CNN Finds Evidence of Atrocities, Executions, Bodies Dumped Over a Cliff in Central Tigray

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

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New Video of Ethiopia Massacre Shows Soldiers Passing Phone Around to Document Their Executions of Unarmed Men

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A few scattered human bones lay on the rocky ground, along with a broken skull and several half-burned identification cards.

That is all the villagers could find, six months after Ethiopian troops rounded up their loved ones and shot them at point-blank range, throwing the bodies off a rocky hillside deep in the mountains of central Tigray in Ethiopia.

An April 2021 CNN investigation, in collaboration with Amnesty International, examined video clips of the January massacre and used geolocation techniques to verify the video was filmed on a ridge near Mahibere Dego in January 2021. The investigation revealed at the time that at least 11 unarmed men were executed, and 39 others were unaccounted for.

CNN was sent the gruesome footage in March this year by a pro-Tigray media organization, the Tigrai Media House (TMH). TMH told CNN at the time that the video was filmed on a mobile phone by an Ethiopian army soldier turned whistleblower involved in the mass killing.

An additional longer video clip of the massacre has now been shared with CNN by TMH, revealing new details about the atrocity and the soldiers behind it.

CNN used geolocation techniques to determine the extended footage was also filmed at the ridge near Mahibere Dego. A voice at the end of the new clip identifies the Ethiopian soldier filming the video as “Fafi.” He also reveals his military brigade and division.

In the extended video seen by CNN, Fafi swaps the phone with another soldier, takes the gun and shoots. The phone is then swapped back as others clamor to be filmed executing the captives, brazenly documenting their crimes.

This extended footage has all the hallmarks of a trophy video and yet — despite the evidence — the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s Office dismissed the findings of CNN’s original investigation saying, “social media posts and claims cannot be taken as evidence.”

Six months after the attack, two people in Mahibere Dego told CNN they had collected the national identification cards of 36 people who were killed, but another 37 people remain missing, indicating the toll of the massacre could have been more than double what was initially reported.

CNN reached out to the Ethiopian government but it did not respond.

Ethiopia is under growing international pressure over a number of reported atrocities in its war-torn northern Tigray region that could amount to war crimes.

Thousands of civilians are believed to have been killed since early November, when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed launched a major military operation against the ruling Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), sending in national troops and militia fighters from Ethiopia’s Amhara region.

CNN has previously compiled extensive eyewitness testimony that Ethiopian soldiers and soldiers from neighboring Eritrea were perpetrating massacres, extrajudicial killings, sexual violence and other abuses in the region.

Since January, families of the victims in Mahibere Dego say they have been unable to access the ridge due to the continued presence of Ethiopian troops in the area — leaving them without a way to bury their loved ones.

They thought they’d be safe at a church

But last Friday, the soldiers departed for nearby Axum, giving locals a long-awaited opportunity to search for any remains, according to nine people CNN interviewed who had visited the massacre site.

Over a period of days, family members of the victims filmed the church burials, documented evidence of bullet casings at the massacre site and took photographs of skeletal remains which they sent to CNN. We are not naming the family members who fear for their safety.

One family member told CNN that even while villagers were gathering up the remains of their loved ones, the area came under attack. Violence in Tigray has once again intensified in recent weeks after Tigrayan forces launched a renewed offensive last week.

Even after Ethiopian soldiers withdrew, the massacre site remained under attack.

“The soldiers from Axum started to bomb the area with artillery [fire] around 9-10 p.m. Everyone scattered and ran back home,” the family member said.

But the villagers refused to stay away, he said, waiting a few days to come back at night to finish what they had started.

In images too graphic to publish, it’s clear the remains were too decomposed to allow for identification of the victims — for some there were only metal belt buckles. Families said they instead relied on items of clothing and ID cards to identify their relatives.

Villagers told CNN the continued presence of soldiers in the area was an attempt to hide evidence of the killings.

Images of bullet casings found by villagers as they scoured the area for their relatives’ remains, were shared with CNN. An arms expert told CNN these would normally be used in light machine guns and assault rifles like those seen in the massacre video.

“The village couldn’t wait any longer, [they were] saying ‘we can’t get peace unless we bury them'”

CNN used geolocation to verify that the video of the bullet casings was from the same massacre site.

CNN also obtained images taken on June 21 that show bones, charred remains, clothes and ID cards at site of the attack. Some of the clothes were also seen in the original video clips investigated by CNN.

Families brought the remains they could find to Mariam Megdelawit church, a few kilometers from the massacre site, for an emotional ceremony where they prayed for justice, and to heal their loss on June 21.

Video sent to CNN by family members of the victims show the bones of victims being carried into the service in large jute bags and placed together while crowds gathered in a circle around them to mourn and weep.

“The village couldn’t wait any longer, [they were] saying ‘we can’t get peace unless we bury them,'” he said.

CNN geolocated the footage of the ceremony by matching it to satellite imagery of the area that showed the same church structure, vegetation layout, soil color and topography.

Sunlight in the footage indicates that the burials took place at approximately 9 a.m. This corresponded to the timings stored in metadata, which some of the footage retained.

Many of those targeted in the extrajudicial executions were young men of so-called “fighting age.”

One of the young men executed in the massacre was 23-year-old Alula. His brother told CNN he discovered Alula’s ID card amid the remains.

CNN first reported on Alula in April when his brothers discovered his fate while watching a TV report about the massacre. At the time, another one of Alula’s brothers told CNN it was hard to accept.

Though the family says they have been unable to find his remains, Alula’s ID card is enough, they say, to give them some closure.

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Ethiopia: Exposing The War in Tigray | A Campaign of Ethnic Cleansing

👉 በትግራይ የሚካሄደው ጦርነት ሲጋለጥ | የዘር ማጽዳት ዘመቻ

Massacres, gang rapes, forced famine – the list of atrocities being reported in Tigray, Ethiopia is long and growing. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed declared the military intervention officially over in November, but the situation on the ground clearly does not reflect that. And there are concerns that the situation is starting to resemble a campaign of ethnic cleansing.

