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Posts Tagged ‘Eritreans’

Thousands Missing As People Flee Tigray | ሰዎች ከትግራይ ሲሸሹ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ጠፍተዋል

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 24, 2021

The Eritrean army are occupying villages in Tigray, displacing thousands of residents and refugees.

Eritrean Army Destroys Refugee Camps | የኤርትራ ጦር የስደተኞች ካምፕን አፈረሰ

👉 ባዕዳውያኑ በደንብ አይተውታል ፥ SkyNews

Eritrea has partnered up with Abiy Ahmed to eliminate the People of Tigray

አብይ አህመድ የትግራይ ህዝብን ለማጥፋት ከኤርትራ ጋር አጋር ሆኗል

አሁን ኤርትራ ከሁለት ዐሥርት ዓመታት በላይ ሕወሓትን ያስተዳደረችውን የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ፥ እና ህዝብን ፥ ለማጥፋት ባደረገው ሙከራ ኤርትራ ከአብይ አህመድ ጋር አጋር ሆናለች።

Ethiopia’s Tigray Conflict: The ‘Twisted Joke’ of Denial in The Violence is Finally Laid Bare

For the past five months the head of the Ethiopian government has adamantly denied the existence of Eritrean troops, together with their military hardware, in the northern region of Tigray.

Today, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed dropped the pretence, admitting in the country’s House of People’s Representatives there were Eritrean soldiers, “guarding the border against the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front).”

The statement constitutes official acceptance of the blatantly obvious.

The near-ubiquitous presence of Eritrean soldiers within northern Ethiopia has become something of a twisted joke among locals in Tigrayan cities like Shire.

Dressed in distinctive light camouflage, the Eritreans drive into the central business district to buy supplies, get their vehicles fixed or pick up new equipment.

A short drive outside the city brings you into contract with checkpoints manned by surly Eritrean soldiers.

When we tried to visit the remains of the Hitsats refugee camp – one of two camps thought to have been attacked by Eritrean troops in mid-November – we were stopped by a man in an officer’s cap.

“N’tsaeda seb sifkedn” or “no white people allowed” he barked.

Eritrean soldiers giving orders in Ethiopia: we did as we were told and turned the car around.

There was plenty of evidence of extensive co-operation between leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea before prime minister Ahmed made his announcement today.

Locked in combat for years, the Ethiopian head and Isias Afwerki, the dictatorial leader of Eritrea, inked a peace deal back in 2018. It was a diplomatic breakthrough that bagged Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize.

Now, Eritrea has partnered up with Abiy Ahmed in his attempt to eliminate the political party – and people – who ran Tigray for over two decades, the TPLF.

A mixture of Ethiopian and Eritrean troops control the main cities and highways in Tigray and we spotted Eritrean tanks, armoured vehicles and trucks crammed with troops populating an area stretching from Shire up to the Eritrean border.

We stopped at a village and began to chat to group of local women.

The attacks on Shimelba and Hitsats, which are believed to have occurred on or around 19 November, took place amid heavy fighting with the TPLF and may constitute the single worst atrocity in this vicious conflict.

I spoke to a man who said he had witnessed the attack.

“What happened to the people who were here?” I asked.

He said: “People were killed by bullets. Heavy weapons and the tanks were firing and the houses were burnt. This is when the people fled. If they caught them, they killed them. It was the Eritrean army doing this.”

Aid officials told us that Eritrean soldiers attacked Hitsats camp at approximately the same time as Shimelba.

We spoke to man who was living in Hitsats when the troops moved in and he told us he was absolutely terrified.

He said: “When we heard the gunshots, people were running all over, to the left and right. I was (living) in ‘Zone D’ and my friend in Zone A was killed.”

“Sammy” says he was interrogated by troops who accused him of working for anti-government parties and an opposition media organisation called ASENA.

He survived several rounds of questioning and was held with other camp residents for the next two months without food and clean water to drink.

“I cry when I think of it. We ate moringa leaves. We passed our time by eating moringa, crushing and eating the leaves. We were really starving,” he said.

“There was no food or water. I wish I’d never been a refugee.”

In late January, the residents of Shimelba were ordered to leave the camp and ordered to walk 100km to the Eritrean border.

Sammy, who had fled the country in 2019 to avoid mandatory, life-time service in the Eritrean military, realised he was going to be forcibly returned.

“I was limping, there was blisters on my feet. We were injured,” he said.

“We would have preferred to die. It was difficult.”

When he arrived in the border town of Sheraro, the refugee concocted a plan to escape.

He asked a soldier if he could approach a local household and beg for scraps of food as the Eritrean Army had not provided them with anything to eat on their three-day march.

The soldier acquiesced and Sammy used the opportunity to slip away.

The majority were less fortunate.

Aid officials told Sky News they believe thousands of camp residents from Shimelba and Hitsats were forced to return to Eritrea with some required to sign “confession documents” on the way.

The present status of these individuals in unknown.

Sky News understands there were approximately 35,000 residents in both camps but only 7,000 have re-registered as refugees in Ethiopia.

Of this group, the majority have relocated to two other camps in western Tigray (Adi Harush and Mai Aini).

We also know that several hundred Eritreans escaped to Sudan, a thousand or so may be living in Shire and a small number have travelled to cities like the capital Addis Ababa.

That leaves a large number of refugees from both camps unaccounted for – with aid officials here in Ethiopia hugely concerned for their safety.

They fear that many thousands have been killed or abducted back to Eritrea – the country the risked their lives to flee.

Source

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Thousands Flee War Torn Ethiopia as Tigray Crisis Escalates

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 6, 2021

More than 60,000 Ethiopians from the northern war-torn Tigray region have fled to Sudan and several thousands are struggling to access basic needs like electricity, water and medical help as the military conflict between the government and Tigray People’s Liberation Front continues to escalate. Stephen Cornish, Director General of Doctors Without Borders-Geneva joins from Geneva, Switzerland to discuss the humanitarian crisis

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USCRI | Ethiopia & Eritrea are Accountable for the Disappearance of 20,000 Refugees from Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 10, 2021

ከትግራይ ክልል የመጡ ስደተኞች መጥፋታቸውን በተመለከተ ገለልተኛ የተባበሩት መንግስታት ድርጅት ምርመራ እንዲያካሂድ የአሜሪካ የስደተኞች ኮሚቴ ጥሪ አቀረበ።

የአሜሪካ የስደተኞች ኮሚቴ የኢትዮጵያ እና የኤርትራ መንግስታት ለጠፉት 20 ሺህ ተሰደዱ ዜጎች ህይወት ተጠያቂ እንዲሆኑ ይጠይቃል።

USCRI Statement Calling for an Independent United Nations Investigation into the Disappearance of Refugees from the Tigray Region of Ethiopia

The U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI) demands accountability of the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments for the lives of the 20,000 disappeared refugees

The U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI) is an international non-governmental organization that has advocated for the human rights of refugees and immigrants for 110 years. USCRI is gravely concerned about the United Nations’ report that 20,000 Eritrean refugees from the refugee camps in the Tigray region of Ethiopia have disappeared and cannot be found. There is strong evidence that some of the missing have been detained, killed, or forcibly repatriated to Eritrea in violation of international refugee law. USCRI calls for an immediate independent United Nations investigation into these disappearances.

