CNN + NG on #TigrayGenocide | I Never Saw Hell Before But Now I Have

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Tigray Children Displaced by The Evil Nobel Laureate PM Who Sends His own to The US for Their Safety

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አይይ ኦሮሞ! አይይ አማራ! ወዮላችሁ! ወዮላችሁ! እናንት አረመኔዎች፤ ይህን እያያችሁ እንኳን “ጦርነቱ ይቁም” በማለት እንኳን አልተነፈሳችሁም ወይንም የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ማድረግ አልፈለጋችሁም። እንደውም መሆንማ የነበረበት “የትግራዋይ ደም ደሜ ነው” ብላችሁ ለራሳችሁ ስትሉ የግራኝን የአህዛብ ሰአራዊት ለመወጋት በየቦታው ትዘምቱ ነበር፤ አይይ! ባለመታደላችሁ ይህማ የማይታሰብ ነው፤ እንኳን ለትግራይ ሕዝብ ደማችሁን ልታፈሰሉት “አይ ጦርነቱን አልደግፍም” ለማለት እንኳ ትንፋሽ የላችሁም፤ ሞታችኋልና፤ ዲያብሎስን ለማገልገል ወስናችኋልና። ዛሬም ለኢትዮጵያ ደሙን እያፈሰሰላት ያለው የትግራይ ሕዝብ ብቻ ነው። ያው እኮ ኦሮማራው ግራኝ ልጆቹን ወደ አሜሪካ ልኮ የትግራይን ሕፃናት ይጨፈጭፋል። እህ ህ ህ! ይህን በቀላሉ አናልፈውም፣ አንረሳውም! መጪዎቹ የጽዮን አርበኞች እንደ ህወሃቶች ለስላሶችና የርዕዮት ዓለም ባሪያዎች ሆነን በጎቻችንን ለአራዊት አሳልፈን የምንሰጥ እንዳይመስላችሁ፤ ባገኘነው አጋጣሚ ሁሉ እንደምንበቀላችሁ ቃል እንገባለን! ታዩታላችሁ፤ መስቀላችንን ይዘን እንደምንበቀላችሁ ቃል እንገባላችኋለን!

United Nations — Parts of northern Ethiopia’s war-torn Tigray region are on “the brink of famine,” the head of the United Nations said on Monday. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres was the most senior voice in a unified warning cry from a range of U.N. agencies that the grinding conflict remained unchecked, with a devastating impact on civilians.

“The magnitude and gravity of child rights violations taking place across Tigray show no sign of abating, nearly seven months since fighting broke out in northern Ethiopia,” said Henrietta Fore, Executive Director of U.N. children’s agency UNICEF.

She said more than 6,000 unaccompanied or separated children had been identified as needing protection and assistance. Much of the region has remained inaccessible to humanitarian workers, meaning health care, food and other supplies haven’t got in since fighting broke out in November 2020 between Ethiopian forces and ethnic Tigrayan separatists in the region.The magnitude and gravity of child rights violations taking place across Tigray show no sign of abating, nearly seven months since fighting broke out in northern Ethiopia.

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Families travel for weeks to find health care centers that are not destroyed and looted

#Tigray #Ethiopia #TigrayGenocide

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አማራ ለክርስቶስ ካለው ፍቅር ይልቅ ለትግራዋይ ያለው ጥላቻ በለጠበት?

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❖❖❖ታላቁ ክርስቲያን ንጉሠ ነገሥት አፄ ዮሐንስ አንገታቸውን የሰጡበትን ምድር፤ አማራ ለአህዛብ ሱዳኖች ሰጣቸው። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!❖❖❖

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Reuters | Ethnic Cleansing in Western Tigray by Amhara Forces

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How Killings And Expulsions Swept Across Ethiopia’s Western Tigray

👉 Witnesses to slaughter: The conflict in Ethiopia

In November last year, fighting erupted in Ethiopia’s Tigray region between the rebellious Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the army. Within days, reports emerged of communal killings in a farming town called Mai Kadra, in western Tigray.

In the months that followed, ethnic violence rolled across western Tigray, land that is claimed by Tigrayans and by the neighbouring Amhara region. Hundreds of thousands of people fled their homes. Reuters has mapped the course of the slaughter across western Tigray by drawing on more than 120 interviews in Ethiopia and Sudan.

👉 Nov. 9, 2020

A first wave of killings in Mai Kadra, Ethiopia

Violence erupted in Mai Kadra, an ethnically mixed town of Tigrayans and Amharas. Tigrayan youths and a TPLF-dominated town militia shot, stabbed and bludgeoned to death hundreds of Amhara civilians, according to dozens of Amhara witnesses. Some recognised neighbours among their attackers. The TPLF denied attacking Amhara civilians.

👉 Agerie Getnet, Amhara housewife

Mai Kadra, Nov. 9

The Tigrayan killers came to her house, where she used to rent out rooms, she said. “At 4pm they came and said, ‘This is an Amhara house.’ There were people who ran. When we locked the house, they broke the door and came through the window,” she said. “At first my husband was hiding in the roof, and they came in and threatened my son, my 11-year-old. When he saw his baby might die, he came down. They took us outside and started killing – my husband Tabaka Zewda, friends and lodgers Shagri and Yohannes and Ale Abera.” Four men were killed, she said, as she clutched her newborn baby and two other children.

👉 Desa Adoma, 38, an Amhara living in Mai Kadra

Mai Kadra, Nov. 9

He said he and 18 others were in his house when Tigrayans armed with machetes arrived and blocked the door. Behind them were the town’s police with guns. “After I was hit, I was bleeding and fainted,” he said, showing a scar on the back of his neck. When he woke up his brother was dead beside him. He said the police were shooting at Amhara people who tried to escape. The town’s police force has since been disbanded.

👉 Nov. 10, 2020, and the following days

Reprisals begin in Mai Kadra

Ethiopia’s military and forces from the neighbouring Amhara region, including a militia called Fano, arrived and took control of the town. By now, Tigrayan fighters had left Mai Kadra. Revenge attacks by Amharas began, Tigrayan witnesses say.

Weretaw Azanaw, a Fano volunteer, said the group didn’t attack civilians. The Amhara-appointed administrator in western Tigray, Yabsira Eshetie, said, “The accusation that Tigrayans were killed by Amhara armed forces is groundless.”

👉 Hailay Weldegebriel, 18, Tigrayan farmer

Mai Kadra, November 2020

He lay on a mat in Village 8 refugee camp in Sudan with flies swarming around him, one of his hands bandaged. “People were fleeing from Mai Kadra, but I decided to stay behind to tend to my sesame farm. When the Fano saw me, they shot at me. They hit my hand, and I lost two fingers. I can’t think clearly. I keep having nightmares that I was killed.”

👉 Alifa Sagada, 40, Tigrayan farmer

Mai Kadra, November 2020

“When they entered, the Amhara and the Fano said Tigrayans shall not remain here. The Fano said they’ll keep no boy or man alive; they’ll cut off their heads,” she said. “I have two sons, and one is 25 – I have no idea where he is … We were walking around, and you’d find a dead body on the ground. Who killed them? Walk here, you find another one dead … We would turn over the bodies to check, is this my son? Is that my son? …They killed the young people. Any boy. Not necessarily members of the TPLF. If they find a Tigrayan boy; if they find that you don’t speak Amharic, they ask for your ID, and if you’re Amhara they let you go, but if you’re Tigrayan they kill you right away.”