💭 እባክዎን የሚከተለውን አሳዛኝ እና አእምሮን የሚነካ የ ‘ሮየተርስ’ ሪፖርት ያንብቡ። የትግራይ ተወላጆች በሂትለር ማጎሪያ ካምፖች ውስጥ እንደ አይሁድ እራሳቸውን እያገኙ ነው፡፡ ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

የአረመኔው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ “የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ሰራዊት” የሚባለውን “የሽብርተኛ አካል” ብሎ መፈረጁ የሚታወቅ ነው፡፡ በሕገ-ወጡ የኦሮሚያ ክልልም “ጦርነት እየተካሄደ ነው” ይሉናል፤ ስለዚህ አሁን ጥያቄው፤ በአሸባሪው አብዮት አህመድ የሚመራው የኦሮሞ-አገዛዝ በብሄር ኦሮሞዎች በሆኑት ላይ በትግራዋያን ላይ የሜፈጸመውን ዓይነት አድሎ ሲፈጽም እናየዋለንን? ኦሮሞችን ለማሰር ፣ ለማገድ ፣ ለማባረር እና ወደ ካምፖች እንዲገቡ ማድረግ ይጀምራልን? አይ! ኦሮሞዎች በኦሮሞዎች ላይ? ለጊዜው፤ በጭራሽ ! ትግራዋያን የጋራ ጠላቶቻቸው እስካሉ ድረስ ይህ በጭራሽ አይሆንም!

👉 Please read the following sad and mind-blowing ‘Reuters’ report. Tigrayans are finding themselves like Jews in Hitler’s concentration camps. Woow! Evil Abiy Ahmed’s Oromo regime just designated the so-called „Oromo Liberation Army“ „ as a terrorist entity. So, the question now is, are we going to see Oromo-lead Abiy Ahmed’s Oromo-lead regime’s crackdown on Ethnic Oromos? Are they going to arrest, suspend, dismiss and summon Oromos to camps? No! Oromos against Oromos? This will never happen, as long as they have common enemies in Tigrayans!

💭 Special Report-Ethiopia’s Crackdown on Ethnic Tigrayans Snares Thousands

💭 ልዩ ዘገባ – በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ትግራዋይን ላይ በአዲስ አበባ እና ሌሎች ቦታዎች ‘ኢትዮጵያ‘/ኦሮሚያ እየወሰደችው ያለችው አድሏዊ እርምጃ

☆ አዲስ የእስረኞች ማዕበል

☆ የትግራይ ወታደሮች ታገዱ ፣ ወደ ካምፖች ተጠሩ

☆ የትግራይ ዲፕሎማቶች ተባረዋል

☆ ከታሳሪዎቹ መካከል አንድ ቄስ ፣ ሁለት ሴቶች ልጆች እና ለማኝ/የኔ ቢጤዎች ነበሩ። የተያዙት ትግራዋይነታቸውን የሚያሳይ መታወቂያ ለፖሊስ ካሳዩ በኋላ ነው፡፡

☆ A New Wave Of Arrests

☆ Tigrayan Soldiers Suspended, Summoned To Camps

☆ Tigrayan Diplomats Dismissed

☆ A priest, two women with small children and a beggar were among the detainees, the health worker said. They were arrested after showing police an identity card issued by Tigray authorities.

Police arrested Tigrayan street trader Nigusu Mahari last year as he strolled along the traffic-clogged streets of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa. He says he was speaking on the phone in the language of his homeland, a distant region in the north.

Officers accused the broom hawker of planning a bombing, trying to overturn the constitution and working with Tigrayan rebel fighters. Nigusu professed his innocence. Six weeks later, a judge released him on bail without charge, court records show, after Reuters began inquiring about his case.

Nigusu is among thousands of Tigrayans swept up in a nationwide crackdown that started last November, when fighting erupted in Tigray between federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the party that dominated the national government until three years ago. Tigrayans themselves are a small minority in Ethiopia’s mosaic of more than 90 ethnic groups and nationalities.

“They arrested me from the street because I spoke Tigrinya,” Nigusu, 25, told Reuters. He said he was just one of three dozen from his home region in the same jail. “I saw 35 Tigrayans, and I told myself that this is not about the TPLF. It’s about the Tigrayan people.”

Authorities did not respond to questions about Nigusu’s case. Federal police spokesman Jeylan Abdi told Reuters that if innocent people are detained, they are swiftly released. Police have caught many TPLF supporters “red-handed with firearms and ammunition,” he wrote in a text message.

Tigrayans say the government’s efforts to crush a TPLF rebellion have unleashed an ethnic witch hunt against them. Across the country, Tigrayans have been arrested, harassed, sacked or suspended from their jobs, or had their bank accounts temporarily frozen, according to bank records, letters from employers and interviews with government officials, rights groups and lawyers.

Reuters spoke to more than two dozen Tigrayans who said their careers and personal lives have been upended because of their ethnicity. They included families of Tigrayan soldiers who’ve been rounded up and put in detention camps; Tigrayan diplomats dismissed or suspended from their postings; academics barred by their universities from lecturing; Tigrayan civilians who say they were arbitrarily detained, and Tigrayan peacekeepers who sought asylum in South Sudan, fearing arrest if they returned home. Most spoke on condition of anonymity, citing concerns over their safety.

The allegations come in the wake of reports of major rights abuses in Tigray – including mass killings of civilians and gang rapes of Tigrayan women. In April, Reuters detailed accounts of women tortured and raped in conditions that a regional official described for the first time as “sexual slavery.”

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, whose parents are from Ethiopia’s two biggest ethnic communities, has stressed that his government’s fight is with the TPLF and has called on his countrymen not to discriminate against Tigrayans as a group. His spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, told Reuters the prime minister “spearheads a vision of a united Ethiopia with zero tolerance for discrimination based on ethnic identity.” To insinuate that suspects are arrested because of their ethnicity “is interfering in upholding the rule of law and purposely fomenting divisions,” she added.

Attorney General Gedion Timothewos said there was no government policy to “purge” Tigrayan officials. He conceded, however, that some state organizations “may have overestimated their exposure or vulnerability” to penetration by the TPLF.

“The TPLF had a huge network in Addis, so we had to err on the side of caution,” Gedion said. “I would not rule out that innocent people might be caught up in this situation.”

The at times heavy-handed response is fueling Tigrayan anger and complicating Abiy’s efforts to end the conflict in Tigray. Thousands of people have been killed and more than 1.7 million displaced.

Fighting started on Nov. 4 when, according to the government, forces loyal to the TPLF, the then-governing party in Tigray, attacked army bases in the region. The violence followed months of deteriorating relations between the TPLF and the federal government over what the party sees as discrimination against Tigrayans and attempts to centralise power – accusations the government rejects. A TPLF spokesman has denied that the group made the first strike.