Until November of 2020, the Hitsats and Shimelba refugee camps in northern Tigray were home to over 25,000 refugees from Eritrea. After the Ethiopian government launched a military offensive against the Tigray Regional Government in November, about 4,000 of these refugees fled to other camps in southern Tigray. The rest— over 20,000 people— are unaccounted for, and the U N believes they are dispersed in areas to which it does not have access. Credible accounts indicate that at least some of the missing are in critical danger, as refugees have reported that armed actors infiltrated the camps, killed, raped and abducted people, and Eritrean troops have forced some of the refugees back to Eritrea.

Satellite imagery from the Hitsats and Shimelba camps indicates that the camps were systematically destroyed by military forces over a two-month period, although it is unclear whether the destruction was caused by Eritrea’s military or Ethiopia’s. The Ethiopian government has denied the presence of Eritrean forces in Tigray, despite reports that they are “everywhere” in the region. In addition to forced repatriations by Eritrea, in December the Ethiopian government began returning fleeing Eritrean refugees back to the camps in Tigray, causing international concern for their safety.

The Ethiopian government has also prohibited journalists and humanitarian actors, including the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (U N C H R), from accessing the Hitsats and Shimelba refugee camps to investigate the situation or provide humanitarian aid. This has led to grave concerns for the wellbeing of the refugees still living in the camps. When Ethiopia finally granted access to the Mai-Aini and Adi-Harush refugee camps in southern Tigray in January, UNHCR found refugees in need of food and other necessities.

Ethiopia is a party to both the 1951 U N Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (Refugee Convention) and the 1967 U N Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees. Article 33 of the Convention requires that states adhere to the principle of “non-refoulement,” that no state “shall expel or return… a refugee against his or her will, in any manner whatsoever, to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion.” Ethiopia must prevent the forced repatriation of Eritrean refugees from Ethiopia. The government must also commit to not returning refugees to the camps in Tigray, where they will be susceptible to abduction and forced repatriation.

Article 35 of the Refugee Convention and Article II of the Protocol require states to cooperate with UNHCR to allow it to respond to refugee crises. The Ethiopian government has clearly violated this provision by withholding access to Tigray. USCRI calls on the Ethiopian government to provide immediate and unfettered access to Tigray for UNHCR, other humanitarian aid and human rights organizations, and journalists.

“USCRI demands accountability of the Ethiopian and Eritrean governments for the lives of the 20,000 disappeared refugees. Both countries must commit to upholding the rights of refugees under the Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol. As such, USCRI urges the United Nations to immediately open an independent investigation into these disappearances,” said Eskinder Negash, president and CEO of USCRI.

ከአውሬ ወንድሙ ከኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ ጋር ከሰሩት አሰቃቂ ወንጀል ለመሸሽ ይመስላል በትናንትናው ዕለት አረመኔው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ “ህፃፅ እና ሽመልባ” የተባሉትን ሁለት የኤርትራዊያን ስደተኞች መጠለያ ጣቢያዎች ለመዝጋት ወሰነ። የኢትዮጵያ የተሰኘው የኦሮሚያ አህዛብ (ሰ) አራዊትና የኤርትራ የተባለው የኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ አህዛብ (ሰ) አራዊት ሁለቱን የትግራይ መጠለያ ጣቢያዎች ማቃጠላቸውን የሚያሳዩ የሳተላይት ምስሎች ሳይቀሩ አሉ። ለነገሩማ አሜሪካውያኑም አውሮፓውያኑም ሁሉም ሁሉንም ጭፍጨፋና ውድመት የማየት አጋጣሚው አላቸው፤ ጸጥ ብለው እንደ ተከታታይ አሰቃቂ ሪያሊቲ ቲቪ “ትዕይንት” በሞኒተሮቻቸው እየተከታተሉት ነው።

“በትናንትናው ዕለት አውሬው ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ ከአሥር ዓመታት በላይ የታሰሩትን ፸/70 ክርስቲያኖችን ለቀቃቸው”። ይህ እንግዲህ በትግራይ ላይ እየፈጸመው ያለውን ወንጀል ዓለም አቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ ቸል እንዲልለት ልክ እንደ አብዮት አህመድ እሱም የሚጠቀምበት እባባዊ/ ግራኛዊ ስልት መሆኑ ነው። ቆሻሾች!

እንደው ሃያ ሺህ ምስኪን ወገኖቻችንን ምን አድርገዋቸው ይሆን? እንደለመዱት ጨለማን ተገን አድርገው ጨፍጭፈዋቸው ይሆን? ሃያ ሺህ? ኡ! ኡ!

በትግራይ እየተከሰተ ያለው የግፍና ሰቆቃ ደረጃ ዓለማችን አይታው የምታውቅ አይመስለኝም፤ ታዲያ ይህ ሁሉ ጉድ በሃገራችን እየተከሰተ በአዲስ አበባ፣ በጎንደር፣ በጅማ እና ናዝሬት የሚኖር ሌላው “ወገን” የተባለው ምንም እንዳልተከሰተ በልቶና ጠጥቶ በሰላም ሊተኛ ይችላል?

እስኪ አዲስ አበባን ልቃኝ ብዬ ወደ ዩቲውብ ስገባ “ባላገሩ” የተሰኘው የአውሬው ቻነል ያቀረበው የዘፈንና ዳንኪራ ቪዲዮ በሦስት ቀናት ብቻ እስከ መቶ ሃምሳ ሽህ ተመልካቾችን አግኝቷል። በሌላ በኩል ትናንትና “ዶንኪ ቲውብ” የተሰኘው ቻነል ላይ “ከመምህር ዘበነ ለማ ጋር የተደረገ ጨዋታ” በሚል የቀረበው ቪዲዮ መቶ ሰባ ዓምስት ሽህ ተመልካቾች ጎብኝተውታል። እግዚኦ! ነው ያልኩት። እንደው ስንት ግፍ በሚሰራባት ሃገራችን፣ የስንቱ ወገናችን ደም እንዲሁ በከንቱ በሚፈስበት በዚህ የዓለም ፍጻሜ ዘመን እያዘንን እና እያነባን ለንስሐ እንድንበቃ ከመትጋት ይልቅ በይፋ፣ ያውም በቴሌቪዥን እየቀረብን ለዘፈን፣ ለዳንኪራና ለጨዋታ“መኖር” ይገባናልን? ምን ዓይነት ከንቱ ትውልድ ቢሆን ነው?!

