Lucy Kassa on The Dangers Journalists Face for Uncovering Truths in War

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 😇 መድኃኔ ዓለም

💭 The Ethiopian reporter lives in exile because of her articles from Tigray

👉 From The Economist

I was attacked at my home in Ethiopia in February 2021. Three security agents raided my home and threatened to kill me if I continued to dig into the war.

Foreign governments should put pressure on Ethiopia to allow independent international investigation, lift the communication blackout and, crucially, to allow journalists to do their job

MORE THAN a year has passed since I first uncovered evidence of war crimes in the continuing conflict in the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia. Civilians have endured atrocities including sexual violence, ethnic cleansing, systematic massacres, unspeakable torture and starvation. The horror stories are endless. Yet Ethiopia’s government denies them.

All sides of the conflict have committed war crimes. A mound of evidence gathered by investigative journalists and rights groups suggests that Ethiopian government troops, allied soldiers from Eritrea and local Amhara forces have committed terrible atrocities against ethnic Tigrayans. These acts could potentially amount to genocide, as defined in international law. But troops affiliated to the Tigray forces have also committed shocking acts, including sexual violence and the extra-judicial killing of civilians, as they advanced in the neighbouring regions of Afar and Amhara.

The Ethiopian government blocks all communications and bars journalists from the conflict zones. This makes it extremely difficult to grasp the scale of the crimes and the gravity of the humanitarian crisis. Stories of atrocities often emerge two or three months after they have been committed. The communications blackout is exhausting. A story that would normally take me two weeks to research now takes a month.

It works as follows. When an allegation of an atrocity emerges, I find sources on the ground. I communicate from one person to another until I find the actual victims. My network helps bring them to somewhere in the area with internet, such as the offices of certain NGOs. (There is little petrol in Tigray so even finding transport can be extremely difficult.) I use the connection to interview them via secure messaging services. I ask the survivors to send me any footage or photographic evidence they have. To ensure consistency, I then check their testimonies against those given by other witnesses. I also work with experts to analyse satellite imagery.

My reports since the blackout have so far been limited to Mekelle, the Tigrayan capital, and its outskirts. Nobody really knows what is happening in rural areas. Whenever I uncover crimes committed by government forces, or report stories that don’t suit the government’s narrative, I fall victim to co-ordinated attacks, involving threats and online hate campaigns. Such efforts are designed to stop the atrocities from coming to light.

This harassment continued even after I was attacked at my home in Ethiopia in February 2021. Three security agents raided my home and threatened to kill me if I continued to dig into the war. They took evidence that I had gathered for an investigation into weaponised sexual violence involving Eritrean troops, in which a mother had been gang-raped and tortured by 15 Eritrean soldiers in a military camp.

I decided to carry on with the investigation because I couldn’t ignore the terrible stories I had heard. Days after my home was raided I published my investigation in the Los Angeles Times. Within hours officials released a statement saying I was not a legitimate journalist. The Ethiopian state’s media outlets and supporters tried to present me as a criminal. I was forced to flee the country.

I continue my investigations from exile. Two months ago I uncovered the massacre of 278 ethnic-Tigrayan civilians. Eritrean troops and local Afar forces who are allied to the Ethiopian army went from house to house shooting. Pregnant women and children were among the victims. More than two dozen girls reported sexual violence, too. Sometimes I feel a terrible sense of déjà vu in my work; patterns and repetition appear in the killing methods. All the more reason why journalists must continue to expose such horrors.

Foreign governments should put pressure on Ethiopia to allow independent international investigation, lift the communication blackout and, crucially, to allow journalists to do their job. The point of the hate campaigns against me and other journalists who defy the government’s narrative has been to keep these kinds of atrocities and other horrendous war crimes in the dark. The intention is to tire us through relentless bullying. The aim is for state propaganda to saturate news networks and social-media platforms to drown out the truth. But the truth can only come to light if journalists are allowed to do their work without harassment.

Source

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እስልምናን በመተዋ ከቤተሰቧ አምልጣ በእስያ ስትንከራተት የነበረችው የ 18 ዓመት እድሜዋ የሳውዲ ሴት ካናዳ ገባች

ባለፈው በሳምንት እስልምናን አልፈልግም በማለቷ ቤተሰቦቿ እንደሚገድሏት በመፍራቷ ከሳውዲ አረቢያ ያመለጠችው ወጣት ራሃፍ ሞሃመድ አል ኩኑን በባንግኮክ አውሮፕላን ማረፊያ ውስጥ የቁም እስረኛ ነበረች፤ የሳውዲ መንግስትም ክትትል አድርጎባት አባቷን እና ወንድሟን በመላክ ወደ ሳውዲ በግድ እንድትመለስ ሞክሮ ነበር፥ አልተሳካም፤ በመላው ዓለም ድጋፍ አግኝታ ስለነበር አሁን በካናዳ መንግስት ጥገኝነትን አግኝታ ትናንትና ወደ ቶሮንቶ ለመብረር በቅታለች።

ወጣት ሳውዲዎች አገራቸውን ለቀው መውጣት ሲሹ፥ አንበጦችና በረሮዎች ደግሞ ወደ መካ ሃጅ ያደርጋሉ!

ልክ እንደ እርሷ ተመሳሳይ የሆነ ሁኔታ ላይ ያሉ በጣም ብዙ ሴቶች አሉ፤ የእኛንም እህቶች ጨምሮ ፥ ዓለም ግን ቸል ብሏቸዋል!

ጎበዟ ወጣት እስልምናን አልፈልግም፤ በድንኳን መሸፋፈኑንም አልሻም በማለት ከእስልምና ባርነት ነፃ ስትወጣ፥ የኛ አገር መሀመዳውያን ሴቶች ደግሞ ፓርላማ ውስጥ ሳይቀር ተሸፋፍነው በመግባት ባርነቱን መርጠዋል። የተዘበራረቀበት ዓለም!

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Ethiopia Releases British anti-Ethiopia Conspirator, While Britain Arrests and Jails a Briton for Exposing Muslim Grooming Gangs

For defending young British girls who were victims of Pakistani-Muslim grooming gangs.