Tigray is the most dramatic example of ethnic and regional tensions that are surfacing across Ethiopia, imperilling the multiethnic democracy of Africa’s second-most populous nation and a regional linchpin. Ethiopia hosts the African Union headquarters. Its security services work closely with Western intelligence against Islamist extremists. And its peacekeepers serve in Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan. More than 60,000 Tigrayan refugees have fled into neighbouring Sudan, where a long-simmering border dispute is heating up.

“With the conflict in Tigray set to continue, and many people there supporting armed resistance and even secession, the pressing challenge for the prime minister is holding the country together rather than how to further unify it,” said William Davison, an Ethiopia analyst at the International Crisis Group, a research organization that seeks to prevent deadly conflicts.

A NEW WAVE OF ARRESTS

Although a minority of nearly 6 million in the country of 109 million, Tigrayans used to dominate Ethiopia’s government, armed forces and economy. Over nearly three decades, the TPLF ruled with an iron grip. Surveillance was all pervasive – there was said to be a government informer in every street – and dissidents lived with the constant threat of arrest.

When Abiy became prime minister in 2018, he pledged democratic change and released tens of thousands of political prisoners. The intelligence apparatus was an early target for reform. Former intelligence chief Getachew Assefa, a Tigrayan, was charged with torture and killings. He has evaded capture and hasn’t publicly addressed the accusations. His whereabouts are unknown.

Other Tigrayan intelligence agents faced similar charges or were fired. Many more left the agency. Most of the few Tigrayan intelligence officers who remained were suspended in November when the fighting broke out, said two sources familiar with the agency. The intelligence agency didn’t comment for this article.

There are no national statistics on the number of Tigrayans detained on suspicion of supporting the TPLF. Gedion, the attorney general, said the number in custody in Addis Ababa peaked at around 700 in November but fell to around 300 by mid-December. He didn’t respond to a request for a more recent figure.

Tigrayans interviewed by Reuters said there was a new wave of arrests in the capital in April this year. Around 300 Tigrayans were held in a warehouse-style building on the southern outskirts of Addis Ababa, according to a health worker who said he was detained there and a lawyer with friends and family inside.

A priest, two women with small children and a beggar were among the detainees, the health worker said. They were arrested after showing police an identity card issued by Tigray authorities.

Conditions were miserable, the health worker said, with 28 to 30 people in a room. The only food was brought in by the prisoners’ relatives or by guards in return for payment. Detainees were allowed to use the bathroom only twice a day, he said, and “had to pee inside the empty plastic container of water we used.”

The health worker said he was released without charge after eight days, on April 22, along with more than 100 others. They walked free hours after Reuters sent the attorney general an email asking about the arrests and conditions inside the building. The attorney general and police didn’t respond to a request for comment about the facility.

Reuters couldn’t determine the number of people detained in Tigray itself. Regional officials said they don’t know because many people are being held by the federal police or military. The military and police didn’t respond to requests for comment.

One flashpoint for violence is the western part of Tigray, which neighbouring Amhara region claims as its own. West Tigray residents described roundups that continued into this year, in which Amhara gunmen searched for people with Tigrayan IDs and imprisoned unknown numbers of them. Amhara sent regional forces into Tigray in November to help the military fight the TPLF. Amhara authorities didn’t comment for this article. The Amhara-appointed administrator of western Tigray, Yabsira Eshetie, has said previously only criminals were detained.

TIGRAYAN SOLDIERS SUSPENDED, SUMMONED TO CAMPS

Thousands of Tigrayan soldiers have been suspended from the Ethiopian military, amid accusations that some participated in the Nov. 4 attack. Redwan Hussein, the head of a government taskforce on the Tigray crisis, said that the suspensions were to prevent sabotage and to protect Tigrayan “brothers and sisters” from possible revenge attacks.

“Because there is that mutual suspicion, it is good to let these Tigrayan forces and soldiers stay at home – for their own safety” and “for the safety of the entire esprit de corps,” he told Reuters in November. He didn’t comment on the matter further when approached for this article.

Some Tigrayan servicemen were ordered to report to camps at locations across the country, where their phones were confiscated, half a dozen soldiers and military families told Reuters.

One man told Reuters his cousin is being held at a camp in southern Ethiopia along with more than 1,500 other Tigrayan soldiers. He showed Reuters a copy of his cousin’s military identification card and a list of 12 other camps where he said soldiers are being detained. Conditions in the camps are poor and there is little food, according to relatives. The army and the government didn’t respond to requests for comment about the camps.

Brigadier General Kiddu Alemu, a Tigrayan military attache at Ethiopia’s embassy in Nairobi, was caught up in a sweep that netted 162 senior Tigrayan officers, said his lawyer, Desta Mesfin.

When the fighting erupted in Tigray, the 62-year-old general was summoned back to Addis Ababa.

“I advised him against coming back,” said Desta, “but he told me, ‘I am old, and I did nothing wrong, so I don’t have anything to hide.’”

Kiddu flew home from Kenya on Nov. 10 and was immediately put under house arrest by members of the Ethiopian military, Desta said. No explanation was given.

Then, one night in early December, six soldiers turned up at the general’s home, the lawyer said. They took Kiddu to police headquarters, where he was held in solitary confinement. Over the next two months, Kiddu made seven court appearances. On each occasion, police sought, and were granted, permission to extend his detention. Accusations levelled against him by the police included that he participated in the Nov. 4 attacks. That charge was “absurd,” said Desta, because the general was in Nairobi at the time.

On his fifth court appearance, police accused the general, without supplying evidence, of having convinced the European Union (EU) to stop funding Ethiopia and having persuaded the Ethiopian diaspora not to donate money to law enforcement operations in Tigray. The EU suspended budget support to Ethiopia worth 88 million euros ($107 million) in January over the Tigray crisis. An EU official with direct knowledge of the matter dismissed the allegations as ‘bizarre.’

Finally, on Feb. 18, a judge ruled there was no prima facie evidence against the general and granted bail for 50,000 birr ($1,237). The general’s wife paid the bail the same day. But instead of walking free, the general was transferred into military detention, at a facility outside Addis Ababa. There he remains, with the 161 other high-ranking Tigrayan military officers, according to Desta.

“I haven’t been allowed to see him or to talk to him,” said Desta. “He hasn’t appeared in a military court, even though by law he should have been brought before a judge within 48 hours of his transfer.”