👉The violence spreads across western Tigray

November-December 2020

Ethnic violence spiralled across western Tigray, sending tens of thousands of people fleeing into Sudan and some south into the Amhara region. Dozens of Tigrayans told Reuters they were driven from their homes by Amhara forces and their property was seized. Some accused Ethiopian soldiers of brutality.

Ethiopia’s government denies there has been “a targeted, intentional ethnic cleansing against anyone in the region.” It has said one soldier has been convicted and 28 are on trial for killing civilians in the whole of Tigray, but has given no further information. Neither the government nor Ethiopia’s military responded to detailed questions for this article. Amhara regional officials and Fano denied their forces attacked civilians.

👉 Desta Kebed, 65, Amhara and Tigrayan farmer

Baeker, November 2020

The farmer of mixed Amhara-Tigrayan parentage told Reuters in a refugee camp in Sudan that eight troops pushed around his daughter and slapped her across the face in their home in Baeker.

“I went to try and talk to one of the men; he pointed the gun at me and said, ‘If you want to live, shut up.’ He kicked me in the chest. I fell down. My wife was begging them not to do anything – ‘You don’t have to do this’.”

Two of the troops told them to get out.

“One pointed an AK-47 at us. They told us, ‘From now on this is the property of the Amhara. You don’t belong here. This is our property. This is our land.’ There was shooting outside the house, and one person was killed. I told them that I am from Amhara also. ‘Why are you doing this to us?'”

👉 Saha Gebieselasie, 44, Tigrayan driver

Adebay, November 2020

He said he and his wife, two sons and seven others were fleeing from the town of Adebay. They were stopped by soldiers wearing Ethiopian army uniforms.

“They took my son, he was 11 years old. One of the soldiers shot him in the thigh and the shin… I watched my son bleed to death.”

👉 Asqual Helwa, 28, Tigrayan mother, wife of a TPLF fighter

Humera, November 2020

The Tigrayan woman was fleeing the border town of Humera after shelling destroyed her house. “On the road where I was walking, many people were dead. I saw their bodies. Some were inside the church, and others were outside,” she said. “I was afraid, caring for my child. On one side of the road I saw around 70 or 80 dead bodies.”

👉 Giday Mahamod, 54, Tigrayan nurse

Division, November 2020

According to seven residents, Amhara forces arrived in the predominantly Tigrayan town of Division in early November and began setting fire to homes. Sensors aboard U.S. government satellites detected a series of potential fires in and around Division on Nov. 7, a Reuters analysis found. One resident said around 400 houses were burned. Giday Mahamod said hers was among them. “I saw my house being burned. A Fano member said, ‘You are a Tigrayan, get out’.I said we are all Ethiopian, and he said, ‘If you want to live, get out,'” she said.

👉 Anonymous woman (identity withheld), 25, Tigrayan coffee seller

Tekeze River, Early December 2020

The Tigrayan woman, who spoke to Reuters in mid-December in the Sudanese refugee camp of Hamdayet, said an Ethiopian soldier raped her at the Tekeze River as she tried to flee. “After he showed me the path, he said, ‘Choose, either I kill you or rape you.’ I had shown him my identification papers. When he raped me, he was swearing at me and saying, ‘You are the daughters of the Tigray.'”

👉 January 2021 to present

A final push in western Tigray

A second, larger wave of displacement started: Tens of thousands of Tigrayans fled western Tigray into central and eastern Tigray, saying they were being driven out by Amhara forces. Many spoke of looting and killing. Schools were turned into emergency camps; classrooms hosted 60 or 80 people, and more families spilled out onto the ground outside. Many sought refuge with family members already struggling to feed their own children.

👉 Biedela Tekle, 35, A Tigrayan vegetable vendor

Tekeze River, January 2021

She said she was among hundreds of Tigrayans who were bussed by Fano militia in January to the Tekeze River, a natural boundary between east and west Tigray, and told not to come back. For the previous two months, she and her two young children were held in a makeshift detention centre. There were thousands of prisoners, including pregnant women and people with families, she told Reuters from a camp for displaced people in Mekelle in March. Conditions were very bad, with almost no food or water before an aid agency intervened. Degalem Sisay, the interim mayor of Mai Kadra, said the facility functioned more as a “safe house” than a prison.

👉 Berhe (last name withheld), 35, Tigrayan farmer

Adebay, Early March 2021

He said Amhara militiamen drove him, his wife and three sons out of the town of Adebay, in western Tigray. “They said leave,” he said. It was the second time Berhe had been told to leave – he’d moved to Adebay with his family after Amhara fighters ejected them from their home village, Mylomin, two months earlier.

His 5-year-old son, Kibrom, was shot by a member of the arriving force when the Ethiopian army and its Amhara allies reached Mylomin on Nov. 9, he said. Neighbours later told him that Amhara gunmen had stolen his cattle and other belongings while he took his boy to hospital. From Adebay, Berhe walked for four or five days, carrying Kibrom, and crossed the Tekeze River on foot until a Tigrayan lorry driver gave them a ride.

Source

የሦስት ሺህ ዓመት ሥልጣኔ አለን፣ ቅኝ አልትገዛንም ቅብርጥሴ ትላላችሁ፤ ግን ጣዖት አምላኪው ወራሪ የኦሮሞ ቁራ ምንም ሳይለፋና ደሙን ሳያፈስ እንዲህ በቀላሉ እርስበርስ አባላችሁ። ያውም አንድ ጥይት እንኳን ሳትተኩሱ ሥልጣኑንም፣ ባንኩንም ታንኩንም በሰፊ ሰፌድ አስረክባችሁት። ወዮ! ወዮ! ወዮ! ሰነፎች! ደካሞች! ከንቱዎች! ወንድማማቾችን እርስበርስ የሚያባሏቸው ኦሮሞዎቹ፣ እስማኤላውያኑ እና ኤዶማውያኑ ምን ያህል እየተደሰቱ እንደሆነ እያየናቸው ነው። እያንዳንዱ የአማራ ልሂቅ ሆነ የግራኝ ደጋፊ ለዚህ ግፍና ሰቆቃ በጽኑ ተጠያቂ ነው፤ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያን ወንድሞቻችሁን እና እኅቶቻችሁን ከሃገራቸው አባርራችሁና ገድላችሁ የሱድን መሀመዳውያንን እስከ መተማ ዘልቀው በመግባት ግዛታችሁንና ቤቶቻችሁን እንዲወርሱ ፈቀዳችሁላቸው፤ እግዚኦ!ከየት እንደመጣችሁ አላውቅም፤ የዋቄዮ-አላህ መንፈስ ሙሉ በሙሉ ተቆጣጥሯችኋል፣ ያዛችኋልና የምታነበዋን ምስኪኗን ኢትዮጵያን ከእናንተ ጋር በጭራሽ መጋራት አልሻም፤ ሁላችሁም ገሃነም እሳት እንድሚጠብቃችሁ ከወዲሁ እወቁት! አረመኔዎች!

