access and peacekeeping force to be deployed in Tigray amid atrocities.
African civil society groups have accused the United Nations of inaction over atrocities in Ethiopia, warning in a letter that it had not learned the lessons of the 1994 Rwanda genocide and that the “situation risks repeating itself in Ethiopia today”.
Tens of thousands of people are thought to have been killed and millions more displaced since war broke out between Ethiopia’s federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the ruling party of the country’s northern region, in November 2020.
All of the parties in the war have been accused of crimes including arbitrary killings, mass rape and torture, while ethnic Tigrayans across the country have been subject to mass arrests amid a spike in hate speech, which has seen the prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, refer to the Tigrayan rebels as “weeds” and “cancer”.
In the letter to the UN secretary general, António Guterres, 12 African civil society groups including the Kampala-based Atrocities Watch Africa, the Institute for Human Rights and Development in Africa and Nigeria’s Centre for Democracy and Development called on him to “provide leadership in ending the ongoing war in Ethiopia”.
“Twenty-eight years ago, the security council similarly failed to recognise the warning signs of genocide in Rwanda or act to stop it,” the signatories said, adding: “We are concerned that the situation is repeating itself in Ethiopia today. We call on you to learn the lessons from Rwanda and act now.”
In November 2021, the UN security council issued a statement expressing concern over the fighting, but it has yet to take any concrete steps towards resolving the conflict.
Last month, a report by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch accused forces from the Amhara region of waging a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Tigrayans “with the acquiescence and possible participation of Ethiopian federal forces”.
Dismas Nkunda, head of Atrocities Watch Africa, said: “With reports of ethnic cleansing coming out of western Tigray, there is real reason for concern that some of these crimes reach the level of genocide, and it’s essential that the United Nations grasp the seriousness of the current situation and respond accordingly.”
The UN human rights council has appointed a team to investigate abuses committed during the conflict, although the government has vowed not to cooperate.
Tigray has been largely cut off from the rest of Ethiopia since the fighting began, with transport and communications links cut. About 90% of the region’s 5.75 million population are in need of aid, and the region’s health bureau estimates that at least 1,900 children under the age of five died of starvation in the past year.
In March, the government unilaterally declared a “humanitarian truce” to allow supplies to reach the region, but only a handful of aid trucks have arrived since then.
The letter urges the UN security council to press for “immediate and unimpeded humanitarian access to Tigray ” and “impose an arms embargo on all parties to the conflict”.
The signatories also call for deployment of an international peacekeeping force led by the African Union, which has its headquarters in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.
“Such action will be vital to assisting the Ethiopian men, women and children who have been suffering both direct hostilities, associated human rights violations and obstructed humanitarian aid,” they said.
(27 Jun 1994) As the Tutsi-dominated rebel Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) intensified its drive to take control of Kigali on Monday (27/6), the Hutu-dominated government army was training more men to combat
(27 Jun 1994) As the Tutsi-dominated rebel Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) intensified its drive to take control of Kigali on Monday (27/6), the Hutu-dominated government army was training more men to combat.
😈 Shame on those African leaders who were at the inauguration of monster mass murderer Ahmed!
👉 It must be a Waaqayyo -Allah-Atete-Voodoo Connection. What a disgrace!