None of the Tigrayan prisoners in the jail had been brought before a judge, he added. “The aim is not really to prosecute them but to prolong their detention indefinitely.”

Ethiopian authorities didn’t respond to requests for comment about Kiddu or the other officers.

A high-ranking Tigrayan military officer, with three decades of service, told Reuters he had gone into hiding to escape arrest. He said that on the day after the TPLF attack on government forces in Tigray, his superior called him to tell him he was suspended. Reuters was unable to independently confirm his account. He said similar instructions were relayed to the around 20,000 Tigrayans serving in Ethiopia’s military.

The officer said he became increasingly alarmed in the days that followed. He was disarmed, his military-issued vehicles were taken away, and Tigrayan friends began to disappear, without explanation. He was told to report to a camp on the outskirts of the capital. Afraid, he moved his family and began sleeping at a different location every night.

On Feb. 22, 15 Tigrayan peacekeepers serving in a United Nations mission in South Sudan refused to board a flight to Ethiopia when their unit’s rotation ended and requested asylum in South Sudan, according to the U.N. One of the peacekeepers told Reuters he’d served in the military for 33 years and had never been a member of the TPLF. “I feared that would happen to me if I went back. I feared for my life.” Reuters couldn’t determine whether he was granted asylum.

The peacekeeper said he’d refused to board the plane, but 17 of his colleagues had been pushed aboard. Some of them were beaten, he said; it was unclear by whom. The U.N. confirmed there had been a “scuffle” but didn’t elaborate. Ethiopia’s government and military didn’t respond to a request for comment.

A U.N. spokesman told Reuters that a further 120 Ethiopian peacekeepers with a joint African Union-United Nations mission in Sudan’s Darfur region sought international protection earlier this month before they were due to be repatriated. Most are Tigrayan, he said.

TIGRAYAN DIPLOMATS DISMISSED

The crackdown is not limited to soldiers. Tigrayan diplomats, professors, journalists and business people said they too are feeling the backlash. Some said the crackdown predates the outbreak of fighting in November.

Yohannes Abraha, an ethnic Tigrayan and former director of southern and western European affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said he was dismissed several months before, part of what he described as broader moves to sideline Tigrayans. He provided a list with the names of 54 Tigrayans who he said were suspended or fired by the foreign ministry since the conflict erupted. Reuters reached three people on the list who confirmed they had been dismissed.

Redwan, the head of the government taskforce on the Tigray crisis, is also the state minister for foreign affairs. He told Reuters many Tigrayans still work for the government. Other Tigrayans hold senior posts in the judiciary and in state run enterprise.

“If there are TPLF individuals whose story seems to have a grain of truth, it won’t be because their ethnicity is from Tigray. It must be because they were suspected or found guilty of colluding with the criminal gang,” he said, referring to the TPLF.

The list of 54 Tigrayans includes Kassa Gebreyohannes Gebremichael, former deputy head of mission at the Ethiopian Embassy in Moscow. Kassa showed Reuters a Dec. 21 letter from the foreign ministry informing him he was being dismissed after failing to respond to three summons to return to Addis Ababa and present himself at the ministry. He told Reuters he feared arrest if he went home.

Kassa said he had a disagreement with the Ethiopian ambassador to Moscow over the war in Tigray, and was suspended after sharing on the embassy’s Facebook page a Russian government post calling for a peaceful solution to the conflict. The deputy military attache in Moscow and a Tigrayan driver at the embassy were also suspended, Kassa said. Reuters confirmed the suspensions with both men, neither of whom was on the list. The embassy did not respond to a request for comment.

Another diplomat on the list said he and two Tigrayan colleagues were suspended from the consular section of an Ethiopian embassy in a Western nation. The diplomat, who asked that neither he nor his embassy be identified, shared bank records showing he had not been paid since Oct. 30. A diplomat in Europe said he was fired after refusing a summons to return to Addis Ababa days after the conflict broke out. He showed Reuters a letter that said his contract ran until 2023.

Even some Tigrayans who actively opposed the TPLF lost their jobs. A university lecturer said he was fired by his supervisor despite having stood as a candidate against the TPLF in local elections in Tigray last year. Education officials didn’t comment.

Tigrayans working at state-run agencies — including the tourist board, state-affiliated media and local municipalities — were also suspended or dismissed from their jobs, said a Tigrayan lawyer. He told Reuters a dozen such people had sought his advice. He shared documentation connected to two of these cases that supported his account.

Despite the TPLF’s former dominance, many Tigrayans are poor. Among them is Nigusu, the young broom-seller. An eighth-grade dropout, he left the family farm in Tigray three years ago to eke out a living in Addis Ababa.

He sold handmade brooms amid the traffic fumes in a market neighbourhood, where ancient Lada taxis nicknamed “Blue Donkeys” inch past men hawking bundles of mildly narcotic qat leaves.

Police stopped Nigusu on Nov. 7, three days after the fighting started in Tigray. Nigusu said he was frantic with worry about his family back home. All phone and internet connections were down. He told Reuters that when he was arrested, he was speaking to a relative who also lives outside Tigray. He said officers seized the 2,000 birr ($50) cash he was carrying and beat him.

The police accused him of being a terrorist, court documents show. They said he was overheard discussing planting bombs.

“I told them I know nothing about bombs, and everything is a fabrication,” Nigusu said.

He tried to put on a brave front. During one of seven brief court appearances, Nigusu waved to his elder brother, Berhe Hadera, then put his hands over his heart.

Berhe borrowed 6,000 birr to pay for bail, according to a receipt seen by Reuters. But the police refused to free Nigusu, who said he was held in a small cell without a window. He said he saw three dozen other Tigrayans in custody at the same time.

Nigusu was freed in December. He has since left Addis Ababa to stay with family in Tigray, preferring to take his chances in a war zone than remain in the capital.

“I came here (to Addis Ababa) to beat poverty and change my life,” Nigusu said. “But now I would rather lose my hand than live here. After this, I am not an Ethiopian.”

Source

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MSF | #TigrayGenocide | #TigrayGenocidio | #TigrayGenozid | የዘር ማጥፋት በትግራይ

En los ultimos seis meses se han cometido todo tipo de actos de genocidio en Tigray de odio por motivos étnicos y religiosos.

Rehabilitamos un puesto de salud destruido y saqueado en Adiftaw, en la región etíope de Tigray.