❖❖❖[መጽሐፈ ምሳሌ ምዕራፍ ፮]❖❖❖

፲፮ እግዚአብሔር የሚጠላቸው ስድስት ነገሮች ናቸው፥ ሰባትንም ነፍሱ አጥብቃ ትጸየፈዋለች፤

፲፯ ትዕቢተኛ ዓይን፥ ሐሰተኛ ምላስ፥ ንጹሕን ደም የምታፈስስ እጅ፥

፲፰ ክፉ አሳብን የሚያበቅል ልብ፥ ወደ ክፉ የምትሮጥ እግር፥

፲፱ በሐሰት የሚናገር ሐሰተኛ ምስክር በወንድማማች መካከልም ጠብን የሚዘራ።

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የርሃብ ሲምፖዚየም ወረርሽኝ፤ የኢትዮ-ኤርትራ የረሀብ እቅድ ለትግራይ = የ ፹/80 አመት በፊት የናዚ የርሃብ እቅድ

እስኪ አስቡት፤ “ኢትዮጵያውያን ነን” የሚሉ ወገኖች ኢትዮጵያዊ የሆነውን ወገናቸውን ያለማቋረጥ በጦርነት፣ በርሃብ እና በሽታ ከምድረ ገጽ ለማጥፋት ሲወስን። ለማሰብ እንኳን ያቅለሸልሻል። ይህ እጅግ በጣም ሰቅጣጭ ክስተት በቅርብ የሚከታተሉትን የዓለም አቀፍ ባለሙያዎችን፣ ተቋማትን እና ግለሰቦችን ሁሉ በጣም አስገርሟል/አሳዝኗል፤ ታሪካዊ ጠላቶቻችንን ሶማሌዎችንና አረቦችን ሳይቀር። አንዱ አረብ በጽሑፉ፤ “ኢትዮጵያውያን እርስበር ይህን ያህል የሚጠላሉ አይመስለኝም ነበር” በማለት ተገርሟል። “ለካስ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከናዚዎች፣ ከፋሺስቶች እና ከጂሃዲስቶች የከፉ አውሬዎች ናቸው” አሰኝቷል። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

ይህ የግለሰቦች ወይንም የልሂቃኑ ጉዳይ ብቻ አይደለም፤ የሕዝብ ጉዳይ ነው፤ ሕዝቦቹ ኃላፊነቱን ይወስዱ ዘንድ ግድ ነው። ኦሮሞ + አማራ + ቤን አሚር/ኤርትራ ቃኤላውያን የዋቄዮ–አላህ ባሪያዎች በጥይትና በሰይፍ ሊያሸንፉት ያልቻሉትን የትግራይን ሕዝብን አሁን በርሃብ ለመጨረስ ወስነዋል። ኦሮማራዎች ከዘመነ ምኒልክ አንስቶ የትግራይን ሕዝብ በጦርነቶች እና በርሃብ ለመጨረስ ብዙ ሞክረው ነበር፤ ይህ የመጨረሻው ሙከራቸው ነው። እነዚህ አረመኔዎች በምንም ዓይነት የኢትዮጵያዊነት ማንነትና ምንነት የሌላቸው፣ ኢትዮጵያውያን ይባሉ ዘንድ የማይገባቸው በእውነት ከየት እንደመጡ እንኳን የማይታወቁ፣ ናዚዎችን፣ ፋሺስቶችንና ጂሃዲስቶችን የሚያስንቁ አውሬዎች ናቸው። እኛ ላለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት በመላዋ ኢትዮጵያ ለሚፈናቀሉት፣ ለሚታገቱትና ለሚገደሉት ንጹሐን የሚቻለንን ስንጮህና እንባ ስናነባ እነሱ ለካስ የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለመጨፍጨፍና ለማስራብ በስውር ተግተው ሤራ ሲጠነስሱ ቆይተዋል። አሁን ይህን ፋሺስታዊ፣ ናዚያዊ እና ዲያብሎሳዊ እቅድ ለመትግበር ዓለምን እያታለሉና በሜዲያዎቻቸውም የለመዱንት የቅጥፈት ፕሮፓጋንዳ እያሰራጩ እቅዳቸውን ሊገፉበት ቆርጠው ተነስተዋል። አይሳካላቸውም! እንዳይሳካላቸውም የተቻለንን ሁሉ እናደርጋለን። ሆኖም ለዚህ ዲያብሎሳዊ እቅዳቸው ግን በሕዝቦቻቸው ላይ ከሰማይ እሳት ይወርድባቸዋል፣ አይተውት የማያውቁትን ደዌ፣ ወረርሽኝ እና በሽታ ሁሉ ሳይወዱ በግድ ይተዋወቋቸዋል። ማስጠንቀቂያዎቹን ሁሉ ንቀው ሆነ ሰበባሰበብና ምክንያት እየደረደሩ በእዉነተኛ ንስሐ አልተመለሱምና የሰይፉ ማስጠንቀቂያ በጎንደርና በአስመራ፣ በአዲስ አበባ እና በነቀምት፣ በጂማና በሐረር ላይ እያንዣበበ ይገኛል። ልኡልም ጦሩን እያዘጋጀ፣ ሰይፍን እየሳለ ይገኛል። ይኸውም የአህዛብ ሰይፍ፣ የአንበጣ መንጋ፣ የበሽታ/ኮሮና/ ሰይፍ፣ የጦርነት ሰይፍ፣ የአውሎ ነፍስና የጎርፍ ሰይፍ፣ የበረዶ፣ የእሳተ ገሞራ ሌሎችም!!!። የትግራይን ሕዝብ ከምድረ ገጽ አጥፍተው እነርሱ ብቻቸውን ሊኖሩ? በጭራሽ!

✞✞✞[ትንቢተ ኢሳይያስ ምዕራፍ ፩፥፲፱፡፳]✞✞✞

”እሺ ብትሉ ለእኔም ብትታዘዙ፥ የምድርን በረከት ትበላላችሁ፤ እምቢ ብትሉ ግን ብታምፁም፥ ሰይፍ ይበላችኋል፤ የእግዚአብሔር አፍ ይህን ተናግሮአልና።’

✞✞✞ [ትንቢተ ዕንባቆም ምዕራፍ ፫፥፬፡፯]✞✞✞

“ፀዳሉም እንደ ብርሃን ነው፤ ጨረር ከእጁ ወጥቶአል፤ ኃይሉም በዚያ ተሰውሮአል። ቸነፈር በፊቱ ይሄዳል፥ የእሳትም ነበልባል ከእግሩ ይወጣል። ቆመ፥ ምድርንም አወካት፤ ተመለከተ፥ አሕዛብንም አናወጠ፤ የዘላለምም ተራሮች ተቀጠቀጡ፥ የዘላለምም ኮረብቶች ቀለጡ፤ መንገዱ ከዘላለም ነው።

የኢትዮጵያ ድንኳኖች ሲጨነቁ አየሁ፤ የምድያም አገር መጋረጃዎች ተንቀጠቀጡ።“

🔥 “በኢትዮጵያ ጽኑ መናወጥ ይሆናል፣ ይህም የአሜሪካን፣ አውሮፓንና አረቢያን ውድቀት ያስከትላል!!!”