🔥 ❖ በዓለም መጨረሻ ላይ የዳንኪራ እና ጭፈራ ድግስ🔥

እ.አ.አ በ2016 ዓ.ም አንድ የኦርላንዶ ፍሎሪዳ የግብረ-ሰዶማውያን ዳንኪራ ቤት በመሀመዳውያኑ የሽብር ጥቃት ደርሶበት ፵፱/49 ጨፋሪዎች ተገድለው ነበር። ይህን አስመልክቶ ወግ አጥባቂው ግን እራሱ ግብረ-ሰዶማዊ የሆነው ታዋቂው ብሪታኒያዊ ጋዜጠኛ ዳግላስ መሬይ ሁኔታውን እንዲህ ሲል መስክሮለታል፤ “መላው ክስተት በዓለም መጨረሻ ላይ የዳንኪራ እና ጭፈራ ድግስ”

የምሽት ክበብ ፣ ሁሉም ይደንሳል፡፡ እነሱ ይጨፍራሉ፣ ይደንሳሉ፣ በጥይት ይመታሉ ፣ ሲጨፍሩ ሞተዋል፤ ሲሞቱ ጨፍረዋል። የቅዳሜ ምሽት ነው ፣ የቅዳሜ ምሽት ነው እናም ፍሎሪዳዊ አኗኗር ዘይቤን ይመራሉ ፣ ለዚህ ሁሉ አሰልቺ ነገር ግድ አይሰጡም ፣ ስለ ተስፋ አስቆራጭ፣ ደባሪ አሰልቺ ነገሮች አያስቡም። በመደወያው መጨረሻ ላይ አንድ ቦታ እነዚህ አሰልቺ የዜና አውታሮች ነበሩ ፣ በየቀኑ ስለእነዚህ አሰልቺ ነገሮች የሚናገሩ ሰዎች አሉ ግን እነርሱ ግድ አይሰጡትም ምክንያቱም ህይወት በጣም ጥሩ ነው ይላሉ ፣ በደቡባዊ ፍሎሪዳ ውስጥ ናቸውና፣ በጣም ጥሩ ቦታ ነው የአየር ንብረቱ ፣ ድንቅ ከተማ ነች ፣ ሌሊቱን በሙሉ ድግስ ማድረግ ይወዳሉ እና ይህ የሌሊት ምሽት ግብዣ ነው እናም በዓለም መጨረሻ ወደ ግብዣው በመሄድ በጥይት እየተመቱ ይደፋሉ፤ አጠገቡ ያልተመታው ግን ሆእያለ ይጨፍራል፣ ዳንሱን ቀጥሏል፤ ሌላው ይደፋል፣ ሌላው እየተደሰተ ዳንሱን ቀጥሏል። በዓለም መጨረሻ ላይ የዳንኪራ እና ጭፈራ ድግስ።

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UN | 20,000 Refugees Missing in Tigray | ፳/20 ሺህ ስደተኞች በትግራይ ጠፍተዋል

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 2, 2021

As many as 20,000 refugees are missing after two camps in Ethiopia’s war-torn Tigray region were smashed, the United Nations said.

The refugees, most of whom are from neighboring Eritrea, fled from the Hitsats and Shimelba shelters which were destroyed in fighting that erupted in Tigray in November. In January, satellite images showed the destruction of two refugee camps sheltering thousands of Eritreans in the region.

About 3,000 people made it to another camp in Mai-Aini, which the United Nations has access to, according to Filippo Grandi, the UN’s High Commissioner for Refugees. Many refugees “were caught in crossfire, abducted and forced to return to Eritrea under duress by Eritrean forces,” Grandi said, citing testimony presented to him at a visit to the camp while on a four-day trip for meetings with officials in Ethiopia.

The situation in Tigray is extremely grave and urgent support is necessary to prevent the situation worsening, Grandi said. “Our main priority is to gain access to deliver aid and protection.” Communications in the region remain impeded by a government shutdown of telecommunications networks. Relief agencies including the International Committee of the Red Cross have said they’re unable to access

Source

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Five Eritreans Were Shot by Afghans – And French Police Moved in “to Protect The Afghans„

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 3, 2018

Un’Christian’ Europe indeed preferes light-skinned Muslims to dark-skinned Christians!

Smugglers Blamed After Five Migrants Shot In Calais

Four migrants were fighting for their lives on Friday after being shot during a giant brawl in Calais, in what the French government called an “intolerable” escalation of violence in a port that serves as a gateway to Britain.

Twenty-two people were hospitalised with injuries after three fights across the city on Thursday that drew in hundreds of the migrants camped out in the hope of stowing away on trucks bound for England, according to officials.

Four Eritreans between 16 and 20 years old were shot in the neck, chest, abdomen and spine at a food distribution point, and remained in critical condition Friday evening. A fifth who was also shot was not facing life-threatening injuries.

Police were searching for a 37-year-old Afghan, a suspected migrant smuggler, over the attack.

The prefecture of the Pas-de-Calais had said earlier that two confrontations between Afghan and Eritrean migrants culminated in the gunfire. It is unusual for migrants to carry firearms.

The shootings are the most serious clash in recent times between migrants around Calais. French Interior Minister Gerard Collomb headed to the city for late-night meetings with officials.

Tensions have been high in Calais, where hundreds of migrants hoping to sneak across the English Channel huddle against the cold and police have orders to try to keep them from setting up camp. However, some officers have been criticized for overzealous policing.

The Pas-de-Calais prefecture said security forces were trying to protect Afghan migrants during a melee with Eritreans when the injuries happened.

The prefecture said the gunfire was the culmination of a showdown between Afghan and Eritrean migrants, fighting each other with sticks and stones, after a meal distribution near the Calais hospital, outside the town center.

In a second confrontation, up to 200 Eritrean migrants cornered 30 Afghans near the former site of a makeshift migrant camp that housed thousands of people before it was evacuated and destroyed in October 2016.

After police moved in “to protect the Afghan migrants,” the four were shot, the prefecture said.

There were no signs of tension at the site of the attack on Friday, but, according to an official source, raids by states services “intensified”, with several buses taking mainly Afghan migrants to other centres in the region.

