Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on October 13, 2022
💭 A year and a half ago, a soldier filmed a civilian massacre perpetrated by the Ethiopian army in the region of Tigray. Now captured by Tigrayan forces, along with many Ethiopian soldiers, the region is trying to bring those responsible to justice.
‘A military drone is flying over my city as I write’
As the war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region intensifies, the BBC gets an exclusive report from its main city.
💭 ‘I don’t know if my family is alive or dead’, says campaigner on ‘forgotten’ war
The region has been cut off from the world during two-year conflict with Ethiopia
A Midland woman said she had no idea if her relatives were alive or dead in a brutal conflict described by some analysts as more bloody than that playing out in Ukraine. Leandra Gebrakedan, from Willenhall, has not heard from her relatives in Tigray for 18 months.
💭 As much of the world’s attention is focused on the bloodshed in Ukraine, the head of the World Health Organization saya there is ”nowhere on earth where the health of millions of people is more under threat” than Ethiopia’s Tigray region..
WHO director-general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said the situation in Tigray from where he hails was “catastrophic,” saying the region had been “sealed off from the outside world” for about 500 days.
“No food aid has been delivered since the middle of December,” Tedros told a press briefing, adding that about three quarters of health facilities assessed by WHO in the region had been destroyed. He said there was no treatment for about 40,000 people with HIV in the region.
“Yes, I’m from Tigray and this crisis affects me, my family and my friends very personally,” Tedros said. “But I, the director general of WHO, I have a duty to protect and promote health wherever it’s under threat,” he said. “And there is nowhere on earth where the health of millions of people is more under threat than Tigray.”
Tedros said the U.N. health agency had now documented 43 attacks on health care workers and facilities in Ukraine since the Russian invasion began last month.
WHO has now opened supply lines to many cities in Ukraine, but some access challenges remained. The agency continued to call for attacks on health workers and facilities to stop.
But Tedros said the crisis in Ukraine was “far from the only crisis to which WHO is responding,” citing ongoing problems in Yemen, Syria and Ethiopia.
Earlier this year, the government of Ethiopia sent a letter to the World Health Organization, accusing Tedros of “misconduct” after his sharp criticism of the war and humanitarian crisis in the country.
Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 23, 2022
The United Nations is failing to support hundreds of ethnic Tigrayan members of a U.N. peacekeeping force as they fear returning home to Ethiopia and facing potential detention amid the country´s Tigray conflict, peacekeepers tell The Associated Press.
Their accounts highlight the concerns among Tigrayans after thousands of them, both military personnel and civilians, were detained throughout Ethiopia after the country´s war erupted in November 2020 between Ethiopian forces and fighters from the Tigray region. An unknown number have been released in recent weeks after much of the fighting eased, and Ethiopia this week lifted a state of emergency.
Two Tigrayan peacekeepers told the AP that they and hundreds of colleagues have ended their U.N. peacekeeping stint in Abyei, a region contested by Sudan and South Sudan, and are now expected to return to Ethiopia. They asserted that their peacekeeping camp is under Ethiopian control and U.N. personnel are not allowed access.
Sgt. Angesom Gebru, who slipped away from the camp with a few dozen others, said the remaining Tigrayan peacekeepers can only walk away safely once they are taken to a local airport for flights back to Ethiopia, which began this week. But as Tigrayans refuse to board them, he said, there are fears that those still in the peacekeeping camp could face retaliation.
Dozens of the Tigrayan peacekeepers held a protest against the war in Ethiopia this week. A photo taken and shared by Angesom shows the men and women, with their blue U.N. passes around their necks, standing with a handwritten sign reading “Stop genocide in Tigray.”
The Tigray region of some 6 million people has been largely blockaded by Ethiopia´s government since June of last year as authorities claim that humanitarian aid or other supplies could be used in support of the Tigray forces.
“Fuel, cash and supplies available for humanitarian partners in Tigray are at near-exhaustion level,” the U.N. humanitarian agency said last week.
A spokesman for Ethiopia’s military and government did not respond to questions about the Tigrayan peacekeepers with the U.N. mission. Ethiopia’s government has sought to portray a return to normal at home after the Tigray forces withdrew into their region in December under a drone-supported military offensive.
The two peacekeepers told the AP that Ethiopian authorities at the camp told the Tigrayans they would not be harmed if they returned home. But they said they weren´t reassured, and they and colleagues who left the camp are sheltering with newly arrived peacekeepers from Ghana.
The Tigrayans described themselves as stranded in a remote region on the border between two of the world´s most troubled countries, Sudan and South Sudan.
Officials with the U.N. peacekeeping mission and the U.N. refugee agency did not respond to questions about why the Tigrayans say the U.N. is not allowed to access the Ethiopians´ peacekeeping camp or what help the U.N. is giving the Tigrayans.
It is not clear how many Tigrayan peacekeepers have refused to board the flights home.
Ethiopia is one of the top five troop contributing countries to U.N, peacekeeping missions, and the nation’s war has turned the homecoming of Ethiopian peacekeepers into sometimes fraught, or even physical, affairs.
In February 2021, more than a dozen Tigrayan members of the U.N. peacekeeping mission in South Sudan refused to board a flight home when their stay ended. And in April, U.N. spokesman Farhan Haq said a number of Ethiopians in the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Sudan´s Darfur region sought “international protection” as several hundred troops were being repatriated.
Ethiopia´s government has sought to restrict reporting on the war and detained some journalists under the recent state of emergency. Those still held include a video freelancer accredited to the AP, Amir Aman Kiyaro.