Amazing, isn’t it!

If we compare the two cases we clearly see that Ethiopia is freer and more just than Britain – which has become a police state.

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Theresa May Thanks Ethiopia For Release Of Briton From Death Row

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A British national who was kidnapped and imprisoned in Ethiopia has been released from death row.

Prime Minister Theresa May has thanked her Ethiopian counterpart for the release of Ethiopia-born Andargachew Tsege, as well as other prisoners, during telephone talks covering a range of issues.

Mr Tsege was accused by the Ethiopian authorities of being a terrorist and was tried with others in his absence in 2009 before being sentenced to death.

Source

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Tommy Robinson: Trials, Protests, a Media Blackout, and Global Attention

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The imprisonment last week of citizen journalist and right-wing activist Tommy Robinson came to worldwide attention and resulted in protests outside 10 Downing Street, with half a million people signing a petition for his release.

However, a temporary media ban, which was lifted after legal challenges by the left-wing Independent website and local news outlet Leeds Live on Tuesday, prevented details of his arrest and sentencing hearing from being reported in the United Kingdom.

– Where Did It All Start? –

In the early hours of May 10th 2017, Tommy Robinson — real name Stephen Christopher Yaxley-Lennon — was arrested in his home in Luton, Bedfordshire, for contempt of court.

On May 8th, the citizen journalist and two cameramen from Rebel Media had filmed at Canterbury Crown Court, looking to interview one of four male suspects accused of raping a 16-year-old girl in Ramsgate, Kent.

(The four suspects, Tamin Rahmani, 37, Shershah Muslimyar, 20, Rafiullah Hamidy, 24, and Hamid Mohamadi, 18, were all found guilty of gang-raping the teen three weeks later.)

Crown Courts are open to the press, but any filming and recording in court buildings is illegal under section 41 of the Criminal Justice Act 1925 and the Contempt of Court Act, with judges now claiming that this can extend to “court precincts” — although mainstream press regularly congregate outside court buildings without sanction.

Robinson was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment, with the sentence suspended for 18 months.

One year later, Robinson was detained outside Leeds Crown Court on Friday 25th of May 2018 after using social media to broadcast details of an ongoing trial which had been reported by the local press initially, but was later subject to blanket reporting restrictions.

The activist pleaded guilty to contempt of court on Friday and was handed a 13-month prison sentence: 10 months for contempt of court, and a further three months for breaching the suspended sentence — to be served consecutively rather than concurrently, which is unusual.

In what Leeds Live called a “rare move”, Robinson had been arrested, brought before a judge, and sentenced within five hours.

– Media Silence –

However, details of Robinson’s arrest and imprisonment had all but been wiped from the British media after publications such as Breitbart News, the Scottish Daily Record, local press Birmingham Live, the left-wing Mirror, and others were forced to delete their articles throughout the day.

Leeds Crown Court had issued a UK media ban following the 35-year-old’s arrest, the reporting restriction put in place, the judge said in the order, to avoid “a substantial risk of prejudice” in the proceedings of the case the right-wing activist was reporting on. This ban was to be active until the end of the trial.

However, media outlets outside Britain began to report on the strange case of Tommy Robinson falling down the memory hole, with social media becoming an alternative news platform for Britons to access details of the case.

Breitbart London posted a copy of the reporting restrictions — heavily redacted, in what the U.S. Gatestone Institute said “proved to be a perfect illustration of Western Europe’s encroaching tyranny”.

– Worldwide Reaction –

The story came to prominence on a global scale after being covered by right-wing U.S. news network Fox News, Alex Jones-owned Infowars, and was featured as the lead article on the highly-influential news aggregator Drudge Report on Saturday. The case also came to the attention of President Donald J. Trump’s son, Donald Trump Jr.

Support came from figures including anti-mass migration Australian political firebrand Pauline Hanson and German populist MP Petr Bystron, who told Breitbart London he wanted to try to help Robinson claim political asylum in Germany.

Robinson’s former employer, Canada-based Rebel Media chief Ezra Levant, accused British authorities of hypocrisy for imposing such a lengthy sentence in prison, claiming other reporters on the left had received lighter sentences for Contempt of Court.

Within Britain, UKIP leader Gerard Batten tweeted about the arrest, asking: “What kind of police state have we become?”

Source

• Julian Assange: Political Prisoner of the Queen Elizabeth

ALL THE QUEEN’S AGENTS AND CORPORATIONS THAT CONTROL THE WORLD

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የእህቶቻችን እንባ? | የዱባዩ መሪ ሴት ልጅ ይህን አስደናቂ ቪዲዮ ከለቀቀች በኋላ ተሰውራለች

በጣም የሚገርም ነው፤ ልክ በእህቶቻችን ላይ የደረሰው ግፍ ነው በአረቦቹ ልጆቻቸው ላይ እየደረሰ ያለው፤ “እርስበርስ አባላቸው!” እያልን ስናደርስ የነበረው ጸሎታችን እየሠራ ነው ማለት ነው።

የምታስለቅስ ሴት ናት፤ እግዚአብሔር ይድረስላት!

ይህን ቪዲዮ ህንድ አካባቢ ከሚገኝ መርከብ ላይ ሆና ነው የለቀቀችው። ይህን “የመጨረሻዬ ነው” ያለችውን ቪዲዮ ከለቀቀች በኋላ የት እንዳለች አይታወቅም፤ ጠፍታለች።

የ 33 ዓመቷ ምስኪን፡ ልዕልት ወይም ሼካ ላቲፋ መሀመድ አል ማክቱም ትባላላች። የዝነኛው የዱባይ እና የተባበሩት አረብ ኤሚራቶች መሪ የሸክ መሀመድ ቢን ራሺድ አል ማክቱም ነው (መሀመድ ሁልጊዜ መቅሰፍት ነው)። በጥቂቱ የሚከተለውን ለማመን የሚከብድ (100% አምናታለሁ፡ እግዚአብሔር ይርዳት) ትናገራለች ትላለች፦

በዱባይ የመኖር ምንም ምክኒያት የለኝም

በርግጥ እዚያ የምወዳቸው ሰዎች ቢኖሩም ለመሄድ አልሻም፣ እነርሱ እዚህ መጥተው ሊያዩኝ ይችላሉ።

ከዚህ በኋላ የት፣ እንዴት እንደምኖር አላውቅም፣ በሌላ በኩል አማራጭ ስላለኝ ጥሩ ነገር ነው

አባቴ ለብዙ ሰዎች ሞት ተጠያቂ ነው! ትልቅ ወንጀለኛ ነው!