Contine reading…

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Eritrean Refugee: “It’s Better to Die in the Sea Than to Stay in Libya”

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 10, 2017

Migrants Are Being Sold At Open Slave Markets In Libya

  • It is better to die than stay in Libya:’ Libya’s Slave Markets Remind Us of Flaws in EU Migration Plans
  • Migrants from West Africa are being openly traded in “public slave markets” across Libya.

I was horrified when I read the International Organization for Migration (IOM) report last week on sub-Saharan Africans being sold and bought in open markets in Libya—but I was not surprised.

During a recent visit to Italy, I spoke with dozens of men and women from East and West Africa who recently arrived in Sicily from Libya. They recounted extreme acts of cruelty at the hands of human smugglers, members of the Libyan coastguard, state-run detention center workers and locals.

I was sold twice,” a young man from Guinea told me on the tiny island of Lampedusa, just days after he arrived by boat from Libya. “I was sold to an Arab man who forced me to work and told me to call my family so they would send money. He sold me to another Arab man who forced me to work for him, too.” The young man was only able to leave once his family sent enough money to free him.

Read more: African migrants smuggled into Libya are being sold at ‘modern-day slave markets’

The slave trade affects women, too. A young woman from Nigeria told me: “As a female, you can’t walk alone in the street. Even if they don’t shoot you, [if] you’re black, they’ll just take you and sell you.” One man, also from Guinea, said that women are more expensive to buy than men.

Women also face shocking levels of sexual abuse. A United Nations official told me that of the migrants and asylum seekers in Libya, “almost every woman” has been sexually abused.

In this context, it is astounding that the European Union is working hard to keep people off its shores, even if it means leaving them in Libya. As outlined in a declaration in Malta in February, EU heads of state have promised to train and equip the Libyan coastguard and are hoping to “ensure [there are] adequate reception capacities and conditions in Libya for migrants.”

With summer weather approaching—bringing better conditions for crossing the Mediterranean—the EU and its member states are working with a sense of urgency that is palpable.

Training the Libyan coastguard is a welcome move if it contributes to saving lives and treating those rescued with humanity and respect. But the question of what happens after they are rescued is key: People are currently taken to detention centers where they are held in inhuman conditions.

Describing such centers, asylum seekers and migrants told me they had been beaten and forced to ask their relatives for money, that sometimes those who could not pay were shot, and that they were hardly fed at all. In addition, the collusion between smugglers and people running some detention centres is no secret.

Absent from the EU plan is what happens to people who fled their homes because of violence or persecution. Many of those arriving in Italy via Libya are in this category, among them Eritreans, Somalis, Sudanese, and people fleeing other countries because it is unsafe for them, often because of their political activities or sexual orientation.

The EU is focused on increasing the number of people returning from Libya to their country of origin, but there does not seem to be any consideration for those who cannot do so safely.

Despite the ongoing chaos and violence in Libya there is an absence—with very few exceptions—of international staff, including those from the EU, the U.N., and humanitarian organizations on the ground. As such, the idea that the situation for migrants and asylum seekers will dramatically improve in the coming months is utterly unrealistic.

One Eritrean man told me that “it’s better to die in the sea than to stay in Libya.” Smugglers had chained him to the ground by the ankles for three days when he was unable to pay the money they demanded. It is little surprise that for people like him, risking their lives crossing the Mediterranean seems like the only option.

Source

Islam’s Never-Ending Wars in Africa

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Calais: An Eritrean Christian Boy Is Refused Uk Entry In ‘shambolic’ Selection Process

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on October 18, 2016

calaimigrants

Again, the most in need like Daniel, with a Judeo-Christian heritage are left behind because cheating 45-year-old Arabs & Afghans are taking their places.

whaaaat

Daniel Gadi, a nine-year-old boy, from Eritrea, in Africa, whose mother is dead, is among those still stranded in France.

Continue reading…

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Sold as a Sex Slave and Forced to Convert to Islam: Eritrean Christian Woman’s Extraordinary Escape From Islamic State

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on August 21, 2016

EthioSeAAT

On the night of June 2, 2015, gunmen blocked a highway on Libya’s northern coast and stopped a white truck speeding toward Tripoli, the capital. The men trained their assault rifles on the driver. Three climbed aboard to search the cargo.

Ruta Fisehaye, a 24-year-old Eritrean, was lying on the bed of the truck’s first trailer. Beside her lay 85 Eritrean men and women, one of whom was pregnant. A few dozen Egyptians hid in the second trailer. All shared one dream – to reach Europe.

The gunmen ordered the migrants off the truck. They separated Muslims from Christians and, then, men from women. They asked those who claimed to be Muslims to recite the Shahada, a pledge to worship only Allah. All of the Egyptians shouted the words in unison.

“There is no god but God. Muhammad is the messenger of God.”

“Allahu Akbar,” the gunmen called back.

Fisehaye realized then that she was in the hands of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. Her captors wore robes with beige camouflage print – clothes she had not seen on other men in Libya. Most of them hid behind black ski masks. A black flag waved from one of their pickup trucks.

“We were certain that they were taking us to our deaths,” recalled Fisehaye, a Christian who wears a black-thread necklace to symbolize her Orthodox faith. “We cried in despair.”

Her captors had another end in mind.

As Islamic State battles to expand in Libya, it is rewarding its warriors by exploiting the great exodus of African migrants bound for Europe.

Since the group emerged in Libya in late 2014, some 240,000 migrants and refugees have traversed the war-torn country. Over the past 18 months, Islamic State fighters have abducted at least 540 refugees in six separate ambushes, according to 14 migrants who witnessed the abductions and have since escaped to Europe.

The fighters then enslaved, raped, sold or exchanged at least 63 captive women, nine of whom described their ordeal in detail to Reuters. Their stories comprise the first corroborated account of how Islamic State turns refugee women into sex slaves using them as human currency to attract and reward fighters in Libya. It is the same blueprint of abuse it employed on Yazidi women in Syria and Iraq.

Because of its proximity to southern Europe, and its shared borders with six African nations, Libya is Islamic State’s most important outpost outside Syria and Iraq. It is territory that the group is fighting hard to defend.

In August, US fighter jets bombed Sirte – the stronghold of Islamic State in Libya – in an attempt to wrench the city from the group’s control. The airstrikes have revived a stalled military assault that Libyan brigades launched earlier this summer.

Sirte is strategically important for Islamic State. The city sits on a highway connecting two hubs of Libya’s people-smuggling trade – Ajdabiya in the northeast, where migrants stop to settle fees with smugglers, and fishing ports in the west, where boats depart for Europe every week.

From this bastion, Islamic State has found numerous ways to profit from the refugee crisis, despite the group’s declaration that migration is “a dangerous major sin” in the September issue of its magazine, “Dabiq.”