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፴/30ቱ የጉዕተሎ መድኃኔ ዓለም ቤተክርስቲያን ሰማዕታት እነዚህ ናቸው

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

✞✞✞ በቤተክርስቲያኗ የመድኃኔ ዓለም ዓመታዊ ክብረ በዓል ዕለት፤ ማክሰኞ ታህሣሥ ፳፯/ ፪ሺ፲፫ ዓ.ም የሰማዕትነት አክሊልን የተቀዳጁት ፴/30 የጉዕተሎ መድኃኔ ዓለም ልጆችን ነፍስ በቅዱሳኑ እቅፍ ያኑርልን ከማህበረ ፃድቃን ይደምርልን። ✞✞✞

👉 የ ፴/30ውን ሰማዕታት ስም እየጠራን ለመድኃኔ ዓለም “እልልል!” 😊😊😊 እንበል!!! ይብላን ለገዳዮቻቸው!👹 ወዮላቸው!

👉❤️ የሰማዕታቱ የስም ዝርዝር፦

ቁ	ስም	ጾታ	ማዕረግ
1	ቄስ ገብረ ዮሐንስ ደስታ	ወንድ	የቤተክርስቲያን ሊቅ
2	ቄስ ነጋ ተስፋይ	ወንድ
3	መሪጌታ ኪዳነ ማርያም ተፈሪ	ወንድ	የቤተክርስቲያን ዋና ሊቅ
4	ቄስ ሐዱሽ ኃይለ ማርያም	ወንድ	ቄስ ገበዝ የቤተክርስቲያን ሊቅ
5	ቄስ ገብሬ አጽበሐ	ወንድ	የቤተክርስቲያን ሊቅ
6.	ሀጎስ ሃይሉ	ወንድ
7	ኪዳኔ ተክለ ሐይማኖት	ወንድ
8	ብርሃኔ ገብረ አረጋዊ (አንገታቸው ተቀልቷል)	ወንድ
9	ግርማይ ንጉሤ (ከልጃቸው ሚኪያስ ጋር)	ወንድ
10	ሚኪያስ ግርማይ ንጉሤ (ከአባታቸው ግርማይ ጋር)	ወንድ
11	ዲያቆን በርሔ ደስታ ወልደ ገብርኤል	ወንድ
12	ዲያቆን ብርሃኔ ገብረ ሥላሴ	ወንድ
13	ዲያቆን ጽጋብ አለም ፊትዊ	ወንድ
14	ደሳለኝ ተስፉ ሀጎስ	ወንድ
15	አታክልቲ መሰለ ገብረ ዮሐንስ	ወንድ
16	ሴት መነኩሴ እታይ ዘ–ሀፍታ	ሴት
17	ምሕረት ገብረ እግዚ	ሴት
18	ሀደጋ ለማ	ሴት
19	ካሕሳ ገብሬ	ሴት
20	ኪዳን ወልዱ	ሴት
21	ኪዳን ረዳ	ሴት
22	ለታይ ገብረ ማርያም (ከሴት ልጃቸው ብርሃን ጋር)	ሴት
23	ብርሃን ገብረ ጻድቅ (ከእናታቸው ለታይ ጋር)	ሴት
24	በኩረ ጽዮን ደስታ	ወንድ
25	ደስታሰላም ግርማይ	ወንድ
26	ብርሃኔ ገብረ ኢየሱስ	ወንድ
27	መሪ ጌታ ደሳለኝ ካህሳይ	ወንድ	የቤተክርስቲያን ሊቅ
28	አብረኸት እቁባዝጊ	Female
29	ተስፋይ ገብረ ሥላሴ	ወንድ
30	አንገሶም ገብረ ሥላሴ ታደሰ	ወንድ

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#TigrayGenocide | Massacre in The Church of Medhanie Alem Gu’etelo, on The Parish’s Most Important Day of The Year, The Festival of Jesus The Savior of Gu’etolo

In Tigray, parishes celebrate, once a year, one main religious festival in their church and their homes. The parish’s church is invariably named after a patron which can be a saint, an angel or God and the festival is a yearly celebration of the church’s patron. On the eve of the festival, the parishioners and guests from outlying areas come to the church and spend the night praying, chanting and partaking in the religious celebration. On the day of the festival (in the morning or afternoon, depending on whether it is a fasting season or not), the parishioners and guests move the celebration to each of the parishioner’s houses. Every parishioner’s house hosts guests from outside the parish and the guests can stay upto 4 days.

The parish of Medhanie Alem Gu’etelo in Gulomekeda (Eastern Tigray) celebrates its main yearly festival, the Annual Festival of Jesus the Saviour, on 05 January of the year. On 05 January 2021, however, it was not a day of celebration, but rather a day of gruesome massacre.

From the eve of the festival, parishioners and guests gathered in the Church of Medhanie Alem Gu’etelo – Gu’etelo Jesus the Saviour Church – to celebrate and partake in the annual Festival of Jesus the Saviour. Battles and gunshots had been heard, but nonetheless the people gathered in the church, for this is the most important day of the year for the parish, but also to pray and seek refuge.

From 5 AM to 9 Am, Eritrean troops fired artillery at the church and the congregation, and the surrounding areas. More than thirteen artillery strikes hit the church and its compound alone, damaging and destroying the church, shattering its windows and roof, and killing its congregants. Many fled, but some remained in the church’s compound.

Around 9 AM the Eritrean troops came to the church, asked the remaining congregants to stand in one line. They then shot them dead. They also went to the small residence of the church’s elderly teacher, Priest Kidanemariam Teferi. In the house were other three scholars of the church who were with him after the church service was discontinued. These were Priest Gebreyohannes Desta, Priest Desalegn Kahsay (Meri-Geta) and Priest Gebre Atsbeha. The Eritrean troops shot four of them dead in the small house.

In the church and the church compound alone, a total of 28 people were shot dead. 27 of the victims have been identified by name. We have also identified three others killed in the surrounding areas of the church. The list is obtained from family members and eyewitnesses. 21 of the victims are males and the remaining 9 are females. The victim in number 24, Bekuretsion Desta, had mental health problems.