በዱባይ ፍትህ የለም፤ በተለይ ለሴቶች! እዚያ የሴቶች ህይወት ዋጋ የለውም!

ይህ ቪዲዮ የህይወት ዋስትናዬ ነው፤ ከለቀክኩት በኋላ ምናልባት በህይወት እኖር ወይም አልኖር ይሆናል።

እናቴ ከአልጀርያ ስትሆን፣ አባቴ ደግሞ የኤሚራቶች ጠ/ ሚኒስትር እና የዱባይ መሪ ሸክ መሀመድ ቢን ራሺድ አል ማክቱም ነው

አባቴ ከእናቴ ሦስት ሴት ልጆች አሉት እኔ የመካከለኛዋ ነኝ።

አባቴ ከ6 ሚስቶቹ ባጠቃላይ 30የእኔ ወንደሞችንና እህቶችን በተጨማሪ ወልዷል።

ይህን ቪዲዮ ለመሥራት የፈልግኩት ምናልባት የመጨረሻው ቪዲዮየ ሰለሚሆን ነው።

ምናልባት ይህ ቪዲዮ የአባቴን ቅሌት ለማጋለጥ ይበቃ ይሆናል። አባቴ ክብሩን ለመጠበቀ ሲል

ንጹሃን ሰዎችን የሚገድል ጨካኝ ሰው ነው።

አባቴ የራሱ ጉዳይ ብቻ ነው የሚያሳስበው እንግዲህ ይህ ቪዲዮ እኔንም ያስገድለኝ ይሆናል።

ቪዲዮን በምትመለከቱበት ወቅት ምናልባት ተገድዬ ልሆን እችላለሁ።

በ2000 ዓ.ም የ18 ዓመቷ እህቴ፡ ሻምዛ ወደ እንግሊዝ አገር አመለጠች። ዱባይ ነፃነት ሰላልነበራት ነበር ያመለጠችው። ነፃ በሆኑ አገሮች የሚፈቀዱትን ነገሮች እዚያ ማድረግ ስላልቻለች፤ ለምሳሌ፦ መኪና መንዳት፣ መጓዝ ወዘተ

በኑሯችን የመምረጥ መብት የለንም። እህቴ ስታመልጥ እኔ የ14 ዓመት ልጃገረድ ነበርኩ

እንግሊዝ እያለች አልፎ አልፎ እንጻጻፍ ነበር፣ ሁልጊዜ እነደ እናቴ አድርጌ ነበር የማያት። በማምለጧ ደስ ቢለኝም ግን አጠገቤ ባለመኖሯ ሁሌ ይከፋኝ ነበር።

እህቴ ዱባይ ከነበረችው ጓደኛዋም ጋር ትደዋወል ነበር፤ አባቴ ይህን ስላወቀ በሮሌክስ ሰዓት ደልሎ አድራሻውን እንድታጣራለት ጠይቋት ነበር።

እህቴንም ከሴትየዋ ጋር እንዳትደዋወል አስጠነቀቅኳት ግን በብቸኝነት መደዋወሏን ስለቀጠለችበት

ያለችበትን ቦታ አጣርተው አገኙባት።

የአባቴ ሰዎች በእንግሊዝ መንገድ ላይ እየሄደች እያለች ጠልፈው በመኪና ወደ አንድ ሂሊኮፕተር ወሰዷት።

ከዚያም በፈረንሳይ አድርገው ወደ ዱባይ አመጧት። በግል አውሮፕላን ውስጥ ማደንዘዣ መርፌ ተወግታ ነበር። ዱባይ መጥታ ቤተመንግሥት ውስጥ በሚገኝ አንድ ድንኳን ውስጥ ታሠረች።