The extremist group has taxed smugglers in exchange for safe passage and has used well-beaten smuggling routes to bring in new fighters, according to Libyan residents interviewed by phone, a senior US official and a UN Security Council report published in July.

Brigadier Mohamed Gnaidy, an intelligence officer with local forces mustered by the nearby town of Misrata, says Islamic State has recruited migrants to join its ranks, offering them money and Libyan brides.

It has also extracted human chattel from the stream of refugees passing through its territory, according to the accounts of Fisehaye and the other survivors who were interviewed. Five of six mass kidnappings verified by Reuters took place on a 160-km stretch near Sirte in March, June, July, August and September of last year. The sixth occurred near Libya’s border with Sudan this January.

This story is based on interviews with Fisehaye, eight other women enslaved by Islamic State, and five men kidnapped by the group. Reuters spoke to the refugees in three European countries over four months. Two women agreed to speak on the record, risking the stigma that besets survivors of sexual violence. Reuters was unable to reach the Islamic State fighters in Libya or independently corroborate certain aspects of the women’s accounts.

Better shot than beheaded

Before she left Eritrea, Fisehaye felt trapped in her job as a storekeeper for a government-owned farm. Like most young Eritreans, she was a conscript in the country’s long-term national service, which lasts well beyond the 18 months mandated by law. She could hardly get by on her meager wages of $36 a month. But she also felt she could not quit and risk angering the state, which is often accused of human-rights violations.

Fisehaye, a petite woman whose smile easily takes over her entire face, decided to take a risk. In January 2015, she walked across the border into Sudan with a cousin and two friends, her heart set on Europe.

In Khartoum, Sudan’s capital, Fisehaye spent four months raising the $1,400 she needed to pay a smuggler for a trip to Libya. She tried and failed to find a lucrative job. So, like thousands of refugees before her, she called on relatives abroad to pitch in. She talked to recent émigrés and found an Eritrean smuggler whose clients gave him a glowing review.

Before setting off into the desert, she heard stories about armed outlaws who rape women in Libya. She paid a doctor for a contraceptive injection that would last for three months.

“Once you leave Eritrea, there is no going back. I did what any woman would do,” she said.

The first leg of her journey went off without a hitch. In May, her convoy crossed the Sahara and reached Ajdabiya in northeast Libya. Fisehaye believed the worst was behind her. Though no one counts migrants who die from sickness, starvation and violence in the desert, refugee groups say more may perish there than drown in the Mediterranean Sea.

“No one stopped us in the Sahara… and the smugglers told us we shouldn’t worry about Daesh,” she said, using an Arabic acronym for Islamic State. “I never expected to see an organised state like theirs in Libya.”

She was wrong.

On the night of the kidnapping, the armed Islamic State fighters ordered Fisehaye and the other Christians back onto the truck. The men climbed onto the front trailer and the women, 22 in all, onto the back. They drove east, threading the same road they had driven hours earlier. A pickup truck with a mounted machine gun trailed close behind.

A half hour later, the truck turned right onto a dirt road and the soft glow of a town’s lights shimmered ahead. A few male captives had seen videos of Islamic State beheadings. Realising the gunmen belonged to the group, the men jumped off and ran into the flat desert. Gunfire erupted. Some fell dead, others were rounded up. A few got away.

“We thought it would be better to get shot than beheaded,” Hagos Hadgu, one of the men who jumped off the truck, said in an interview in Hållsta, Sweden. He wasn’t caught that night and made it to Europe two months later. “We didn’t want to die with our hands and legs bound. Even an animal needs to writhe in the hour of death.”

The fighters deposited the migrants at an abandoned hospital perched in a scrubland near a desert town called Nawfaliyah. They searched the women for jewelry, lifting their sleeves and necklines with a rod, and hauled them into a small room where a Nigerian woman was being kept.

The next morning, one of the fighters’ leaders, a man from West Africa, paid the women a visit. He brought a young boy, one of at least seven Eritrean children Islamic State had kidnapped in March, to serve as his translator.

“Do you know who we are?” the man asked.

The women were silent.

“We are al-dawla al-Islamiyyah,” the man explained, using the Arabic for Islamic State.

He reminded the women that Islamic State was the group that had slain 30 Eritrean and Ethiopian Christians back in April, filmed the massacre, and posted the video online. The caliphate would spare their lives because they were women, he assured them, but only if they converted to Islam.

“Or we will let you rot here,” he warned.

Fisehaye found conversion an unholy thought. Along with the other women, she fired a volley of questions at the man: Can we call our families and tell them where we are? Can they pay you a ransom for our freedom? Can you tell us what you did to our brothers? Our husbands?

The man offered few answers and no solace.

Three weeks later, in the first week of Ramadan in June, fighter jets bombed the abandoned hospital compound and some of the buildings collapsed. It is difficult to determine who was behind the attack. Both the US military and western Libyan groups have claimed raids on nearby towns around that time.

In the ensuing chaos, Fisehaye and the other women sprinted past the debris and ran barefoot into the desert. The hot ground seared their feet. The captive men, who had been held in the same compound all along, ran ahead.

Before long, the fleeing captives made out the silhouettes of a pickup truck and men with assault rifles ahead of them. The armed men waved for the migrants to stop then opened fire. The women stopped. Most of the migrant men escaped, but eleven were rounded up and flogged. Their whereabouts are unknown.

The airstrikes continued through the week. Eventually, Islamic State fighters moved the women to the abandoned quarters of a Turkish construction company in Nawfaliyah, two hours away.

The makeshift prison housed graders and dozers from road-work projects of the mid-2000s, their metal bodies rusting under the intense heat. Itinerant workers had scribbled their names and countries on the compound’s walls. Fisehaye and the other women stayed in a small room where the drywall sweated when temperatures rose. A Korean family – a pediatrician, his wife and her brother – were jailed in another room.

It only took a week for Fisehaye and the other women to attempt another breakout. Nine escaped, but not Fisehaye. Instead, she was brought back to the makeshift prison and whipped for days. The Korean doctor tended to her wounds.

A few weeks later, in early August, 21 other Eritrean women joined Fisehaye’s group. They too had been kidnapped along a stretch of highway in central Libya. One woman came with her three children, aged five, seven and eleven.

Conversion

Throughout the summer, Islamic State consolidated its hold in central Libya. In Sirte, Islamic State fighters crushed a Salafist uprising by executing dissenters and hanging their bodies from lampposts. In Nawfaliyah, they paraded decapitated heads to silence dissent.

Then, in September, the group’s emir in Libya, Abul-Mughirah Al-Qahtani (more commonly known as Abu Nabil), advertised his domain’s “great need of every Muslim who can come.” He summoned fighters, doctors, legal experts and administrators who could help him build a functioning state. He levied hefty taxes on businesses and confiscated enemy property, just as his group had done in Syria and Iraq.