List of People Massacred in The Church and its Compound

No	Full Name	Gender	Title
1	Priest Gebreyohannes Desta	Male	Church scholar
2	Priest Nega Tesfay (Aba Majur)	Male
3	Priest Kidanemariam Teferi (Meri-Geta)	Male	The church’s main scholar
4	Priest Hadush Hailemariam	Male	Gebez(Church leader)
5	Priest Gebre Atsbeha	Male	Church Scholar
6.	Hagos Hailu	Male
7	Kidane Teklehaimanot	Male
8	Birhane Gebrearegawi cut his neck	Male
9	Girmay Niguse (with his son, Mikias)	Male
10	Mikias Girmay Niguse (with father, Girmay)	Male
11	Berhe Desta Weldegebriel (Deacon)	Male
12	Tsigab Alem Fitwi (Deacon)	Male
13	Desalegn Tesfu Hagos	Male
14	Atakilti Mesele Gebreyohannes	Male
15	Etay Zehafta (Nun)	Female
16	Mihret Gebreezgi	Female
17	Hadega Lemma	Female
18	Kahsa Gebre	Female
19	Kidan Weldu	Female
20	Kidan Reda	Female
21	Letay Gebremariam (with daughter, Birhan)	Female
22	Birhan Gebretsadik (with her mother, Letay)	Female
23	Birhane Gebresilassie (Deacon)	Male
24	Bekuretsion Desta	Male
25	Destalem Girmay	Male
26	Birhane Gebreyesus (near)	Male
27	Priest Desalegn Kahsay (Meri-Geta)	Male	Church scholar

Some Names of People Killed in The Surroundings Of The Church

No.	Full Name	Gender	Title
28	Abrehet Oqubazgi	Female
29	Tesfay Gebreselassie	Male
30	Angesom Gebreselassie Tadesse (Wedi Ageray)	Male

The area is still under Eritrean control. Asked about their situation now, one resident said “no one is left here, only the old and sick that can not flee. We are not allowed to let our animals graze and we are dying of hunger. Our women are being abused. They asked my son where his parents were and when he said they went to church, they hit him hard. Please let the world know that we are perishing”. Another resident said “we need peace. We live now in terror”. A third, elderly father said “we have nothing this year. We did not collect our harvest and our animals have been slaughtered or looted. Without help, we won’t be able to make it”. A priest added “not only do we have nothing left, but also to do anything or even move, you have to pay a huge bribe, or you are simply robbed. We are in a time when a human eats a human”.

Asked whether they have been visited or comforted by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church or any official from the Ethiopian government, a priest from the parish responded saying “none”. Speaking about the church in particular, the priest said “which church? There is no church, we know that. We know who the so-called church sides with”, referring to the church’s history of being Amhara politicians’ political tool.

There seems a trend of in the invading forces committing massacres on special religious holidays. The massacre in Mariam Dengelat was also committed during the annual celebration of the festival of Saint Mary of Tsion, which is the patron of the church and the parish. The Bora massacre was committed on the Christmas time, the destruction and looting in Gulle was committed on the day of Timqat, and the shelling of a church in Daero was committed on Sunday.

Source

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በኦሮሞ እና አማራ ወታደሮች የተገደሉት ፶፪/52 የአክሱም ማኅበረ ደጎ ሰማዕታት

☆ የካቲት ፪ሺ፲፫ ዓ.ም

✞✞✞ የአክሱም ማኅበረ ደጎ ገደል ጫፍ እልቂት ሰማዕታት ስም ✞✞✞

☆ January 2021

✞✞✞ MAHBERE DEGO MASSACRE MARTYRS ✞✞✞

ተ. ቍ	ስም ማህበረ ዴጎ ሰማዕታት	ዕድሜ
፩	ምህረቱ ኣብርሃ ኣበራ	፶፮/56
፪	ገብረ እግዚአብሔር ኣብርሃ ኣበራ	፶፫/53
፫	ክብሮም ተኹሉ ገ/ጻድቓን	፴/30
፬	ፍጹም ተኹሉ ገ/ጻድቓን	፲፰/18
፭	መንገሻ መውጫ ገ/ኪዳን	፳፭/25
፮	ሓድጉ መውጫ ገ/ኪዳን	፳፪/22
፯	መብራህቱ ገ/መድሂን ከበደው	፳፮/26
፰	ኪሮስ ገ/መድሂን ከበደው	፲፱/19
፱	ተኽላይ ገ/መድሂን ገብሩ	፴፪/32
፲	ሃይለ ገ/መድሂን ገብሩ	፴፰/38
፲፩	በሪሁ ሓጎስ ኣስፍሃ	፴፬/34
፲፪	ጸጋይ ተስፋይ ወ/ገብሪኤል	፳፭/25
፲፫	ጉዕሽ ገ/ማርያም ገብሩ	፳፮/26
፲፬	ሞጎስ ጻሃየ ገብሩ	፳/20
፲፭	ገ/ሃንስ ኪዳነማርያም ተኹሉ	፵፪/42
፲፮	ገብረመድህን ብርሃነ ስቋር	፳፩/21
፲፯	የማነ ተስፋሁነይ	፳፮/26
፲፰	መለስ ኣለም ዋሲሁን	፳፮/26
፲፱	ሙቁር መኰነን	፴/30
፳	የማነ ኣለማዮ ሃይሉ	፳/20
፳፩	ሓለፎም ወልደጊዎርግስ ዝወሎ	፲፮/16
፳፪	ክብሮም ገብረመድህን	፴/30
፳፫	ሓዱሽ መኰነን	፳፬/24
፳፬	ዘኣማኑኤል መኰነን	፵፮/46
፳፭	ገብረዮሃንስ ገብረማርያም	፵/40
፳፮	ገብረመስቀል ኣለማዮህ ጽገ	፵/40
፳፯	ሰሎሞን ኣሰፋ ገብሩ	፵፯/47
፳፰	ይኩኖም ገብረማርያም ስብሓት	፳፪/22
፳፱	ነጋሲ ብርሃነ ገብረማርያም	፳፪/22
፴	በሪሁ ገብረዮሃንስ ገብረመድህን	፳፮/26
፴፩	ገብረመድህን ገብረጻድቃን	፴፭/35
፴፪	ያይንሸት ገብረዋህድ ደሱ	፳፯/27
፴፫	ክብሮም ምዓሾ	፴/30
፴፬	መለስ ገብረኪዳን ገብሩ	፳፰/28
፴፭	ምሓሪ መረሳ	፳፭/25
፴፮	ጉዑሽ ካሕሳይ በርሀ	፴፭/35
፴፯	መብራህቱ ፍስሃ በርሀ	፴፪/32
፴፰	ገብረሚካኤል ኣማረ	፴፭/35
፴፱	ገብረእዝጊ መስፍን	፷/60
፵	ተወልደ በየነ	፴/30
፵፩	ሃይለ ትኩዎት	፵፭/45
፵፪	ሃይለ መኰነን	፵/40
፵፫	ማሙ መኰነን	፳፭/25
፵፬	ኣሰፋ ረዳ	፷/60
፵፭	ወልደሚካኤል ኪዳነማርያም	፷፭/65
፵፮	ገብሪኤል ኣማረ ገብረማርያም	፴፪/32
፵፯	ክብሮም ገብረኪዳን ጽገ	፴/30
፵፰	ምዑዝ መብራህቱ ኣብርሃ	፳፬/24
፵፱	ሓጐስ ታረቀ ኣበራ	፴፰/38
፶	ዲያቆን ኤፍሬም ምዓሾ ኣበራ	፴፭/35
፶፩	ገብረዋህድ ገብረጻድቃን ወልደዮውሃንስ	፴፫/33
፶፪	ገብረጅወግስ መኰነን ተስፋይ	፴/30