እኔና ሌላው እህቴ ልብሶች እና ስልክ በድብቅ እንልክላት ነበር

ስልኩንም እንዳገኘች እንግሊዝ ከሚገኙ ጋዘጤኞች ጋር ግኑኝነት ማድረግ ቻለች

ግንቦት 2001 ዓ.ም አካባቢ ታሪኳ በጋርዲያን ጋዜጣ ወጣ። ይህን ስሟን ጉግል በማድረግ ማጣራት ይቻላል።

ፖሊሶች ይህን ባወቁ ጊዜ እህቴን አምጥተው እንድትናዘዝ ገረፏት፤ ስለግርፋቱም ወደ እኔ መጥታ አጫወተችኝ።

ሌላዋ እህቴም አንድ ክፍል ውስጥ ተዘግቶባት ነበር የምትኖረው። አንድ ቀን ስላመለጠችው እህቴን ታሪክ

በወረቀት ላይ ጽፌ በበሯ ሥር እኒድወረወርላት አደርግኩ።

እንዳነበበቸውም በጣም አበደች፣ ክፍሏን ስታተራምሰው፣ መስኮቱን ስተሰብረው ይሰማ ነበር

ከክፍሏም ወጥታ በመሮጥ የአባቴን አገልጋዮች በቢለዋ ታስፈራራ ነበር።

በኋላ ተያዘች፣ ወደ እስር ቤትም አስገብተው እርሷንም ገረፏት፤ ግን ምንም እንደማታውቅ ተገነዘቡ።

በዚያ ዕለት ሁሉንም እህቶቼን አጣኋቸው ግኑኝነት ሁሉ ተቋረጠ፣ ከዓመት በኋላ የ16 ዓመት ልጃገረድ ሆኘ ከቤት ማምለጥ ፈለግኩ።

በ2002 ዓ.ም ኢንተርኔት እንድጠቀም አይፍቀደልኝም፤ ስልክም ቢሆን ጓደኛየ ደብቃ የሰጠችኝ ነበር።

ሰለዚህ ኤሚራቶችን ለቅቄ መውጣትና ወደ ሌላ አገር ሄጄ ጠበቃ እፈልጋለሁ ብዬ አሰበኩ፤

ወደ ኦማን ማምለጥ ፈለግኩ።

ብያዝ፡ ቢከፋ ቢከፋ እስርቤት ከእህቴ ከሻምዛ ጋር ነው የሚጨምሩኝ፤ ከርሷ ጋር መሆኔ ደስታዬ ነው

ስለዚህ በ2002 ዓ.ም አመለጥኩ፤ ግን ጠረፍ ላይ ተያዝኩ፤ የዋህ ስለነበርኩ፡ በረሃው ክፍት መስሎኝ ነበር፤ ጠረፍ የሚጠበቅ አይመስለኝም ነበር፤ ማን መሆኔን እንዳወቁ ወደ ዱባይ መለሱኝ

የአባቴ ታመኝ ሰው በአባቴ ትዕዛዝ እስር ቤት አስገባኝ።

እስር ቤት ውስጥ ይገርፉኝ ነበር አንዱ ሰው ሲይዘኝ ሌላው ደጋግሞ ይገርፈኛል። መጀመሪያ ላይ ለግማሽ ሰዓት ያህል ሲገርፉኝ፡ ድንዝዤ ስለነበር ብዙም አለተሰማኝም ነበር፤ ቀጥሎ ግን የቤተመንግሥቱ እስር ቤት ውስጥ ለአምስት ሰዓታት ያህል ይገርፉኝ ነበር።

„አባትሽ እስክትሞች ድረስ እንድንገርፍሽ አዘውናል!”፡ አሉኝ።

የዱባይ ገዥው አባቴ ለሰብዓዊ መብት ቆሚያለሁ ማለቱ ቅጥፈት ነው። በህይወቴ እንደ አባቴ እርኩስ ሰው አይቼ አላውቅም። ምንም በጎ ነገር የለውም፤ አባቴ ለብዙ ሰዎች ሞትና የተመሰቃቀለ ኑሮ ተጠያቂ ሰው ነው። ግድ የለውም፤ ሰው ለመግደል ትዕዛዝ በቀላሉ ይሰጣል። አጎቴ እንደሞተ ከሚስቶቹ አንዷን ሞሮኳዊት ገድሏታል፤ ምን ዓይነት ሰው እንደሆነ ሁሉም የሚያውቁት ነው።

እስር ቤት የቆየሁት ባጠቃላይ ለ3 ዓመታት ከ4 ወራት ያህል ነበር።

አንድ ግዜ፡ በመሃል ለአንድ ሣምንት ያህል ከእስር ቤት ወደ ቤት፡ ቤት አልለውም፡ መልሰውኝ ነበር፤ ወደ እናቴ ቤት።

እናቴን ማየት ጓጉቼ ነበር፤ የምታዝንልኝም መስሎኝ ነበር። ምክንያቱም የእስር ቤቱ ኑሮ በጣም ከባድና አስቃቂ ስለነበር ነው።

እንደወጣሁ ብዙ ኪሎ ቀንሼ ነበር፤ ግን ምንም ነገር እንዳልተፈጠረ፡ በእኔ ላይ ምንም እንዳልደረስ ሆኖ ነበር ሰው ሁሉ የሚያነጋግረኝ።

ከእስር ቤት ለብዙ ወራት ስላልተቀንሳቀስኩ፡ መኪናው ሁሉ በጣም ፈጥኖ የሚሄድ ይመስለኝ ነበር።

ዘመዶች ምንም ነገር እንዳልተፈጠረ ታዲያስ? እያሉ ሲቀርቡኝ በጣም ተገርሜ እናደድ ነበር።

ለእኔ ሁሉም ሰቀቀን ሆነበኝ፤ አሁንም ኮሽ የሚል ድምጽ ሰሰማ እባንናለሁ፡ በጣም መጥፎ ጊዜ ነበር።

እናቴ ግን የእኔ ስቃይ ብዙም አልረበሻትም፤ ቀዝቃዛ ነበረች፤ እናቴ፡ እንደ አንድ እናት፡ ለእኔ ባለማዘኗ በጣም አዝኜ ነበር፤ ሌላዋ እህቴም እንደዚሁ አላዘነችልኝም፣ አላጽናናችኝም።

መርዳት ቢፈልጉ ሊረዱኝ ይችሉ ነበር፤ ግን አላደረጉትም፤ ቢፈልጉ ኖሮ እስርቤት ይጎበኙኝ ነበር፤ ግን አላድረጉትም።

እኔ ምንም ያጠፋሁት ነገር ኖሮ አይደለም፤ ለእህቴ ለሻምዛ ጠበቃ በመቆሜ ብቻ ነው ይህ ሁሉ በደል የተፈጸመብኝ።

ለአንድ ሳምንት እንደተመለስኩ፤ በአንድ ወቅት፡ ቤት ውስጥ “የታሰረችውን እህቴን ሻምዛን ማየት

እፈልጋለሁ!” እያልኩ እጮህ እንደነበር አስታውሳለሁ። ፖሊሶች ይዘውኝ እንደነበርና፤ ዶክተር ነገር መርፌ እንደወጋኝ ትዝ ይለኛል።