👉 Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

👉 Continue reading/ሙሉውን ለማንበብ

Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

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Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

Tigray, Ethiopia, is a test case for United Nations Security Council resolution 2417 (2417). The United Nations has failed that test.

Today, between 4.5 million and 5.2 million people of Tigray’s total population of 5.7 million are in need of immediate humanitarian assistance. Famine is probably occurring already, and without doubt in the coming months Tigrayans will be starving on a scale rarely witnessed in the modern world. Except that, because the Ethiopian government prefers to keep Tigray in darkness, few outsiders will be there to witness it. We may later get to count the graves of the children who perished.

As soon as armed conflict erupted on 4 November, we were warned of the risk of famine. But in the face of the ruthless determination of the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea to starve the civilian population of Tigray, the United Nations, the African Union and donor governments have done nothing of significance. For the hungry in Tigray, 2417 is an empty promise.

The unpublished results of rapid nutrition assessments in six locations accessible to the regional authorities, with UNICEF’s technical support, show that Global Acute Malnutrition rates among children under five years of age of 23.8-34.3 percent. This takes us into the range where we must speak about phase 5 of the Integrated food security Phase Classification (IPC)—‘famine.’

Most of the Tigray region is not accessible to survey teams, due to government restrictions and fighting. Conditions elsewhere are almost certainly worse. The situation is deteriorating week-by-week as food stocks run out. Longer term prospects are even more dire: the planting season has arrived and most farmers are unable to plough their fields and plant and tend this year’s crops. Recent reports speak of Eritrean soldiers arriving in villages where farmers have been able to prepare their land, destroying the seedlings and telling villagers, you will not plant, you will not harvest, and if you try you will be punished.

Recently, aid was reaching about 1 million of those in need. Even that small fraction is shrinking. This month, the Ethiopian government declared the former governing party of the region, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) a ‘terrorist organization.’ Relief workers are now stopped at the first army checkpoint out of each town, and told that they cannot proceed further, because their aid cannot be allowed to help the ‘terrorists’.

It is hard to think of a more systematic use of starvation as a weapon of war since the Nazi Hungerplan of eighty years ago.

Before the outbreak of war on 3/4 November 2020, Tigray was relatively food secure. Once the epicentre of Ethiopia’s infamous famine of 1984/85, thirty years of internal peace and development meant that today’s generation of Tigrayans were, for the first time in history, living without the threat of hunger due to drought or locusts. Agriculture was still a marginal enterprise with low yields on stony soils, but a combination of rehabilitating watersheds and building small dams for irrigated horticulture and orchards, and subsidized fertilizers—enhanced by micro-credit services—enabled modest harvests. Local incomes were supplemented by seasonal labouring opportunities on commercial farms in fertile western Tigray, and employment in new industries such as textiles and marble cutting, artisanal mining of gold and cobalt, and tourism to the region’s historic churches. Further, a ‘productive safety net programme’ designed and funded by the government and international donors kicked in whenever food insecurity threatened.

All that is gone. In the words of Mulugeta Gebrehiwot, former World Peace Foundation senior fellow, speaking over the phone from the war zone, ‘they have destroyed Tigray, literally.’ I have been working on war, mass atrocity and famine in Africa for close to forty years. Never in my professional life have I documented destruction of what is necessary to sustain life in a manner as relentless and systematic as we are seeing in Tigray today.

As detailed in the World Peace Foundation report Starving Tigray, which draws upon scores of open-source reports along with eyewitness testimonies up, the coalition of Ethiopian National Defence Forces, Eritrean Defence Forces and Amhara militia have destroyed, removed or rendered useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population. They have burned food stores, looted food, and killed domestic animals from cows to baby chickens. They have slaughtered plough oxen, smashed ploughs, cut down fruit trees. They have ripped up the water pipes and pumps in towns and villages and ripped out domestic plumbing. They have looted and vandalized the great majority of the region’s clinics and hospitals. They have closed banks and frozen the 450,000 accounts in the region’s micro-finance institution, essentially confiscating the savings of the peasantry. They have pillaged and burned factories, ransacked hotels, looted shops and stores, and even broken open the little boxes used by shoeshine boys to steal the brushes and polish. By expropriating and ethnically cleansing the fertile lowlands where sesame is grown for export, they have eliminated Tigrayans’ single largest source of seasonal migrant work, a crucial source of income.

Men and boys are being killed: there are more than 150 documented massacres. In the largest known to date, in the city of Axum, an estimated 750 were killed. These are crimes in their own right. Fear of such violence deters men from travelling to find work, cultivate their farms, or obtain aid for their families.

Evidence for widespread rape and shocking sexual violence—torture, sexual slavery and mutilation—has emerged. Rape is a crime. Rape perpetrated as part of a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population is a crime against humanity. That threshold is met in Tigray, with participation of uniformed state forces in rape and sexual violence.

Rape in these circumstances is also a starvation crime. A survivor of rape may be unable to care for herself and her children, because of physical injuries, trauma, and life-long stigma. A woman who is gang raped in her own home may never want to return to what was once a place of safety, but is now indelibly associated with pain, terror and attack on her familial and social identity. Fear of rape means that women and girls do not venture out to go to the market, go to fetch water or firewood, go to their farms or gardens, or seek assistance. With many men killed, in hiding, or joining the armed resistance, women are often the sole adult carers for their children—breadwinners in a land with no bread.

Not only has the Ethio-Eritrean coalition massively reduced the food available to Tigrayans, but they have systematically reduced the region to a state of destitution. Should this destruction, dispossession and expulsion be permitted to stand, the future is a geographically truncated Tigray, deprived of every source of income save subsistence farming, utterly dependent on welfare handouts. The scorched earth campaign means that the numbers in need will not reduce even if the conflict ends. Ethiopia and Eritrea have posed a horrible dilemma to the humanitarian community. Should donors pay the bill for the human consequences of this destruction or be complicit in what is emerging as a systematic hunger plan?

The humanitarian effort is reaching fewer people and providing them with less assistance than in any comparable circumstances in the world today. Most of what is given is food. There is some health care, but almost no agricultural aid. Much of that aid is stolen by the coalition forces—some of it wholesale, some of it when soldiers raid a village where there has been a distribution and take it at gunpoint.

The perpetrators of these starvation crimes are the Ethiopian federal forces, the Eritrean army, and Amhara forces. Clues to the Ethiopians’ motives can be deduced from the public rhetoric of political groups now setting the agenda of the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Amhara regional state concur in demonizing the Tigrayans. They claim that during the years in which the TPLF was in power, Tigrayans ‘looted’ the Ethiopian state, taking an unwarranted share of development funds, and are therefore ‘thieves’ and ‘daylight hyenas.’ Confiscating Tigrayan property was a slogan of political parties now supporting the government. In a recent panel on France 24, Neamin Zeleke, Executive Director at Ethiopian Satellite Televison and Radio (ESAT) which has been a fulcrum for inciting hatred against Tigrayans, toned down his rhetoric for an English-speaking audience but his intent to enact ‘revenge’ was clear. The campaign targeting ethnic Tigrayans for removal from employment, residence and rights across Ethiopia has the disturbing signature of eradicating them from the Ethiopian polity altogether.