#TigrayGenocide | The Mahbere Dego Clifftop Massacre in Ethiopia | የማኅበረ ደጎ ገደል ጫፍ እልቂት

🔥 Who’s Committed This Massacre in Ethiopia?

The BBC has obtained a series of disturbing videos, which later circulated on social media.

They appear to show the massacre of unarmed civilians in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, by people wearing Ethiopian army uniforms.

A BBC Africa Eye team has investigated where this took place and what the shocking videos tell us.

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France24 | Abiy Ahmed Cracks Down on Regional Revolts Ahead of ‘Elections’

„A curse from God / የእግዚአብሔር መቅሰፍት”

ልብ እንበል፤ የፈረንሳይ ቴሌቪዥን በላሊበላ ጉዳይ ነው ውይይቱን የጀመረው! ታች ካሉት ቪዲዮች ጋር እናነጻጽረው! 

Just last week, 20 French Military Generals said ‘a MILITARY COUP MAY BE NECESSARY to Save France From Islamic terrorism. Similar calls should be made to save Ethiopia from Terrorist Abiy Ahmed Ali.

Can the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia keep it together? Change has become increasingly bloody it seems since the 2012 death of longtime leader Meles Zenawi, Meles a Tigrean whose home region is now in open revolt against the central government. There, conventional fighting is morphing into guerrilla warfare with reprisals against civilians fueling a vicious circle. Elsewhere, regional and ethnic tensions are also on the rise.

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France24 | #TigrayGenocide | #TigrayGenocidio | #TigrayGenozid | የዘር ማጥፋት በትግራይ

ይህ በታሪካችን ታይቶም ተሰምቶም የማይታወቅና ከመቶ ሰላሳ ዓመታት በፊት የጀመረው የዘር ማጥፋት ዘመቻ የትግራይን ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖች ለማጥፋት የታቀደ/የተፈለገ ነው። በሚያሳዝን መልክ ዛሬ የትንቢት መፈጸሚያዎች በሆኑት በኦሮሞዎች + በአማራዎች + በፕሮቴስታንቶች + በሙስሊሞች፣ ምናልባትም በኢ-አማንያን የህወሃት ሃይላት በደንብ ተቀናጅቶና ለቁጥጥር እንደሚያመቻቸው ተደርጎ የሚካሄድ ዲያብሎሳዊ ዘመቻ ነው። ወዮላቸው!

እንደነዚህ የሰይጣን 😈 ጭፍሮች ከሆነ በትግራይ የሚገኘው፣ በጽዮን ማርያም እቅፍ የምትጠበቀዋ ጥንታዊቷና የመጀመሪያዋ ክርስትና መጥፋት አለበት። ስለዚህ በሕዝቡ ላይ ጦርነት መከፈት አለበት፣ ሕዝቡ ለረሃብና በሽታዎች መጋለጥ አለበት። የሁሉንም የህብረተሰብ ክፍል ነው እያጠቁት ያሉት፤ የዋልድማ ገዳም አባቶቻችንንም በዚህ መልክ እየተተናኮሏቸው፣ እያንገላቷቸው፣ እያሳደዷቸውና እየገደሏቸው ያሉት በማይታየው ዓለም የሚካሄደውን ስውር መንፈሳዊ ውጊያ ስላልቻሉት ነው። ኤዶማውያኑ እና እስማኤላውያኑ ለዘረጉት ዲያብሎሳዊ ተልዕኳቸው እንቅፋት የሆነባቸው ኃይል የት እንደሚገኝ በቴክኖሎጂዎቻቸው አማካኝነት አስሰውታል። አዎ! በትግራይ እንደሚገኝ ደርሰውበታል። እንደነሱ ከሆነ ጥንታዊው “አሮጌ” ዓለም ሙሉ በሙሉ እስካልተወገደ ድረስ አዲሱ ሉሲፈራዊ የዓለም ሥርዓት ለመመሥረት አይቻልም።

አባቶቻችን፣ እናቶቻችን፣ ወንድሞቻችና እኅቶቻችና ልጆቻቸው ሁሉ እየተሰቃዩ ነው፤ የእነርሱ ስቃይና መከራ ግን በጣም ለአጭር ጊዜ ነው፤ በእነርሱ ላይ ግፍ እየሠሩ ያሉት የሰይጣን ጭፍሮች ግን ዘላለማዊ ሰቃይና መከራ ይጠብቃቸዋል።

✞✞✞[፩ኛ የጴጥሮስ መልእክት ምዕራፍ ፭፰፡፲፩]✞✞✞

“በመጠን ኑሩ ንቁም፥ ባላጋራችሁ ዲያብሎስ የሚውጠውን ፈልጎ እንደሚያገሣ አንበሳ ይዞራልና፤ በዓለም ያሉት ወንድሞቻችሁ ያን መከራ በሙሉ እንዲቀበሉ እያወቃችሁ በእምነት ጸንታችሁ ተቃወሙት።

በክርስቶስ ኢየሱስ ወደ ዘላለም ክብሩ የጠራችሁ የጸጋ ሁሉ አምላክ ለጥቂት ጊዜ መከራን ከተቀበላችሁ በኋላ ራሱ ፍጹማን ያደርጋችኋል ያጸናችሁምል ያበረታችሁማል።

ለእርሱ ክብርና ኃይል እስከዘላለም ድረስ ይሁን፤ አሜን።“

✞✞✞[ኦሪት ዘዳግም ምዕራፍ ፫፥፳፪]✞✞✞

“አምላካችሁ እግዚአብሔር እርሱ ስለ እናንተ ይዋጋልና አትፍራቸውም ብዬ አዘዝሁት።”

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ትግሬ-ጠል ከሆኑት የኦሮማራ ልሂቃን አንዱን እንተዋወቃቸው | ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ ሙጬ

💭 በቪዲዮው የተካተቱት ጽሑፎች፦

🔥 የትግሬ–ጠልነት ማስጠንቀቂያ!