ከዚያም በመኪና ወደ ሆስፒታል ወሰዱኝ፡ ብዙ ከመጮሄ የተነሳ ድምጼ ተዘግቶ ነበር።

ለአንድ ሣምንት ያህል በሆስፒታል ተኛሁ ከዚያም መልሰው ወደ እሥር ቤት አስገቡኝ

እስር ቤት የቆየሁት ባጠቃላይ ለ3 ዓመታት ከ4 ወራት ያህል ነበር።

በአባቴ ትዕዛዝ ሊገድሉኝ ሞከሩ፤ ግን አልሆነላቸውም

ለሁለተኛ ጊዜ ከእስር ቤት እንደወጣሁ ሁሉንም ሰዎች እጠላቸው ነበር፤ ማንንም ማመን አልቻልኩምና።

አብዛኛውን ጊዜዬን ከእንስሶች ጋር ነበር የማሳልፈው፤ ከፈረሶች፣ ውሾች፣ ድመቶችና ወፎች ጋር። በተረፈ በክፍሌ ውስጥ ፊልሞችን አይ ነበር። ከሰዎች ጋር የመገናኘት ፍላጎት አልነበረኝም።

ከእስር ቤቱ አስከፊ ልምድ ለመመለስ የብዙ ዓመታት ጊዜ ወስዶብኛል።

በጋ 2017 ዓ.ም ላይ የእህቴ ጉዳይ ስለረብሸኝና ምንም ላደርግላት እንደማልችል በመረዳቴ እንደገና ለመጥፋት አሰብኩ።

በዚህ መልክ ብቻ ነው ሻምዛንና ሌሎችንም ልረዳ የምችለው እዚህ ሆኜ እህቴን ልረዳት አልችልም።

2017 ላይ አንድ ጥሩ ጓደኛየን አጣሁ ህይወት አጭር ናት፣ ዋስትና የለም፤ ሌሎች ለውጥ እስኪያመጡ መጠበቅ ከትንቱ ነው፤ ትልቅ እርምጃ ወስዶ ማምለጥ ብቻ ነው ያለው አማራጭ።

ይህን ቪዲዮ ለመስራት የመረጥኩት ለዚህ ነው። ይህን ሠርቼ ብሞት እንኳን አይጸጽተኝም።

የመጨረሻ ቪዲዮዬ ሊሆን ስለሚችል ሁሉንም ማስታወስ ፡ አለብኝ፤ ሌላስ ስለምን መናገር ይኖርብኝ ይሆን?

ይህን ቪዲዮ እንደሚያጣጥሉት ጥርጥር የለውም፤ ውሸት ነው፡ ቅብርጥሴ ይሉ ይሆናል።

ስለ እኔ ህይወት በጥቂቱ የምለው፦

በዱባይ የእንግሊዝኛና የዓለም አቀፍ የሴቶች ትምህርት ቤቶች ውስጥ ተምሬያለሁ። ፈረስ መጋለብና የጥልቅ ባህር ዋና እንዲሁም የሰማይ ዝላይ ትምህርት ሁሉ ለመማር በቅቻለሁ።

አሁን ፊቴን የሚያይ ሁሉ በደንብ ያውቀኛል፤ ሊያጣጥሉ ቢሞክሩ ማን እንደሆንኩ ያውቃሉ።

ታዋቂ ከሆኑት እህቴና ወንድሜ ጋር እመሳሰላለሁ፡ ስለዚህ ውሻትም ሊሉኝ አይችሉም።

የፓስፖርቴናን የሌሎችን መረጃዎች ኮፒ አድርገው ሰጥተውኛል፤ አሁን በነገራችን ላይ፣ ፓስፖርት የለኝም

ተነጥቂአለሁ።

በዱባይ መኪና መንዳት እንኳን አይፈቀደልኝም ነበር ከ2000 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ አንዴም አገሩን ለቅቄ እንደወጣ ተፈቅዶልኝ አያውቅም።

ወደ ቤት የምገባበትና የምወጣበት ሰዓት ውሱን ነበር። እናቴና ሾፌሮቿ የት እንዳለሁ፣ ምን እንዳደርግኩ

በመከታተል ሁሉን ነገር እየተቆጣጠሩ ለአባቴ ቃል ያቀብሉት ነበር።

ነፃነት አልነበረኝም፤ ያለፈቃድ ወደ ሌላው የኤሚረቶች ግዛት እንኳን መጓዝ አይፈቀደለኝም ነበር፤ ከዱባይ እንድወጣ እከለከል ነበር።

አሁን የምናገረውን ሁሉ ሊያጣጥሉት ይሞክሩ ይሆናል፤ ነገር ግን አይችሉም፤ እራሳቸው ይጋልጣሉ እንጅ፤ ምክኒያቱም ብዙ መረጃ አለኝና።

አያድርገውና፣ ምናልባት ይህ የመጨረሻ ቪዲዮየ ሊሆን ይችላል።

የእኔ ትልቅ ምኞት ፓስፖርቴን ማግኘት፣ የመምረጥ ነፃነት ማግኘትና እህቴን መርዳት ነው። ለእህቴ ፓስፖርት ቢሰጧትና መውጣት ብትችል መልካም ነበር

የ6 ዓመት ህፃን እያለሁ የአባቴ እህት፡ አክስቴ ከእናቴ ነጥላ ወሰደችኝ። ስለዚህ ቤተመንግስት ውስጥ ለአስር አመት ያህል ከእርሷ ጋር ኖርኩ፤ አክስቴ ሁሌ የወለደችኝ እናቴ ትመስለኝ ነበር።

ሌላ ስለምን ላውራ? በህይወቴ ብዙ ስላየኋቸው ነገሮች ማለት እችላለሁ። የወለደችኝ እናቴን በዓመት አንዴ ነበር እንድጎበኛት የሚፈቀድልኝ። ከርሷ ጋር ማደር እንኳን አልችልም፤ ማታ ላይ ወደ ቤት መመለስ ግድ ነው።

ትንሹ ወንደሜም በአክስቴ እንጀራ ነበር ያደገው፡ እናታችን ማን እንደሆነች ሳናውቅ ለአስር አመት ያህል

ከኖርን በኋላ ነበር ሃቁን አውቀን እርሷን የተዋወቅናት

እህቴ ሻምዛ ነበርች ወደ እናታችን ያስጠጋችን፡ ያዳነችኝ ሻምዛ ነበርች፤ ለዚህ ነው ላድናት የምሻው

ግን እስካሁን አልተሳካልኝም።

አሁን ሻምዛን ቪዲዮ ሠርተሽ እኔን አንቋሺያት ብለው ሊያዙት ይችላሉ፤ በደንብ አውቃቸዋለሁና!