The Amhara leadership claims that when provincial boundaries were redrawn in 1991-94, at the time of adopting a federal system based on ethnicities, Tigray took over historically Amhara lands, which they should now reclaim. (As with almost all such territorial disputes the history and the basis for the claims are controversial.) The U.S. State Department calls it ‘ethnic cleansing.’ That is the correct term: the boundary is being redrawn by force and Tigrayans are being forcibly removed or eliminated. Ironically, the FEWS NET maps this area as ‘food secure’: its methods are not designed to take account of the removal of the previous inhabitants and their replacement by new settlers.

The Eritrean president has long blamed the TPLF—and by extension all Tigrayans—for his country’s international ostracism and poverty and sought to eliminate it as a threat. Eritrea is a despotism, with no constitution, parliament, independent judiciary or free media. Its main institution is its vast army; its soldiers are forcibly conscripted from high school, brutalized and required serve indefinitely. The UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, which reported in 2016 found a shocking record of abuse by the state against its own citizens. The Special Rapporteur, Sheila Keetharuth, laments that her recommendations, including that Eritrea be referred to the International Criminal Court, were wholly ignored.

The Ethiopian Prime Minister called the coalition offensives a ‘law enforcement operation.’ His claims that ‘not a single civilian have been killed’ and that Eritrean forces were either not involved or were withdrawing have been shown to be lies. In the early weeks, Ethiopia and Eritrea were given a free pass by the Trump Administration and UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres repeated PM Abiy’s false claim about Eritrean forces.

The shut-down of internet and phone communication has been effective in minimizing reporting of atrocities including starvation, thereby allowing official denials to pass without refutation. International humanitarian workers are compelled to remain silent for fear of being expelled; the situation for national staff is worse. After the TPLF was declared a ‘terrorist’ organization, communication with them is prohibited.

Culpability for the outbreak of hostilities in November is shared among the four belligerents: the Ethiopian federal government, the TPLF, Eritrea and the Amhara regional forces.

Culpability for the famine lies entirely with the Ethio-Eritrean coalition. To the extent that there were pre-existing food security difficulties, on account of poverty and a locust plague, those show only that the perpetrators of the starvation crimes were aware of the vulnerability of their intended victims. A prosecutor seeking to investigate the situation in Tigray would have good reason to consider a case for crimes against humanity and genocide against the coalition military and political leaders.

2417 on conflict and hunger was designed to ensure that grave circumstances such as these would not be permitted to develop. Paragraph 12 reads:

‘[Council] Further requests the Secretary-General to report swiftly to the Council when the risk of conflict-induced famine and wide-spread food insecurity in armed conflict contexts occurs, and expresses its intention to give its full attention to such information provided by the Secretary-General when those situations are brought to its attention.’

The resolution doesn’t specify what the UNSC should do after giving ‘its full attention’ to the crisis. But it’s clear that it shouldn’t do nothing.

On current performance, Tigray is set to join the catalogue of genocides and crimes against humanity in which the world failed to act on warnings, and responded with hand wringing only after the event. The UNSC discussed the situation in Ethiopia under ‘any other business’ on 24 November and 14 December 2020, and held a closed session on the humanitarian crisis on 3 February 2021. Emergency Relief Coordinator and head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs briefed Council, with increasing candour and alarm, over subsequent weeks, with an extremely frank and alarming report on 15 April. No formal session was held and only a pallid press statement was issued on 23 April.

The countries that pushed for action were Ireland and the U.S., supported by other European countries. The immediate reason for deadlock at the UNSC was the threat of a veto by China and/or Russia, on the grounds that the conflict was a domestic matter for Ethiopia and not therefore a legitimate agenda item. This threat was possible because the three African members of the Council (Kenya, Niger and Tunisia) were not ready to support an assertive position pushed by western natitons. The African Union, despite its elaborate norms, principles and institutions designed precisely to prevent and manage a crisis such as this, was silent—rebuffed and intimidated by its host country Ethiopia.

Six months after Ethiopia and Eritrea launched their campaign of starvation and mass atrocity, the UNSC has been a bystander. The UN Secretary General has abdicated his responsibilities. The African Union has failed. On its third anniversary, resolution 2417 provides only the draft for the apology that might one day be forthcoming.

Source

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Ethiopia: Exposing The War in Tigray | A Campaign of Ethnic Cleansing

👉 በትግራይ የሚካሄደው ጦርነት ሲጋለጥ | የዘር ማጽዳት ዘመቻ

Massacres, gang rapes, forced famine – the list of atrocities being reported in Tigray, Ethiopia is long and growing. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed declared the military intervention officially over in November, but the situation on the ground clearly does not reflect that. And there are concerns that the situation is starting to resemble a campaign of ethnic cleansing.

💭 እባክዎን የሚከተለውን አሳዛኝ እና አእምሮን የሚነካ የ ‘ሮየተርስ’ ሪፖርት ያንብቡ። የትግራይ ተወላጆች በሂትለር ማጎሪያ ካምፖች ውስጥ እንደ አይሁድ እራሳቸውን እያገኙ ነው፡፡ ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

የአረመኔው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ “የኦሮሞ ነፃነት ሰራዊት” የሚባለውን “የሽብርተኛ አካል” ብሎ መፈረጁ የሚታወቅ ነው፡፡ በሕገ-ወጡ የኦሮሚያ ክልልም “ጦርነት እየተካሄደ ነው” ይሉናል፤ ስለዚህ አሁን ጥያቄው፤ በአሸባሪው አብዮት አህመድ የሚመራው የኦሮሞ-አገዛዝ በብሄር ኦሮሞዎች በሆኑት ላይ በትግራዋያን ላይ የሜፈጸመውን ዓይነት አድሎ ሲፈጽም እናየዋለንን? ኦሮሞችን ለማሰር ፣ ለማገድ ፣ ለማባረር እና ወደ ካምፖች እንዲገቡ ማድረግ ይጀምራልን? አይ! ኦሮሞዎች በኦሮሞዎች ላይ? ለጊዜው፤ በጭራሽ ! ትግራዋያን የጋራ ጠላቶቻቸው እስካሉ ድረስ ይህ በጭራሽ አይሆንም!

👉 Please read the following sad and mind-blowing ‘Reuters’ report. Tigrayans are finding themselves like Jews in Hitler’s concentration camps. Woow! Evil Abiy Ahmed’s Oromo regime just designated the so-called „Oromo Liberation Army“ „ as a terrorist entity. So, the question now is, are we going to see Oromo-lead Abiy Ahmed’s Oromo-lead regime’s crackdown on Ethnic Oromos? Are they going to arrest, suspend, dismiss and summon Oromos to camps? No! Oromos against Oromos? This will never happen, as long as they have common enemies in Tigrayans!