💭 My Note: History repeats itself:
🔥 Amharas & Oromos bombing Tigray, Using Rape, Hunger & forced resettlement (Mengistu did it back then, Ahmed is doing it in the same exact way now) as a Weapon against People in Tigray for the past 130 years:-
😈 Menelik ll: Half Oromo + Half Amhara = Oromo (Crypto-Muslim / Man of the flesh)
😈 Haile Selassie: Half Oromo + Half Amhara = Oromo (Crypto-Muslim / Man of the flesh)
😈 Mengistu Hailemariam: Half Oromo + Half Amhara = Oromo (Crypto-Muslim / Man of the flesh)
😈 Abiy Ahmed Ali ´= Half Oromo + Half Amhara = Oromo (Crypto-Muslim / Man of the flesh)
The great famine is estimated to have caused 3.5 million deaths. During Emperor Menelik’s Reign, Tigray was split into two regions, one of which he sold to the Italians who later named it Eritrea. Only two months after the death of Emperor Yohaness lV , Menelik signed the Wuchale treaty of 2 May 1889 conceding Eritrea to the Italians. It was not only Eritrea that Menelik gave away, he also had a hand in letting Djibouti be part of the French protectorate when he agreed the border demarcation with the French in 1887. Some huge parts of Tigray were put under Gonder. The Southern part, places like present day Alamata, Kobo etc were put under Wello Amhara administration.
👉 2. Haile Selassie (1892 – 1975)
In 1943, at the request of the Emperor Haile Selassie, the Royal British Airforce bombed two towns – Mekelle and Corbetta. Thousands of defenseless civilians lost their lives as a result of aerial bombardment. It is recorded that ‘on 14th October [1943] 54 bombs dropped in Mekelle, 6th October 14 bombs followed by another 16 bombs on 9thOctober in Hintalo, 7th/9th October 32 bombs in Corbetta’.
Between 2 and 5 million’ people died between 1958 and 1977 as a cumulative result. Haile Selassie, who was emperor at the time, refused to send any significant basic emergency food aid to the province of Tigray,
👉 3. Mengistu Hailemariam (1937 – )
1979 – 1985 + 1987
Due to organized government policies that deliberately multiplied the effects of the famine, around 1.2 million people died from this famine. Mengistu & his Children still alive & ‘well’ while Tigrayans starving again.
👉 4. Abiy Ahmed Ali (1976 – )
2018 – Until today: probably up to 500.000 already dead. 😠😠😠 😢😢😢 Unlike the past famine there is no natural or man-made drought, rather, Abiy simply uses war and hunger as a weapon. Abiy Ahmed sent his kids to America for safety, while bombing & starving Tigrayan kids!
❖❖❖[Galatians 5:19-21]❖❖❖
“Now the deeds of the flesh are evident, which are: immorality, impurity, sensuality, idolatry, sorcery, enmities, strife, jealousy, outbursts of anger, disputes, dissensions, factions, envying, drunkenness, carousing, and things like these, of which I forewarn you, just as I have forewarned you, that those who practice such things will not inherit the kingdom of God.”
By Alex DeWaal
Today, Ethiopia is a land marked by the starkest contrast: feast and famine.
In Addis Ababa, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is holding a lavish celebration to inaugurate his new government, on a scale not seen since the coronation of Emperor Haile Selassie almost one hundred years ago. There are vast crowds, parades, state banquets, and soaring speeches about Ethiopia’s proud independence.
In Tigray, children are starving to death in a man-made famine. Clinics and hospitals, stripped bare of even basic medicines, are filled with their faint, pitiful cries. The UN published some of its most disturbing statistics ever: almost four out of five pregnant or nursing mothers were acutely malnourished.
It’s morally repugnant. And it’s politically dangerous too.
Heads of state and other international dignitaries arrived for the ceremonies at Addis Ababa’s Bole Airport over the weekend. If Abiy had his way, they would have passed by senior United Nations aid officials, on their way out. Seven humanitarian professionals were given 72 hours to leave on Thursday. The UN challenged the legality of the order so the deadline expired on Sunday with their position unclear. The official rationale for their expulsions is that they were “meddling in the internal affairs of the nation”, but it is no coincidence that the decision was announced just two days after the head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Martin Griffiths, expressed his view that the famine “is man-made, [and] can be remedied by the act of government.” Three months ago, the UN-authorized Famine Review Committee assessed the evidence for food security in Tigray, and concluded that without a huge aid effort and an end to the fighting, massive famine was all-but-inevitable by the end of September. In June, about 400,000 people were in “famine-like conditions”—and that number was certain to grow. In the last three months, less than 10 percent of the aid supplies needed for Tigray have reached the region, feeding just 126,000 people. “The lack of food will mean that people will start to die,” Griffiths said.
The UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres, said he was “shocked” by the expulsions. But he should not have been surprised. Abiy has made clear his intent to starve Tigray into submission—or worse—for many months. It has also been clear that he is following Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki’s absolutist playbook, demanding that the UN be subservient or leave. It took willful optimism on Guterres’s part to continue to express any confidence that the Ethiopian leader would relent and allow aid convoys to move, if the UN continued to try gentle persuasion rather than public pressure.
Concern over armed conflict and food security was the rationale for United Nations Security Council resolution 2417, which among other things reaffirmed that “using starvation of civilians as a method of warfare may constitute a war crime.” But international norms have not deterred the Ethiopian government and its Eritrean ally from committing the widest range of starvation crimes: causing famine and blocking relief.
The slow and painful deaths children and their mothers does not appear to disturb Abiy. Rather, he claims to be leading his country to fulfil its historical destiny of greatness. Abiy also claims an electoral mandate based on winning 95 percent of the seats in last May’s election—a margin of victory that trumpets its hollowness.
Abiy is hoping that the display of popular enthusiasm for his leadership will persuade his visitors—and the world—that he indeed has the mandate to rule a reborn Ethiopia and remold it according to his vision.
Ethiopian rulers have a history of putting on carnivals while their people starve.
Abiy is ignoring the lesson that man-made famine discredits the men who make famine.
In 1973, while the Emperor Haile Selassie celebrated his eightieth birthday with an opulent party, peasants were dying of hunger in Wollo province. The imperial feudal system contributed to the famine and the Lion of Judah, King of Kings, Elect of God, refused to acknowledge it—though he tried to shift the blame to his subordinates for covering it up. Haile Selassie paid the price: the legitimacy of the Solomonic Dynasty wasted away and was overthrown the following year.
In 1984, the military regime of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam covered up the famine raging in Wollo and Tigray so as not to spoil the tenth anniversary celebrations of the revolution, which included a military parade in Revolution Square of newly-acquired Soviet weaponry. Mengistu’s government notoriously stated that “food is a major weapon” against insurgents in Tigray and Eritrea and restricted and manipulated humanitarian aid. Its efforts to deny aid to the famished directly led to a massive cross-border relief operation into the rebel-held areas. Mengistu decried that operation as a violation of Ethiopian sovereignty, but it came about precisely because of his own abuses that discredited the notion of untrammeled sovereignty, in favor of “sovereignty as responsibility” and the subsequent doctrine of the responsibility to protect.
Abiy is ignoring the lesson that man-made famine discredits the men who make famine.
Abiy’s sumptuous replica coronation cannot bring him the legitimacy he craves. Only stopping the war, ending the atrocities, freeing the opposition and feeding the hungry can deliver him that. If Abiy continues to spend his country’s scarce resources on fighting a war, it is not only Tigray that will face food crisis: scarcities will mount throughout the country, and hunger will even visit the capital Addis Ababa. This will be the sovereignty of the famished, jingoism with an empty stomach.
The link between war and hunger runs both ways. This was one of the fears expressed by the UN Security Council when it adopted resolution 2417 in May 2018: “Recognising the need to break the vicious cycle between armed conflict and food insecurity.”
As Ethiopia slides deeper into food insecurity it will become a more unstable and dangerous country. Humanitarian failure is already escalating the war in a direct fashion. The Tigrayan Defense Forces have taken the offensive, sending units beyond the boundaries of their region, saying they are determined to break the starvation siege by any means necessary. If the international community doesn’t bring aid to end famine in Tigray, Ethiopia and the whole Horn of Africa will face a widening war.