ሻምዛ ባሁኑ ሰዓት በህክምና ላይ ናት24 ሰዓት የምታደርገውን ሁሉ ይቆጣጠራሉ፤ ህሊናዋን ይቆጣጠሩ ዘንድ ኪኒኖችን በስነሥርዓት እንድትወስድ ያስገድዷታል።

በጋ 2017 ላይ ሻምዛ ብዙ ሞባይሎችን ደብቃ ስለተገኘች ነበር ወደ ህክምና የገባችው።

እናቴና ሰዎቿ ከእንግሊዝ ጋዜጠኞች ጋር ትገናኝ ይሆናል በማለት ስለተርበተበቱ ነበር ተቆጣጣሪ ዶክተሮች ያዘዙላት። በእውነት መፈናፈኛ የሌለው የዋሻ ኑሮ ነው የምትኖረው፤ ስለዚህ እኔን ለማጥላላት ሻምዛ እህቴን ይጠቀሙባት ይሆናል።

እኔን ቆሜ ከእነ ህይወቴ ሊይዙኝ አይችሉም፤ የሲዖል ኑሮየ 20 ዓመታት ሊሞሉት ነው

የብዙ ሰዎች ኑሮ ተመሰቃቅሏል፤ ብዙዎች ተገርፈዋል፣ ተገድለዋል። አባቴ ግድ የለውም፤ የገደላቸውን ሰዎች ማንነት ይደብቃል አባቴ በጣም የከፋ ወንጀለኛ ሰው ነው።

አባቴ እርሱን ዘመናዊና ተራማጅ እንደሆነ ለማስመሰል ይሞክራል፤ አታላይ!

የ31 ልጆቹን ፎቶ በየክፍሉ በመስቀል የቤተሰብ ሰው እንደሆነ ለማሳየት ይሞክራል፡ ማታለያ ነው!

ሌባኖስ አንድ ወንደ ልጅ አለው፤ በዓመት አንዴ ሲያገኘው፡ የእጅ ሰላምታ ብቻ ነው የሚሰጠው። የአባትነት ፍቅር የለውም! በጣም አሳፋሪ ሰው ነው! አባቴ ሜዲያው እንደሚያሳየው ሳይሆን፤ በእውነተኛው ኑሮ ጥሩ ሰው አይደለም።

በዱባይ ልክ እንደ ሌላው የመካከለኛው ምስራቅ አገር ሜዲያው ነጻ አይደለም

ሌላ ምን እንደምል አላውቅም… ምናልባት ከሞትኩ ያው ይህን ቪዲዮ አቅርቤዋለሁ።

ይህን ቪዲዮ እንዳወጣ መገደዴ አሳዛኝ ነው፤ ግን ሌላ አማራጭ አልነበረኝም። ሌላ ምን እንደምል አላውቅም…

በወደፊቱ ተስፋ አደርጋለሁ፤ ሁሉም ቀላል እንዳልሆነ ይገባኛል፤ የመምረጥ ነፃነቴ ግን መጠበቅ አለበት።

ለህይወቴ አዲስ ምዕራፍ የሚከፈትበት ወቅት ነው ጸጥ በይ! የምባልበት ዘመን አልፏል። ስለ ኑሮዬ ስለ ሻምዛ እህቴ ኑሮ ደፍሬ እናገራለሁ።

በዚህ ተስፋ አደርጋለሁ፤ ጠዋት ላይ ስነቃ እንደ ሌላው የመረጥኩትን የማድረግ መብት እንዳለኝ ሆኖ ይሰማኛል።

ነፃነት በሌለበት አገር ለሰው ልጅ መብት መከበር ሲባል ብዙ ሥራ መሥራት ይቻላል፤

ለሻምዛ እህቴ የተሻለ ኑሮ እመኝላታለሁ።

አሁን ለህይወቴ አዲስ ምዕራፍ የሚጀምርበት ወቅት ነው። በዱባይ የመኖር ምንም ምክኒያት የለኝም። በእርግጥ እዚያ የምወዳቸው ሰዎች ቢኖሩም ለመሄድ አልሻም፤ እነርሱ ከፈቀዱ እዚህ መጥተው ሊያዩኝ ይችላሉ።

ከዚህ በኋላ የት፣ እንዴት እንደምኖር አላውቅም፤ በሌላ በኩል አሁን አማራጭ ስላለኝ ጥሩ ነገር ነው።

ያልተናገርኩት ነገር ይኖር ይሆን?

ስለግድያዎቹ ልናገር? ረጅም ስለሚሆን ልተወው!

አባቴ ለብዙ ሰዎች ሞት ተጠያቂ ነው! ትልቅ ወንጀለኛ ነው!

በዱባይ ፍትህ የለም፤ በተለይ ለሴቶች! የሴቶች ህይወት ዋጋ የለውም!

አባቴ ማስረጃዎችን ለመደበቅ ቤቶችን ያቃጠለ እብድ ነው! ለሠራቸው ወንጀሎች ሁሉ ተጠያቂ የሚሆንበት ጊዜ ነው፤ ፈጠነም ዘገየም ለፍርድ ይቀርባታል! የፈለገውን ቢያደርግ እኔ አልፈራውም! ወሽካታ ሰው ነው!

ለሠራቸው ወንጀሎች ሁሉ ተጠያቂ የሚሆንበት ጊዜ ይመጣል፤ ፈጠነም ዘገየም ለፍርድ ይቀርባታል!

ለአሁኑ ሌላ የምለው ነገር የለም፤ ይህን ቪዲዮም መሥራት ባላስፈለገኝ ነበር

የመጨረሻ ቃላት… የእኔ ጉዳይ ለሚያሳስባቸው ጓደኞቼና አንዳንድ ቤተሰቦቼ ሁሉ ምስጋናየን ላቀርብ እወዳለሁ።

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Schools, Fake News & Demonic Indoctrination

What Do You Know? ‘60 Minutes’ Is Shocked Educated, Young Lefties Fall for Fake News

This past Sunday’s edition of 60 Minutes featured a piece by CBS’s Scott Pelley examining the idea of fake news, but it was far from perfect with a glaring omission, a shocked host and guest that liberals fall for fake news, and downright hypocrisy from the network that promulgated Dan Rather’s fake news.