The ranks of Islamic State fighters swelled. At its peak, the group may have had 6,000 fighters in Libya, based on the US Army’s estimates, although the Pentagon drastically cut that estimate this month to a thousand fighters in Sirte.

The single men, most of whom flocked from other parts of Africa, needed companions, and Islamic State enlisted older women in Sirte to help. The women, called ‘crows’ because they dressed in black, visited townspeople’s homes and registered single girls older than 15 as potential brides, says Brigadier Gnaidy of the Misrata forces.

As the group’s ambitions grew that summer, so did its need for women. Islamic State’s take on sharia permits men to take sex slaves. The kidnapped women, unprotected and far from home, became easy targets. In mid-August, more than two months after Fisehaye was abducted, Islamic State fighters moved the 36 women in their custody to Harawa, a small town they controlled some 75 kilometers (46 miles) from Sirte.

As Fisehaye and the seven other women Reuters interviewed describe it, life in Harawa was almost quotidian at first.

There were no air strikes, beatings or threats of sexual violence. The captives – the Eritreans kidnapped in June and August, including Fisehaye, two Nigerians, and the Korean couple and their relative – lived in a large compound by the town’s dam. In the next few weeks, they were joined by 10 Filipino medical workers kidnapped from a hospital in Sirte, a Bangladeshi lecturer taken from a Sirte university, a pregnant Ghanaian captured in Sirte, and an Eritrean woman captured with her 4-year-old son on the highway to Tripoli.

It was here that Fisehaye bonded with Simret Kidane, a 29 year-old who left her three children with her parents in Eritrea to seek a better life in Europe. She was among the women kidnapped in August.

Kidane befriended one of the guards, Hafeezo, a Tunisian mechanic turned jihadist in his early 30s. Hafeezo helped the women navigate their new life in captivity. He brought them groceries and relayed their demands to his superiors in Sirte. He comforted them when they cried. He counseled them to forget their past lives and embrace Islam. That way, he promised, they may be freed to find a husband among the militants. They may even be allowed to call home.

The women asked for religious lessons, and Hafeezo brought them a copy of the Koran translated into their first language, Tigrinya. He also brought a small Dell laptop and a flash drive on which he had uploaded religious texts and lessons on the lives of fallen jihadists.

Fisehaye succumbed first. In September, after three months of captivity, she converted to Islam and took on a Muslim name, Rima. Her conversion had a domino effect across the compound; Kidane and the others followed suit a month later.

“I could see no other way out,” Fisehaye said. “Islam was one more step to my freedom. They told us we would have some rights as Muslims.”

After their conversion, Hafeezo brought them black abayas and niqabs, loose garments some Muslim women wear to cover themselves. He kept his distance and refused to make eye contact. Instead, he supervised their piety from afar.

Another guard, an older Sudanese fighter, taught them to pray. He recited verses from the Koran and made the women write down and repeat his words. When the guard moved to a new job in Sirte, Hafeezo brought a flat-screen TV and played them videos of religious lessons and suicide missions. As promised, Hafeezo allowed the women to call their families.

In December, frequent gunfire punctured the relatively quiet life in Harawa. Food became scarce. Hafeezo was often called to the frontline and disappeared for days. One day, he took Kidane aside and told her to prepare for what was to come. The leadership had changed – Islamic State’s emir in Libya had died in a US airstrike a month earlier – and the women’s fate along with it.

“You are now sabaya,” Hafeezo told Kidane, using the archaic term for slave. There were four possible outcomes for her and the other women, he explained. Their respective owners could make them their sex slaves, give them away as gifts, sell them to other militias, or set them free.

“Do not worry about what will happen to you in the hands of men,” Kidane says Hafeezo told her. “Concern yourself only with where you stand with Allah.”

Kidane did not share this detail with Fisehaye or the other women, hoping to save them from despair.

Later, one of Hafeezo’s superiors came to the compound to take a census. He wrote the women’s names and ages on a ledger. He asked them to lift their veils and examined their faces. He returned a week later and took two of the youngest women, aged 15 and 18, with him. On December 17, he sent for Kidane. That day, he gave her to a Libyan member of an Islamic State brigade in Sirte. Despite her repeated pleas, her new owner refused to reunite her with Fisehaye.

Kidane and the teenage women escaped and are now seeking asylum in Germany.

Sabaya

In late January, a stomach ulcer confined Fisehaye to her bed. Stress made matters worse. Returning from a hospital visit one afternoon, she witnessed a child, no older than nine, shoot a man in the town square.

Soon after, she and the remaining female captives moved to a warehouse in Sirte where Islamic State stored appliances, fuel and slaves. A group of 15 Eritrean women, who had been kidnapped in July, and three Ethiopian women kidnapped in January joined them that week.

The warehouse became, to the women, a last frontier of defiance. As new Muslims, they argued for better healthcare and the abolition of their slavery. They absorbed beatings in response.

Resistance proved futile. An Eritrean fighter called Mohamed, who had often dropped by to survey the women, purchased Fisehaye in February. He never said how much he paid for her. But he seemed gentle at first, asking after her waning health and her past life in Eritrea.

“I was confused. I thought he was going to help me. Maybe he had infiltrated Daesh. Maybe he wasn’t really one of them. I started harboring hope,” Fisehaye said.

Instead, he raped her, repeatedly, for weeks.

“No one ever showed us which part of the Koran says they could turn us into slaves,” Fisehaye said. “They wanted to destroy us…so much evil in their hearts.”

She plotted her escape but could not find a way out.

Then her owner lent her to another man, a Senegalese fighter. Known by the nom de guerre Abu Hamza, the Senegalese had brought his wife and three children to the Libyan frontline. Fisehaye was to work, unpaid, in Abu Hamza’s kitchen.

The work was busy but bearable, until one night in mid-February when Abu Hamza brought an Eritrean woman from the warehouse. He raped the woman all night.

“She was screaming. Screaming. It tore my heart,” Fisehaye recalled. “His wife stood by the door and cried.”

The next morning, Fisehaye convinced the battered woman to run away with her. They left the city behind and ran into the desert. No one stopped to help them and they were caught by religious police on patrol outside the city.

The police returned both women to captivity. The battered Eritrean woman went back to Abu Hamza. Mohamed took Fisehaye to a three-story building in Sirte that he shared with two other fighters.

Fisehaye moved in with a 22-year-old Eritrean woman and her four-year-old son, both of whom belonged to a Tunisian commander named Saleh. Another 23-year-old Eritrean lived down the hall with her two-year-old son and a daughter to whom she gave birth while in Islamic State custody. That woman and her children belonged to a Nigerian fighter who called himself al-Baghdadi.