💭 Special Report-Ethiopia’s Crackdown on Ethnic Tigrayans Snares Thousands

💭 ልዩ ዘገባ – በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ትግራዋይን ላይ በአዲስ አበባ እና ሌሎች ቦታዎች ‘ኢትዮጵያ‘/ኦሮሚያ እየወሰደችው ያለችው አድሏዊ እርምጃ

☆ አዲስ የእስረኞች ማዕበል

☆ የትግራይ ወታደሮች ታገዱ ፣ ወደ ካምፖች ተጠሩ

☆ የትግራይ ዲፕሎማቶች ተባረዋል

☆ ከታሳሪዎቹ መካከል አንድ ቄስ ፣ ሁለት ሴቶች ልጆች እና ለማኝ/የኔ ቢጤዎች ነበሩ። የተያዙት ትግራዋይነታቸውን የሚያሳይ መታወቂያ ለፖሊስ ካሳዩ በኋላ ነው፡፡

☆ A New Wave Of Arrests

☆ Tigrayan Soldiers Suspended, Summoned To Camps

☆ Tigrayan Diplomats Dismissed

☆ A priest, two women with small children and a beggar were among the detainees, the health worker said. They were arrested after showing police an identity card issued by Tigray authorities.

Police arrested Tigrayan street trader Nigusu Mahari last year as he strolled along the traffic-clogged streets of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa. He says he was speaking on the phone in the language of his homeland, a distant region in the north.

Officers accused the broom hawker of planning a bombing, trying to overturn the constitution and working with Tigrayan rebel fighters. Nigusu professed his innocence. Six weeks later, a judge released him on bail without charge, court records show, after Reuters began inquiring about his case.

Nigusu is among thousands of Tigrayans swept up in a nationwide crackdown that started last November, when fighting erupted in Tigray between federal forces and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the party that dominated the national government until three years ago. Tigrayans themselves are a small minority in Ethiopia’s mosaic of more than 90 ethnic groups and nationalities.

“They arrested me from the street because I spoke Tigrinya,” Nigusu, 25, told Reuters. He said he was just one of three dozen from his home region in the same jail. “I saw 35 Tigrayans, and I told myself that this is not about the TPLF. It’s about the Tigrayan people.”

Authorities did not respond to questions about Nigusu’s case. Federal police spokesman Jeylan Abdi told Reuters that if innocent people are detained, they are swiftly released. Police have caught many TPLF supporters “red-handed with firearms and ammunition,” he wrote in a text message.

Tigrayans say the government’s efforts to crush a TPLF rebellion have unleashed an ethnic witch hunt against them. Across the country, Tigrayans have been arrested, harassed, sacked or suspended from their jobs, or had their bank accounts temporarily frozen, according to bank records, letters from employers and interviews with government officials, rights groups and lawyers.

Reuters spoke to more than two dozen Tigrayans who said their careers and personal lives have been upended because of their ethnicity. They included families of Tigrayan soldiers who’ve been rounded up and put in detention camps; Tigrayan diplomats dismissed or suspended from their postings; academics barred by their universities from lecturing; Tigrayan civilians who say they were arbitrarily detained, and Tigrayan peacekeepers who sought asylum in South Sudan, fearing arrest if they returned home. Most spoke on condition of anonymity, citing concerns over their safety.

The allegations come in the wake of reports of major rights abuses in Tigray – including mass killings of civilians and gang rapes of Tigrayan women. In April, Reuters detailed accounts of women tortured and raped in conditions that a regional official described for the first time as “sexual slavery.”

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, whose parents are from Ethiopia’s two biggest ethnic communities, has stressed that his government’s fight is with the TPLF and has called on his countrymen not to discriminate against Tigrayans as a group. His spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, told Reuters the prime minister “spearheads a vision of a united Ethiopia with zero tolerance for discrimination based on ethnic identity.” To insinuate that suspects are arrested because of their ethnicity “is interfering in upholding the rule of law and purposely fomenting divisions,” she added.

Attorney General Gedion Timothewos said there was no government policy to “purge” Tigrayan officials. He conceded, however, that some state organizations “may have overestimated their exposure or vulnerability” to penetration by the TPLF.

“The TPLF had a huge network in Addis, so we had to err on the side of caution,” Gedion said. “I would not rule out that innocent people might be caught up in this situation.”

The at times heavy-handed response is fueling Tigrayan anger and complicating Abiy’s efforts to end the conflict in Tigray. Thousands of people have been killed and more than 1.7 million displaced.

Fighting started on Nov. 4 when, according to the government, forces loyal to the TPLF, the then-governing party in Tigray, attacked army bases in the region. The violence followed months of deteriorating relations between the TPLF and the federal government over what the party sees as discrimination against Tigrayans and attempts to centralise power – accusations the government rejects. A TPLF spokesman has denied that the group made the first strike.

Tigray is the most dramatic example of ethnic and regional tensions that are surfacing across Ethiopia, imperilling the multiethnic democracy of Africa’s second-most populous nation and a regional linchpin. Ethiopia hosts the African Union headquarters. Its security services work closely with Western intelligence against Islamist extremists. And its peacekeepers serve in Somalia, Sudan and South Sudan. More than 60,000 Tigrayan refugees have fled into neighbouring Sudan, where a long-simmering border dispute is heating up.

“With the conflict in Tigray set to continue, and many people there supporting armed resistance and even secession, the pressing challenge for the prime minister is holding the country together rather than how to further unify it,” said William Davison, an Ethiopia analyst at the International Crisis Group, a research organization that seeks to prevent deadly conflicts.

A NEW WAVE OF ARRESTS

Although a minority of nearly 6 million in the country of 109 million, Tigrayans used to dominate Ethiopia’s government, armed forces and economy. Over nearly three decades, the TPLF ruled with an iron grip. Surveillance was all pervasive – there was said to be a government informer in every street – and dissidents lived with the constant threat of arrest.

When Abiy became prime minister in 2018, he pledged democratic change and released tens of thousands of political prisoners. The intelligence apparatus was an early target for reform. Former intelligence chief Getachew Assefa, a Tigrayan, was charged with torture and killings. He has evaded capture and hasn’t publicly addressed the accusations. His whereabouts are unknown.

Other Tigrayan intelligence agents faced similar charges or were fired. Many more left the agency. Most of the few Tigrayan intelligence officers who remained were suspended in November when the fighting broke out, said two sources familiar with the agency. The intelligence agency didn’t comment for this article.

There are no national statistics on the number of Tigrayans detained on suspicion of supporting the TPLF. Gedion, the attorney general, said the number in custody in Addis Ababa peaked at around 700 in November but fell to around 300 by mid-December. He didn’t respond to a request for a more recent figure.

Tigrayans interviewed by Reuters said there was a new wave of arrests in the capital in April this year. Around 300 Tigrayans were held in a warehouse-style building on the southern outskirts of Addis Ababa, according to a health worker who said he was detained there and a lawyer with friends and family inside.

A priest, two women with small children and a beggar were among the detainees, the health worker said. They were arrested after showing police an identity card issued by Tigray authorities.