Going first to who falls for fake news, Pelley’s examples were heavily skewed to so-called right-of-center falsehoods like Pizzagate or Hillary Clinton having Parkinson’s Disease.

Pelley repeatedly told viewers that fake news was an issue on both sides, but never provided any proof until the nine-minute-mark of the 13-minute exposé with two ludicrous headlines about President Trump using drugs and having cancer.

It was soon after this that guest and “internet advertising firm” CEO Jeff Green dropped this admission that both he and Pelley seemed befuddled by:

JEFF GREEN: So the first thing that we found out is that it is definitely a phenomenon that affects both sides.

PELLEY: Liberals and conservatives?

GREEN: Yes. There is no question they’re both affected.

There was yet another surprise in store for these hardcore liberals. After citing a case of left-wing fake news about Congress “plotting to overthrow President Trump,” Green revealed that “fake news readers on the left were more likely to be affluent and college educated.” At the other end, “right-leaning fake news overwhelmingly attracted readers in their 40s and 50s.”

Green admitted that this “shocked me,” and Pelley had a similarly flabbergasted look. Green added that he “thought the same way that many Americans perhaps think is that fake news was a phenomenon that only tricked the uneducated,” but, alas, “not true — just not — the data shows it’s just not true.”

The glaring omission appeared a few minutes earlier while Pelley spoke to Jestin Coler, who “made real money on fake news” but overseeing two of them that fooled people (National Report and the Denver Guardian).

Touting the fact that “he pushed people’s buttons on issues such as abortion and ObamaCare” and reading headlines from some other Coler stories, Pelley shamefully left out the fact that Coler was not a Republican but a registered Democrat.

Hilariously, the pathetic National Public Radio (NPR) found the time to include this tidbit when they profiled Coler on November 23’s All Things Considered:

Coler, a registered Democrat, says he has no regrets about his fake news empire. He doesn’t think fake news swayed the election.

“There are many factors as to why Trump won that don’t involve fake news,” he says. “As much as I like Hillary, she was a poor candidate. She brought in a lot of baggage.”

Also worth noting was Pelley’s lengthy time spent promoting fake news promulgator and far-right commentator Mike Cernovich, who told Mediaite after it aired that he found it to be “fair” and “good journalism.”

When it comes to pushing fake news, 60 Minutes has little room to talk. They most notably peddled the fake 2004 Rather story about then-President George W. Bush, but they had some other hits as well.

Continue reading…

Students Support Religious Freedom for Muslims, Not Christians

Several students at the University of Wisconsin-Madison admit that Muslims should not be forced by law to do business with Christians. Those same students, however, had a hard time agreeing that Christians or conservative Americans have the right to decline work that conflicts with their conscience or religion.

In a viral video published by Arizona-based nonprofit Alliance Defending Freedom (ADL), students were asked if they support Sophie Theallet’s decision not to dress Melania Trump.

Several students agreed that Theallet — one of many fashion designers declining to dress the first family — has every right to refuse to dress Mrs. Trump.

The students were also asked if a Muslim singer solicited by a Christian church to sing had a right to refuse.

Again, the students agreed that the Muslim singer has a right to not sing in a Christian church.

“Yeah, if that goes against your religious view, I feel you have a right to turn that down,” one student said.

The students also said that a law forcing Muslims to sing inside a Christian church should not exist.

When asked if a Christian photographer should be allowed by law to decline to shoot a same-sex wedding, the students appeared torn.

“For them,” the ADL notes, “it seems that the freedom to live and work according to your beliefs really depends on what you believe.”

Incidentally, Wisconsin resident Amy Lawson, a blogger and owner of Amy Lynn Photography, is challenging a state law forcing her to take photographs for a same-sex marriage.

Watch the full ADL video below:

Source

“Good work. I love seeing hypocrisy exposed, and the confused faces that go with it.“

— Christian Student Is Suspended For ‘threatening’ His Muslim Professor After He ‘confronted Her For Saying The Crucifixion Was A Hoax And Jesus’ Disciples Didn’t Believe He Was God’

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Modern Love

From Romeo and Juliet to the one-night stand— modern societies are torn between the ideal of fidelity and the thirst for freedom.

Most civilizations have been based on some comprehensive idea of justice, but ours alone is based on love, both in its religion and in the principles that guide its relations between the sexes. Christianity and chivalry, from which our practices in part descend, recognized clearly that love (like freedom) must be disciplined and may require sacrifice. Today both of these moral commitments—indeed, all forms of commitment among us—are rather vestigial, and the whole idea of love is in danger of sinking to the level of sentimental tosh.

Modern Western states have, of course, always been graded into various kinds of class and status, but they have also been notably individualistic. The result has been a freedom of association, an exploration of the passions, that could not generally happen where a society conformed to comprehensive rules of justice, such as a caste system or a tribal hierarchy. Little wonder that the packaging of our Western morals as “rights” has been found so disruptive in other cultures.

The most common form of society has always been one in which social status tells people where they stand in relation to one another. Seniority, sex or just brute force located everyone in a hierarchy. As bad as the ranking might be, people knew where they stood. Human beings often prefer such knowledge to the hazards of a free society, for freedom leaves us at the mercy of the likes and dislikes of others and also (no less fickle) our own likes and dislikes.

We in the West, then, have opened ourselves up to the risks of both love and freedom. That means that our societies are (as Tocqueville noted) vastly more vulnerable to changing manners and mores. As we have lost a sense of the rigors that love requires, and the discipline that freedom needs, we have evolved, over little more than two generations, from the consuming passion of “Romeo and Juliet” to the fleeting encounter of the one-night stand. Falling in love has given way to endless testing and experiment. Now two French academics offer to make sense of our new situation.