Fisehaye’s roommates said the men raped them on multiple occasions. They told their stories on condition of anonymity.

“There was no one there to help me. So I kept quiet and took the abuse,” the Eritrean mother of two later said. “I stopped resisting. He did as he pleased with me.”

Escape

In April of this year, Libya’s nascent unity government stationed itself in a naval base in Tripoli. Separately, rival factions — the Petroleum Facilities Guard in the east and brigades from towns in the west — plotted to attack Islamic State from opposite flanks.

In Sirte, meanwhile, Fisehaye and her roommates learned that one of them, the mother of two, would soon be sold to another man.

The revelation pushed them to plot an escape. They pretended to call their relatives but talked, instead, to Eritrean smugglers in Tripoli. They studied their captors’ schedules. They surveyed their surroundings whenever the Tunisian commander Saleh, in a cruel prank, left the house keys with his slave but took her son with him.

Finally, on the early morning of April 14, the women grabbed 60 Libyan dinars, about $40, from Saleh’s bag and broke out of the house through a backdoor. But Sirte looked ominously deserted in the early morning and, fearing they would be caught, the women returned to the house.

They ventured out again, hours later, when the city came to life. They walked for hours before a cab stopped for them. Fisehaye negotiated with the driver in halting Arabic. She told him they were maids who had been swindled by an employer. She gave him a number for an Eritrean smuggler in Tripoli.

The driver negotiated with the smuggler over the phone. He agreed to drive them for 750 dinars ($540), to be covered by the smuggler once the women arrived in Bani Walid, five hours away.

In the end, it took the women 12 hours to get to Bani Walid. As promised, the Eritrean smuggler paid for their escape and took them to a holding cell. There, they shucked off their niqabs and cried with joy. They prayed for the dozens they had left behind.

Fisehaye borrowed the smuggler’s phone and called her father in Eritrea. Soon, word of her escape spread among her friends and relatives. They settled her debt and paid the smuggler another $2,000 to get her on a boat to Europe.

In May, during a month when 1,133 refugees drowned at sea, Fisehaye crossed the Mediterranean. Her 10 months of captivity had come to an end.

She traversed a path trod by many refugees, across Italy and Austria, and reached Germany a month after her escape. She is now seeking asylum there.

Source

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Unconditional Sympathy for Muslim Syrian Refugees — But Not African Christians?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 1, 2016

Mediterranean Sea disasters leave more than 1,000 dead

Haunting Photo Highlights Migrants’ Plight

RT_German_Rescuer_Drowned_Baby_MEM_160531_4x3_992

Last September, the world reacted with outrage at photos of a drowned refugee boy, 3-year-old Alan Kurdi, who was found dead on a beach in Turkey. Western leaders reacted with shock and solemnity a day after and the image captured international headlines.

The photos of the child went viral and had enormous impact. After they appeared, for example, the Canadian government removed some of the legal obstacles that Syrian asylum seekers coming to the country had faced.

Politicians in Western Europe mourned young Kurdi’s death.

“He had a name: Alyan Kurdi. Urgent action required — a Europe-wide mobilization is urgent,” French Prime Minister Manuel Valls wrote in a tweet that included the now-famous photo of a Turkish gendarme lifting the toddler’s corpse.

Valls’s boss, President François Hollande, appeared at a news conference in Paris alongside Irish Prime Minister Enda Kenny, who made this impassioned statement:

Is there anybody on the planet who could not be moved by what they saw in the papers — anybody with a sense of humanity — who saw the body of a young boy washed up on a beach like driftwood. This is a human catastrophe”

British PM, David Cameron said that, “as a father, I felt deeply moved” by the image.”Britain is a moral nation, and we will fulfill our moral responsibilities,”

Elsewhere, the photo was credited for shifting public opinion in favor of Middle Eastern refugees, at a time when thousands of refugees from Syria were being welcomed as they arrived in Europe.

What about now? Where is the urgent attention? The needed compassion? No word from the EU, not a single statement from David Cameron, Angela Merkel and co. Why? Because, it’s obvious that these are Africans, probably Eritreans / Ethiopians and Christians.

The death of these refugees is being tolerated among the psychopathic evil rulers of this world who don’t care a bit about the lives of Africans, and who intend to scare off other Africans, other Christians who might come after them. Look how everything is hypocritical and diabolic; even the Cincinnati Zoo Gorilla & The Hollywood Circus ape man aka Johnny Depp, or the vanished EgyptAir flight MS804 got more attention, emotion and compassion than the thousands of human souls who are buried inside the Mediterranean cemetery. Wicked Europeans!

Breitbart wrote this in September:

David Cameron has just bumped up the number of Syrian refugees Britain is going to accept from 4,000 to 20,000. Many other European countries are being bullied by Germany into doing likewise. The media narrative – promulgated by organisations like the BBC and the talking heads it chooses to sound off on this issue – is that this is no more than our “moral duty”. But it has been many decades since any EU nation bore any responsibility for what’s going on in Syria. Indeed, it’s one of the very few places in the Middle East where, conspicuously, nay miraculously, we haven’t intervened.

Is the rule, now, that we have to feel bad not just about the countries (Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan, etc) where our meddling has made things worse – but also that we should feel personally responsible for those countries (Syria, etc) where we have made no difference?

And if this “moral duty” to save refugees extends to the whole world how come it didn’t apply when in Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo when babies were having their heads bashed against trees and pregnant mothers were being eviscerated with machetes? Or is that black people are just too much trouble?„

No Place Like Home For The “Go-Home Blacks”

MAY 11, 2016 by Daniel Tseghay and Kibra Yohannes

DestructionOfTheWorld

When an African is forced to leave home – from Somalia, Nigeria, Eritrea or any other country where their lives may be endangered – they know the risks. They know they may find themselves trapped in a refugee camp, waiting often for years to find permanent residence. They know they face a minimum of a month-long trip across the Sahara, called “bahr bila ma” (the sea without water), before reaching the Mediterranean. They know they may get lost in this desert, or run out of water and be forced to drink Benzene. They know they may be held for ransom, and tortured by the smugglers hired, supposedly, to escort them to safety.

If they make it to countries with ports, like Morocco, Algeria or Libya, many live in forest encampments, working multiple jobs to fund the trip across the sea before being extorted again. And once they arrive in Europe, if they haven’t perished at sea, they’re often branded mere economic migrants and are refused asylum before being deported back to the place they fled. Desperate, many will take the trip again across the Mediterranean. And many more follow them.

(My Note: The snapshot was taken from this „Daily Mail„ story, published on 27 May 2016.)