Conditions were miserable, the health worker said, with 28 to 30 people in a room. The only food was brought in by the prisoners’ relatives or by guards in return for payment. Detainees were allowed to use the bathroom only twice a day, he said, and “had to pee inside the empty plastic container of water we used.”

The health worker said he was released without charge after eight days, on April 22, along with more than 100 others. They walked free hours after Reuters sent the attorney general an email asking about the arrests and conditions inside the building. The attorney general and police didn’t respond to a request for comment about the facility.

Reuters couldn’t determine the number of people detained in Tigray itself. Regional officials said they don’t know because many people are being held by the federal police or military. The military and police didn’t respond to requests for comment.

One flashpoint for violence is the western part of Tigray, which neighbouring Amhara region claims as its own. West Tigray residents described roundups that continued into this year, in which Amhara gunmen searched for people with Tigrayan IDs and imprisoned unknown numbers of them. Amhara sent regional forces into Tigray in November to help the military fight the TPLF. Amhara authorities didn’t comment for this article. The Amhara-appointed administrator of western Tigray, Yabsira Eshetie, has said previously only criminals were detained.

TIGRAYAN SOLDIERS SUSPENDED, SUMMONED TO CAMPS

Thousands of Tigrayan soldiers have been suspended from the Ethiopian military, amid accusations that some participated in the Nov. 4 attack. Redwan Hussein, the head of a government taskforce on the Tigray crisis, said that the suspensions were to prevent sabotage and to protect Tigrayan “brothers and sisters” from possible revenge attacks.

“Because there is that mutual suspicion, it is good to let these Tigrayan forces and soldiers stay at home – for their own safety” and “for the safety of the entire esprit de corps,” he told Reuters in November. He didn’t comment on the matter further when approached for this article.

Some Tigrayan servicemen were ordered to report to camps at locations across the country, where their phones were confiscated, half a dozen soldiers and military families told Reuters.

One man told Reuters his cousin is being held at a camp in southern Ethiopia along with more than 1,500 other Tigrayan soldiers. He showed Reuters a copy of his cousin’s military identification card and a list of 12 other camps where he said soldiers are being detained. Conditions in the camps are poor and there is little food, according to relatives. The army and the government didn’t respond to requests for comment about the camps.

Brigadier General Kiddu Alemu, a Tigrayan military attache at Ethiopia’s embassy in Nairobi, was caught up in a sweep that netted 162 senior Tigrayan officers, said his lawyer, Desta Mesfin.

When the fighting erupted in Tigray, the 62-year-old general was summoned back to Addis Ababa.

“I advised him against coming back,” said Desta, “but he told me, ‘I am old, and I did nothing wrong, so I don’t have anything to hide.’”

Kiddu flew home from Kenya on Nov. 10 and was immediately put under house arrest by members of the Ethiopian military, Desta said. No explanation was given.

Then, one night in early December, six soldiers turned up at the general’s home, the lawyer said. They took Kiddu to police headquarters, where he was held in solitary confinement. Over the next two months, Kiddu made seven court appearances. On each occasion, police sought, and were granted, permission to extend his detention. Accusations levelled against him by the police included that he participated in the Nov. 4 attacks. That charge was “absurd,” said Desta, because the general was in Nairobi at the time.

On his fifth court appearance, police accused the general, without supplying evidence, of having convinced the European Union (EU) to stop funding Ethiopia and having persuaded the Ethiopian diaspora not to donate money to law enforcement operations in Tigray. The EU suspended budget support to Ethiopia worth 88 million euros ($107 million) in January over the Tigray crisis. An EU official with direct knowledge of the matter dismissed the allegations as ‘bizarre.’

Finally, on Feb. 18, a judge ruled there was no prima facie evidence against the general and granted bail for 50,000 birr ($1,237). The general’s wife paid the bail the same day. But instead of walking free, the general was transferred into military detention, at a facility outside Addis Ababa. There he remains, with the 161 other high-ranking Tigrayan military officers, according to Desta.

“I haven’t been allowed to see him or to talk to him,” said Desta. “He hasn’t appeared in a military court, even though by law he should have been brought before a judge within 48 hours of his transfer.”

None of the Tigrayan prisoners in the jail had been brought before a judge, he added. “The aim is not really to prosecute them but to prolong their detention indefinitely.”

Ethiopian authorities didn’t respond to requests for comment about Kiddu or the other officers.

A high-ranking Tigrayan military officer, with three decades of service, told Reuters he had gone into hiding to escape arrest. He said that on the day after the TPLF attack on government forces in Tigray, his superior called him to tell him he was suspended. Reuters was unable to independently confirm his account. He said similar instructions were relayed to the around 20,000 Tigrayans serving in Ethiopia’s military.

The officer said he became increasingly alarmed in the days that followed. He was disarmed, his military-issued vehicles were taken away, and Tigrayan friends began to disappear, without explanation. He was told to report to a camp on the outskirts of the capital. Afraid, he moved his family and began sleeping at a different location every night.

On Feb. 22, 15 Tigrayan peacekeepers serving in a United Nations mission in South Sudan refused to board a flight to Ethiopia when their unit’s rotation ended and requested asylum in South Sudan, according to the U.N. One of the peacekeepers told Reuters he’d served in the military for 33 years and had never been a member of the TPLF. “I feared that would happen to me if I went back. I feared for my life.” Reuters couldn’t determine whether he was granted asylum.

The peacekeeper said he’d refused to board the plane, but 17 of his colleagues had been pushed aboard. Some of them were beaten, he said; it was unclear by whom. The U.N. confirmed there had been a “scuffle” but didn’t elaborate. Ethiopia’s government and military didn’t respond to a request for comment.

A U.N. spokesman told Reuters that a further 120 Ethiopian peacekeepers with a joint African Union-United Nations mission in Sudan’s Darfur region sought international protection earlier this month before they were due to be repatriated. Most are Tigrayan, he said.

TIGRAYAN DIPLOMATS DISMISSED

The crackdown is not limited to soldiers. Tigrayan diplomats, professors, journalists and business people said they too are feeling the backlash. Some said the crackdown predates the outbreak of fighting in November.

Yohannes Abraha, an ethnic Tigrayan and former director of southern and western European affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said he was dismissed several months before, part of what he described as broader moves to sideline Tigrayans. He provided a list with the names of 54 Tigrayans who he said were suspended or fired by the foreign ministry since the conflict erupted. Reuters reached three people on the list who confirmed they had been dismissed.

Redwan, the head of the government taskforce on the Tigray crisis, is also the state minister for foreign affairs. He told Reuters many Tigrayans still work for the government. Other Tigrayans hold senior posts in the judiciary and in state run enterprise.

“If there are TPLF individuals whose story seems to have a grain of truth, it won’t be because their ethnicity is from Tigray. It must be because they were suspected or found guilty of colluding with the criminal gang,” he said, referring to the TPLF.