The novelist and philosopher Pascal Bruckner’s “The Paradox of Love” is a brilliant account of the sexual muddles of our time. Paradox abounds in a time like our own, when the didactic impulse chases after wisdom in every possible direction. “We have to find in the interminable nonresolution of [love’s] problems,” he writes, “the charm of a possible solution.” We should be so lucky!

Paradox piles on paradox, but soon Mr. Bruckner gets down to realities. Adultery is a symptom, he says, of an individualist society torn between the ideal of fidelity and a thirst for freedom. But not everything fits into this tension between desire and restraint. “The vertiginous increase of divorce rates in Europe,” he tells us, “is not the result, as is often said, of our selfishness, but rather of our idealism: the impossibility of living together combined with the difficulty of remaining alone.”

In short, our sense of the “impossibility of living together” is directly related to the freedom we pursue so heedlessly—at the expense, too often, of happiness (“the difficulty of remaining alone”). Mr. Bruckner points to “a new conformism that waves the flag of transgression in order to sing the praises of the status quo.” In the end, he wants to synthesize the stability of the past with some of the liberations of our own time, and he ends with wise if familiar words: “Don’t allow yourself to be intimidated! There is more than one road to joy.”

The sociologist Jean-Claude Kaufmann in “The Curious History of Love” has, by contrast, a plot to explain our travails. What we call “love,” he says, comes to us in the contrasting forms of “agape” (or universal) love, which derives from Christianity, and passion, which emerges from medieval cults and various versions of chivalry. Passion, being focused on a single object, does not consort happily with agape. The reason of the Greek philosophers in some degree could make these two drives lie down together, but the modern world has been dominated by economics, alias capitalism.

Mr. Kaufman thinks that it is self-interest that makes capitalism tick, but he identifies self-interest with the vice of greed. Putting bad things down to human greed is, of course, the fashion of the moment. Modern Western societies no doubt have their share of this particular vice, but greed is certainly not lacking in other cultures. Mr. Kaufman’s view—that a society based on love is at war with the calculating individualism of modern reason—is distinctly theoretical. Take away greed, and we would all love one another? Unlikely!

Mr. Kaufmann wants to replace individualism—and greed and other bad things—with a proper community, and he speaks of “love’s revolution” as if this abstraction might take over the role of the proletariat in Marxism. As he sees it, love is defeated by the calculating habits of market economics—but “it also lives to fight another day.” The way we respond to our emotions, he believes, has major repercussions for society at large. The conclusion Mr. Kaufmann draws is that “knowing how to surrender to our emotions is political.” Everything personal, these days, is political. The habit of seeing politics under every bush, one might rather say, constitutes the predicament from which we suffer.

Neither Mr. Bruckner nor Mr. Kaufmann tangles with the problem of feminism, but feminism is central to the state of love today because it rejects the complementary character of men and women—an idea that is central to our cultural tradition. As different as we are, we need one another, and any theory that does not understand that pattern will be destructive.

When the 1960s idea of liberation needed content, the only thing the unimaginative feminists of those days could think to do with their new free time and expensive education was to plunge into the labor force. Mr. Kaufmann is certainly right to believe that there is no room for chivalry in an economy. Indeed, that is one of the reasons why feminists hate chivalry. It doesn’t fit in with women as labor units.

Feminism, as it is too often defined, makes women essentially economic agents, and children and family life are marginalized in ways that may suit some female graduates but certainly not lots of other women. The whole outlook presumes an end to complementarity—the destruction of the feminine. An ever-increasing scaffolding of politically correct regulation, bureaucracy and law has been needed to sustain the illusion that men and women are indistinguishable agents.

In the chivalric practices of our history, women depended for protection upon the concern of men who respected them as women. The feminist project was to equip women with rights and transfer the job of protection to the state. The results have been mixed, to say the least. To take but one vexed area of social custom and legal practice: Laws about sexual harassment impose penalties on luckless employers who fail to protect female employees from their co-workers. But the presumption that women are so weak as to need protecting from rude male behavior was something that feminism, with its emphasis on empowerment and equal status, seemed eager to attack. It is all marvelously absurd. The zones of love and desire are now invaded by statutes and committees of inquisition.

Mr. Bruckner’s central paradox is that of persecution in the name of love, but that has been an attribute of “loving” relations from time immemorial. He cites, in evidence, both Christianity and communism, in the name of which harm has come to those who were to be loved or saved. He appears to believe that communism is nothing more than a Christian heresy that “allows us to see magnified Christianity’s defects.” Marxism, it seems, “imagined a future society as the terrestrial fulfillment of the promises made by the Gospels.” This claim makes Marx and Jesus prophets in the same line of business, but you do not have to be a Christian to see that Marx is way out of his league here. It is clear that Mr. Bruckner is better at paradoxes than at affinities.

Can love lead to persecution? As a passion, it can lead to anything at all, including death, but the point about both Christianity and the Soviet state is that they were institutions, and institutions have drives of their own. Marriage is an institution, too, and the point of institutions is to discipline us. Love, by contrast, is a spontaneity, always rather intermittent. Neither can be a substitute for the other.

Both Mr. Bruckner and Mr. Kaufmann deplore love as a market. The consumer’s greed in this new condition of love is to accumulate not only material objects but people as well. Men and women sink to the level of mere commodities, giving and receiving satisfactions of an ever-fluctuating kind. Mr. Bruckner thinks that the state of commodified love is worse in America: “Whereas in the United States the co-existence of the sexes always seems on the verge of exploding, Europe is better protected against this plague by the age-old culture of gallantry.”

And that claim perhaps suggests the ultimate mistake of our time: Manners have been erased by doctrine. Individualists—men and women alike—may pursue any enterprise that fits their desires and their talents, but doctrine traps some people into the masquerade of trying to be what they are not. It drains reality from them. Those who live by doctrine rather than passion are diminished by it.

Mr. Minogue is the author, most recently, of “The Servile Mind: How Democracy Erodes the Moral Life.”

 

Source: Washington Post, March 10, 2012

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