🔥 የአማራውን አንጎል በዋቄዮ–አላህ–አቴቴ መንፈስ ለማጥመቅ ከፍተኛ ሚና ከተጫወቱት ግብዝና ትግሬ–ጠል ልሂቃን አንዱ ኦሮማራው ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ ሙጬ።

🔥 ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ የአረመኔው የኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ አድናቂ? ዋው! ኢሳያስንን እና ግራኝ አብዮትን ከጦር ወንጀል ክስ ነጻ ለማደርግ ያልሆነ ዝባዝንኬ ይቀበጣጥራሉ! ቅሌት ነው!

🔥 ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ የግራኝ ቅጥረኛው፤ “ኤርትራ እና ኢትዮጵያ አንድ ሕዝብ ስለሆንን የኤርትራ ወታደሮች ወደ ትግራይ ገብተው ትግራዋይን ቢጨፈጭፉ መብት አላቸው”

🔥 ኤርትራ፣ ሶማሌ፣ ኤሚራቶች ግን ጣልቃ መግባት አለባቸው፤ አይደል ፕሮፍ?

🔥 ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ የግራኝ ቅጥረኛው፤ “አብይ አህመድ የኤርትራ ወታደሮች በኢትዮጵያ የሉም ብሎ ለአራት ወራት ያህል መዋሸቱን ይቅርታ እናደርግለታለን!”ዋውውውውውውውው!

🔥 ይችን የት ነው የሰማናት? አዎ ከሌላው ጋላማራ ልሂቅ ከሻለቃ ዳዊት ወ/ጊዮርጊስ አላየንም፣ አልሰማንም፣ አናውቅም፤ ስለዚህ ጭፍጨፋው ይቀጥል!እግዚኦ! ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ ደቡብ አፍሪቃ ነው ያሉት፤ ከሳቸው ግን የትግራይ ጉዳይ በጣም ያሳሰባቸው ደቡብ አፍሪቃዊው የአንግሊካን ቤተ ክርስቲያን ሊቀ–ጳጳስ ታቦ ማክጎባ ተሻሉ። እንዴት አንድ አስተዋይ፣ ብልህና አርቆ አሳቢ አማራ፣ ኦሮሞ ወይም ኦሮማራ ይጥፋ? ያሳዝናል!

🔥 ምንም ዓይነት የሰብዓዊነት ስሜት የማያሳዩትን እነዚህን ከንቱዎች እንዲህ ያስቀበጣጥርናል፤ ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ በተዘዋዋሪ፤“በወያኔ ዘመን ትግሬዎች ስምንት ሚሊየን አማራዎችን ገድለዋልና፤ ዛሬ ስምንት ሚሊየን ትግራዋያን መጨፍጨፍ አለብን!” እግዚኦ!

🔥 የ“ፓን አፍሪካኒስቱ” ፕሮፌሰር ማሞ ሙጬ + አማራ + ኦሮሞ + ኦሮማራ ልሂቃኑ ከንቱ ሕልምና

በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ጦርነት የከፈቱበት ዋናው ዓላማ፤ ተዋሕዶ ትግራዋይን ከአፍሪቃ ምድር አጥፍተው፤

ጣዖታዊት/እስላማዊት ኩሽ ኦሮሚያን መመስረት ነው።

💭 ሕልም አይከለከልም፤ የእነዚህ የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚዎች ሕልም ግን በቅርቡ ወደ ዘግናኝ ቅዠት እንደሚለወጥ ፻/100% እርገጠኛ ሆኜ መናገር እደፍራለሁ።

የትግራይ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖች ጠላቶቻቸው እነማን እንደሆኑ በከፊልም ቢሆን ቀስበቀስ እያወቁት የመጡ ይመስለኛል። የትግራይ ወገኖቼ በዚህ ወቅት መጠየቅ ያለባቸው አንድ በጣም ቁልፍ የሆነ ጉዳይ ግን ከዚህ በፊት የቻይና እና አልባንያን ኮሙኒዝም በትግራይ ምድር ለማስፈን ቆርጠው ተነስተው የነበሩትና፤ ልክ የቆሻሻው አብዮት አህመድ ብልግና ፓርቲ “ተዋሕዶ ክርስትና ለብልጽግና እና እድገት እንቅፋት ናት፤ መጥፋት አለባት” እንደሚለው እነርሱም ከዚህ በፊት ተዋሕዶን ከትግራይ ምድር ለማጥፋት ሲዝቱ የነበሩት የእነ አቶ ስብሐት ነጋ አጋሮች ይህን አስመልክቶ ዛሬ ያላቸው አቋምስ ምንድን ነው? ለምንድንስ ነው የትግራይን ሕዝብ በመጨፍጨፍ፣ በማስራብና አስገድደው በመድፈር ላይ ካሉትና ማንም ልክደው በማይችለው መልክ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ቀንደኛ መንፈሳዊ ጠላት ከሆኑት የኦሮሞ ልሂቃን ጋር ዛሬም ተባብረው በመስራት ላይ ያሉት? ምናልባት ሁሉም ተናብበው በአንድነት በመሥራት የትግራይን ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖች በጦርነት፣ በረሃብና በበሽታ የማጥፋት ፍላጎት ይኖራቸው ይሆን? ይህ ቀላል ጉዳይ አይደለም! እኔ ብሳሳት ይሻላል እንጂ ይህ ሰሞኑን እንቅልፍ እየነሳኝ ያለው “ምናልባት ሁሉም በጦርነት ስም ተባብረው ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖችን ከትግራይ ምድር ለማጥፋት እየሠሩ ይሆናል” የሚለው ጥርጣሬዬ ትክክል ከሆነ ግን ትልቅ፣ እጅግ በጣም ትልቅ ወንጀልና ሲዖል የሚያስገባ ከባድ ኅጢዓት ነው!!!

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