The list of 54 Tigrayans includes Kassa Gebreyohannes Gebremichael, former deputy head of mission at the Ethiopian Embassy in Moscow. Kassa showed Reuters a Dec. 21 letter from the foreign ministry informing him he was being dismissed after failing to respond to three summons to return to Addis Ababa and present himself at the ministry. He told Reuters he feared arrest if he went home.

Kassa said he had a disagreement with the Ethiopian ambassador to Moscow over the war in Tigray, and was suspended after sharing on the embassy’s Facebook page a Russian government post calling for a peaceful solution to the conflict. The deputy military attache in Moscow and a Tigrayan driver at the embassy were also suspended, Kassa said. Reuters confirmed the suspensions with both men, neither of whom was on the list. The embassy did not respond to a request for comment.

Another diplomat on the list said he and two Tigrayan colleagues were suspended from the consular section of an Ethiopian embassy in a Western nation. The diplomat, who asked that neither he nor his embassy be identified, shared bank records showing he had not been paid since Oct. 30. A diplomat in Europe said he was fired after refusing a summons to return to Addis Ababa days after the conflict broke out. He showed Reuters a letter that said his contract ran until 2023.

Even some Tigrayans who actively opposed the TPLF lost their jobs. A university lecturer said he was fired by his supervisor despite having stood as a candidate against the TPLF in local elections in Tigray last year. Education officials didn’t comment.

Tigrayans working at state-run agencies — including the tourist board, state-affiliated media and local municipalities — were also suspended or dismissed from their jobs, said a Tigrayan lawyer. He told Reuters a dozen such people had sought his advice. He shared documentation connected to two of these cases that supported his account.

Despite the TPLF’s former dominance, many Tigrayans are poor. Among them is Nigusu, the young broom-seller. An eighth-grade dropout, he left the family farm in Tigray three years ago to eke out a living in Addis Ababa.

He sold handmade brooms amid the traffic fumes in a market neighbourhood, where ancient Lada taxis nicknamed “Blue Donkeys” inch past men hawking bundles of mildly narcotic qat leaves.

Police stopped Nigusu on Nov. 7, three days after the fighting started in Tigray. Nigusu said he was frantic with worry about his family back home. All phone and internet connections were down. He told Reuters that when he was arrested, he was speaking to a relative who also lives outside Tigray. He said officers seized the 2,000 birr ($50) cash he was carrying and beat him.

The police accused him of being a terrorist, court documents show. They said he was overheard discussing planting bombs.

“I told them I know nothing about bombs, and everything is a fabrication,” Nigusu said.

He tried to put on a brave front. During one of seven brief court appearances, Nigusu waved to his elder brother, Berhe Hadera, then put his hands over his heart.

Berhe borrowed 6,000 birr to pay for bail, according to a receipt seen by Reuters. But the police refused to free Nigusu, who said he was held in a small cell without a window. He said he saw three dozen other Tigrayans in custody at the same time.

Nigusu was freed in December. He has since left Addis Ababa to stay with family in Tigray, preferring to take his chances in a war zone than remain in the capital.

“I came here (to Addis Ababa) to beat poverty and change my life,” Nigusu said. “But now I would rather lose my hand than live here. After this, I am not an Ethiopian.”

Source

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MSF | #TigrayGenocide | #TigrayGenocidio | #TigrayGenozid | የዘር ማጥፋት በትግራይ

En los ultimos seis meses se han cometido todo tipo de actos de genocidio en Tigray de odio por motivos étnicos y religiosos.

Rehabilitamos un puesto de salud destruido y saqueado en Adiftaw, en la región etíope de Tigray.

_____________________________________

፴/30ቱ የጉዕተሎ መድኃኔ ዓለም ቤተክርስቲያን ሰማዕታት እነዚህ ናቸው

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

✞✞✞ በቤተክርስቲያኗ የመድኃኔ ዓለም ዓመታዊ ክብረ በዓል ዕለት፤ ማክሰኞ ታህሣሥ ፳፯/ ፪ሺ፲፫ ዓ.ም የሰማዕትነት አክሊልን የተቀዳጁት ፴/30 የጉዕተሎ መድኃኔ ዓለም ልጆችን ነፍስ በቅዱሳኑ እቅፍ ያኑርልን ከማህበረ ፃድቃን ይደምርልን። ✞✞✞

👉 የ ፴/30ውን ሰማዕታት ስም እየጠራን ለመድኃኔ ዓለም “እልልል!” 😊😊😊 እንበል!!! ይብላን ለገዳዮቻቸው!👹 ወዮላቸው!

👉❤️ የሰማዕታቱ የስም ዝርዝር፦

ቁ	ስም	ጾታ	ማዕረግ
1	ቄስ ገብረ ዮሐንስ ደስታ	ወንድ	የቤተክርስቲያን ሊቅ
2	ቄስ ነጋ ተስፋይ	ወንድ
3	መሪጌታ ኪዳነ ማርያም ተፈሪ	ወንድ	የቤተክርስቲያን ዋና ሊቅ
4	ቄስ ሐዱሽ ኃይለ ማርያም	ወንድ	ቄስ ገበዝ የቤተክርስቲያን ሊቅ
5	ቄስ ገብሬ አጽበሐ	ወንድ	የቤተክርስቲያን ሊቅ
6.	ሀጎስ ሃይሉ	ወንድ
7	ኪዳኔ ተክለ ሐይማኖት	ወንድ
8	ብርሃኔ ገብረ አረጋዊ (አንገታቸው ተቀልቷል)	ወንድ
9	ግርማይ ንጉሤ (ከልጃቸው ሚኪያስ ጋር)	ወንድ
10	ሚኪያስ ግርማይ ንጉሤ (ከአባታቸው ግርማይ ጋር)	ወንድ
11	ዲያቆን በርሔ ደስታ ወልደ ገብርኤል	ወንድ
12	ዲያቆን ብርሃኔ ገብረ ሥላሴ	ወንድ
13	ዲያቆን ጽጋብ አለም ፊትዊ	ወንድ
14	ደሳለኝ ተስፉ ሀጎስ	ወንድ
15	አታክልቲ መሰለ ገብረ ዮሐንስ	ወንድ
16	ሴት መነኩሴ እታይ ዘ–ሀፍታ	ሴት
17	ምሕረት ገብረ እግዚ	ሴት
18	ሀደጋ ለማ	ሴት
19	ካሕሳ ገብሬ	ሴት
20	ኪዳን ወልዱ	ሴት
21	ኪዳን ረዳ	ሴት
22	ለታይ ገብረ ማርያም (ከሴት ልጃቸው ብርሃን ጋር)	ሴት
23	ብርሃን ገብረ ጻድቅ (ከእናታቸው ለታይ ጋር)	ሴት
24	በኩረ ጽዮን ደስታ	ወንድ
25	ደስታሰላም ግርማይ	ወንድ
26	ብርሃኔ ገብረ ኢየሱስ	ወንድ
27	መሪ ጌታ ደሳለኝ ካህሳይ	ወንድ	የቤተክርስቲያን ሊቅ
28	አብረኸት እቁባዝጊ	Female
29	ተስፋይ ገብረ ሥላሴ	ወንድ
30	አንገሶም ገብረ ሥላሴ ታደሰ	ወንድ

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