Guterres has protested the expulsions of his staff and demanded that Ethiopia allow them to continue their activities. He has pointed out that the formula of “persona non grata” does not apply to the UN and has asked for evidence for their alleged transgressions. But the Secretary General didn’t get the backing of the UN Security Council, which could not agree even on a timid statement at its meeting on Friday. Most likely, leaders didn’t want to spoil Abiy’s party or have their envoys feel awkward at the banquets tonight.
Such acceptance of Ethiopia’s fig-leaf of national sovereignty is not only morally wrong but politically dangerous too. The hunger plan of Abiy and Isaias doesn’t strengthen Ethiopia’s sovereignty or legitimize its ruler. On the contrary, while hunger kills Ethiopians, a monumental famine will likely kill Ethiopia.
👉 CIA agent Evil Abiy Ahmed Ali is Among The world’s Most Dangerous Men.
💭 My Note: Somebody just sent this tweet: “Australia: If You Haven’t Had A Vaccine By The 15th Of October, Then You Will Starve.„
👉 Readers Reaction: “Australia is the new Ethiopia. WHO / UN will set up refugee camps and start flying in bags of rice.„
By Michael Rubin, The Washington Examiner
When Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019, he was the toast of the town.
Today, he is among the world’s most dangerous men. Almost a year ago, he sent his army into Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region after leaders there defied his order to postpone elections. Abiy apologists blame his former partners in the Tigray People’s Liberation Front for sparking the conflict by attacking an Ethiopian military position . But Abiy’s subsequent operation appeared preplanned, and the collective punishment upon ethnic Tigrayans in Tigray and in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa was clearly illegal. Abiy moved to isolate Tigray, restrict media access, and prevent food and humanitarian aid from reaching the province. Abiy calculated that military intervention would be swift and decisive.
He was wrong. While the Ethiopian army initially cut through Tigray and forced Tigrayan fighters into the countryside, he wildly inflated the claim of their defeat. In July, Tigrayan forces recaptured their provincial capital and marched several thousand Ethiopian army prisoners through it. Abiy sought to raise ethnic militias from Ethiopia’s other provinces to do what the Ethiopian army could not. This, too, backfired: Not only was it throwing water onto a grease fire, but many Ethiopians also did not want Abiy to drive them into an unwise and unnecessary civil war that increasingly appeared to have more to do with Abiy’s ego than necessity. Indeed, all of Ethiopia has suffered from Abiy’s militaristic turn. He has transformed a promising economy into ruin.
In recent days, the situation has deteriorated further.
On Sept. 28, Martin Griffiths, the United Nations’s undersecretary-general for humanitarian affairs and its emergency relief coordinator, warned that famine was imminent in Tigray unless the Ethiopian government allowed aid trucks into the province. Abiy responded by expelling seven U.N. employees, including the heads of the Ethiopian offices of UNICEF and the head of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. According to the U.N., 400,000 Tigrayans are at risk of imminent starvation. Abiy’s actions drew harsh White House condemnation .
What is worse, however, is the defiant rhetoric that Abiy and his close circle of cronies have adopted.
Samantha Power, the administrator of the U.S. Agency for International Development who once wrote a book on genocide, noted that the virulent rhetoric of Ethiopian officials toward Tigray and that of Ethiopian online trolls mirrored the dehumanizing rhetoric that often preceded genocides elsewhere. Abiy has vowed to crush “the weeds” of Tigray, while his regime has promised to uproot the cancer.
In 1994, the U.N. and the world largely stood aside as Hutu militants, , prepared to wage genocide against Rwanda’s Tutsis. So, too, did the United States. In terms of rhetoric and militancy, Abiy and the Amharas with whom he allied appear prepared for a repeat. If the world does not take concrete action against Abiy to compel him to stand down on his plan, the question is not if there will be genocide against the Tigrayans, but when.
(27 Jun 1994) As the Tutsi-dominated rebel Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) intensified its drive to take control of Kigali on Monday (27/6), the Hutu-dominated government army was training more men to combat
_______
_______
_______
_______
_______
________
Addis Ethiopia Weblog 