2016-05-28_130129

A recent report reveals there’s been an 80% increase in the number of refugees arriving in Italy compared to the first three months of 2015, with Nigerians, Gambians and Senegalese making up the largest numbers of asylum seekers.

The experience of the typical African refugee is one of rejection, inevitable denials of asylum, and being confronted by persistent anti-African sentiment. Despite this, and the fact that Eritrea, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Gambia and Mali are among the top 10 countries that people are fleeing, Africans are still largely erased from the discussion around the refugee crisis. Instead they pad the ballooning numbers of victims and receive little support in return.

This kind of erasure is not limited to countries in western Europe, where many African refugees first land. We’re seeing similar patterns here in Canada. In late March, when the new federal government revealed its budget, it included a commitment of $245-million to resettle 10,000 Syrian refugees, which is in addition to the 25,000 it had already fast-tracked. We support this action and many other Africans do as well, but something’s wrong with this picture.

Many will say that Syria produces the largest number of refugees and so, they deserve preference. It’s certainly true that Syria ranks as the most affected, but, while we remain in solidarity with all displaced people, we shouldn’t practice a first-past-the-post humanitarianism. Africans are a part of this crisis and if the federal government will make commitments to some it should make them to all.

If you want to privately sponsor a refugee in Canada, there are currently no limits for Syrians. This is also commendable, but Africans face the detrimental effects of caps on private sponsorships and incredibly long delays (often years) in the processing of their applications. Not only have applications of specifically African refugees been put on hold, but also some refugee offices such as the Catholic Archdiocese of Toronto have begun turning away new applications submitted on behalf of African refugees. There are reports of families separated, with children waiting for years in refugee camps while their parents are settled in Canada. The longest delays are for the 18 African countries covered by the Nairobi visa office. Most privately sponsored refugees through that office wait more than three years, and, according to the Canadian Council for Refugees, “rather than increasing the numbers of African refugees to be admitted, the Canadian government has asked private sponsors to submit fewer applications at the Nairobi office.”

Canada’s response to refugees has become less global, neutral, and principled and more targeted. It’s within this selection process that African refugees are systematically excluded. It leaves many marginalized populations outside of the dialogue, further dehumanizing them. If and when these refugees finally reach Canada, they’re usually offered loans to help cover the costs of transportation fees, medical services, and sometimes even first month’s rent. These loans, which are typically paid with interest, are often as high as $10,000. Paying them back means working longer hours and postponing their education in a new country. In contrast, Syrian refugees arriving in Canada after November 4 don’t have to pay back their loans.

Last year, when those images of toddler Aylan Kurdi made it to the front pages of the world’s papers, we were as moved as anybody. And when rallies in support of refugees across the globe were organized, we supported and marched as well. But the truth is that some of us have seen images of washed up African toddlers for years. For some of us, Kurdi was one of many. For some of us, the rousing call from governments and settlement organizations and community groups of “refugees welcome”, was welcome but surprising, as there has been no such commotion when Africans drowned. Indeed, we wonder, with anger and disappointment, why the settler-colonial, Canadian state and our own allies remain silent as Africans continue to die; why we have been rendered what the poet Warsan Shire calls “the go home blacks.”

— USA: 1,037 Syrian Refugees Admitted in May: Two Christians, 1,035 Muslims

Syrian Refugees Spreading Flesh-Eating Disease, Polio, Measles, Tuberculosis, Hepatitis

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Another MEDITERRANEAN TRAGEDY: It’s Only Africans and Christians They Drown Out

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on May 29, 2016

Forty Children Drown as Shipwrecks Claim up to 700 – Again, Mostly Eritreans / Ethiopians

Do we witness such tragedies occurring at the Aegean sea? Do we hear reports Syrians, Iraqis, Iranians, Afghanis or Pakistanis dying on sea in such a tragic way? No! No way! It’s Africans they are drowning out, it’s Christians they are murdering. The ‘EurArabians’ are working hard filtering out Africans and Christians to accelerate the ‘Only Muslim’ takeover of Europe. Remember, it was on this very day, 29 May 1453 that the Orthodox Christian capital, Constantinople fell to the Muslim Turks.

I talked to a nice danish lady the other day, who told me that she stopped eating fish from the Mediterranean sea.

A week of shipwrecks and death in the Mediterranean culminated Sunday with harrowing testimony from migrant survivors who said another 500 people including 40 children had drowned, bringing the number of feared dead to 700.

Brought to safety in the Italian ports of Taranto and Pozzallo , survivors told the UN’s refugee agency (UNHCR) and Save the Children how their boat sank on Thursday morning after a high-seas drama which saw one woman decapitated.

“We’ll never know the exact number, we’ll never know their identity, but survivors tell that over 500 human beings died,” Carlotta Sami, UNHRC spokeswoman, said on Twitter.

With some 100 people missing after a boat sank Wednesday, and 45 bodies recovered from a wreck that happened Friday, the UNHCR said it feared up to 700 people had drowned in the Mediterranean this week.

Giovanna Di Benedetto, Save the Children’s spokesperson in Sicily, told AFP it was impossible to verify the numbers involved but survivors of Thursday’s wreck spoke of around 1,100 people setting out from Libya on Wednesday in two fishing boats and a dinghy.

“The first boat, carrying some 500 people, was reportedly towing the second, which was carrying another 500. But the second boat began to sink. Some people tried to swim to the first boat, others held onto the rope linking the vessels,” she said.

According to the survivors, the first boat’s Sudanese captain cut the rope, which snapped back and decapitated a woman. The second boat quickly sank, taking those packed tightly into the hold down with it.

The Sudanese was arrested on his arrival in Pozzallo along with three other suspected people traffickers, Italian media reports said.

“We tried everything to stop the water, to bail it out of the boat,” a Nigerian girl told cultural mediators, according to La Stampa daily.

“We used our hands, plastic glasses. For two hours we fought against the water but it was useless. It began to flood the boat, and those below deck had no chance. Woman, men, children, many children, were trapped, and drowned,” she said.

Those who survived told mediators the dead included “around 40 children, including many newborns”, La Repubblica daily said.

I saw my mother and 11-year old sister die,” Kidane from Eritrea, 13, told the aid organisations. “There were bodies everywhere”.

A bout of good weather as summer arrives has kicked off a fresh stream of boats attempting to make the perilous crossing from Libya to Italy.

Italian news agency Ansa said some 70 dinghies and 10 boats had set off over the past week.

Migrants interviewed by La Repubblica in Sicily told the daily a new “head trafficker” called Osama had taken control of departures from Libya’s beaches and was offering “cut-price” deals of 400 euros for the boat journey to lure in new customers.

Source

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