😈The following entities and bodies are helping the genocidal fascist Oromo regime of evil Abiy Ahmed Ali:
☆ The United Nations
☆ The European Union
☆ The African Union
☆ The United States, Canada & Cuba
☆ Russia
☆ China
☆ Israel
☆ Arab States
☆ Southern Ethiopians
☆ Amharas
☆ Eritrea
☆ Djibouti
☆ Kenya
☆ Sudan
☆ Somalia
☆ Egypt
☆ Iran
☆ Pakistan
☆ India
☆ Azerbaijan
☆ Amnesty International
☆ Human Rights Watch
☆ World Food Program (2020 Nobel Peace Laureate)
☆ The Nobel Prize Committee
☆ The Atheists and Animists
☆ The Muslims
☆ The Protestants
☆ The Sodomites
☆ TPLF?
💭 Even those unlikely allies like: ‘Israel vs Iran’, ‘Russia + China vs Ukraine + The West’, ‘Egypt + Sudan vs Iran + Turkey’, ‘India vs Pakistan’ are all united now in the Anti Zionist-Ethiopia-Conspiracy. This has never ever happened before it is a very curios phenomenon unique appearance in world history.
✞ With the Zionist Tigray an-Ethiopians are:
❖ The Almighty Egziabher God & His Saints
❖ St. Mary of Zion
❖ The Ark of The Covenant
💭 Due to the leftist and atheistic nature of the TPLF, because of its tiresome, foreign and satanic ideological games of: „Unitarianism vs Multiculturalism“, the Supernatural Force that always stood/stands with the Northern Ethiopian Christians is blocked – and These Celestial Powers are not yet being ‘activated’. Even the the above Edomite and Ishmaelite entities and bodies who in the beginning tried to help them have gradually abandoned them
✞✞✞[Isaiah 33:1]✞✞✞ “Woe to you, O destroyer, While you were not destroyed; And he who is treacherous, while others did not deal treacherously with him. As soon as you finish destroying, you will be destroyed; As soon as you cease to deal treacherously, others will deal treacherously with you.”
US Congress Advances Bill to Sanction Those Fueling War in Ethiopia
“The war in Ethiopia has created one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, and all the combatants, along with their foreign backers, are responsible for horrific abuses of basic human rights.”
“Today, Congress is coming together to say that the conflict must end, and to hold accountable all those responsible for perpetuating it.”
One of the issues of ongoing concern to Congress is also the mass detention of Tigrayan civilians in several cities across Ethiopia, including the capital, Addis Ababa. Rights groups, including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, say ethnic Tigrayans have been targeted since the start of the conflict in November 2020, citing reports of forced disappearances and arbitrary arrests among other human rights violations.
The mass detention of Tigrayan civilians in unlivable conditions is a human rights violation so outrageous that it demands a forceful U.S. response. I’m pleased that H.R. 6600 passed @HouseForeign with my amendment to respond to this atrocity.
“The mass detention of Tigrayan civilians in unlivable conditions is a human rights violation so outrageous that it demands a forceful U.S. response,” tweeted Congressman Brad Sherman of California, calling for action on what he called an atrocity.
The bill calls on the State Department to determine whether war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide has been perpetrated by any party to the conflict. It also asks State to report on the role of foreign governments including those of China, the United Arab Emirates and Turkey in fueling the conflict.
Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 10, 2022
“Prisoners were getting two pieces of bread to eat a day. Other detainees [who didn’t pay for water] were eating this without ever washing their hands, even after toilet use.”
The mass detention of Tigrayan civilians in unlivable conditions is a human rights violation so outrageous that it demands a forceful U.S. response
Civilians held without charge accuse Ethiopian security officers of systematic extortion and increasing abuse.
Ethiopian security officers have been systematically extorting and abusing Tigrayan civilians held without charge, including minors and the elderly, since a wave of nationwide mass arrests began last year, according to alleged victims and their families.
Estimates say thousands of civilians have been rounded up since the conflict between rebels from the country’s northern Tigray region and Ethiopia’s national army began 15 months ago.
At least 1,000 Tigrayans – including United Nations staff – were arrested in two weeks in November 2021 in the capital Addis Ababa, according to the UN.
The Ethiopian government says it only targets those suspected of supporting the rebels. But as profiling and detentions increased, so did the extortion of detainees by police and prison wardens, according to victims and relatives of victims who spoke to Al Jazeera over the past month.
“We have become a commodity in prison,” said Kirubel*, who spent up to seven months detained in an Addis Ababa facility until his family paid for his release. “They slap a price on you. Then your loved ones have to find the money and buy your freedom.”
Prison wardens, government prosecutors and officials from the local attorney general’s offices are among those alleged to have demanded exorbitant bribes for release. Detainees also told Al Jazeera that payments are often required to secure medicine, and in some cases to use toilets and showers throughout their indefinite detentions.
Segen*, also in Addis Ababa, told Al Jazeera that the police phoned to demand a 2,500 birr ($50) payment to cover cleaning and drinking water for his imprisoned brother.
“Prisoners were getting two pieces of bread to eat a day. Other detainees [who didn’t pay for water] were eating this without ever washing their hands, even after toilet use.”
Some relatives of prisoners described being asked to deliver as much as 500,000 Ethiopian birr ($10,000) in ransom payments.
But in Ethiopia, where the average annual income is less than $1,000, the majority of detainees have languished behind bars, with their impoverished families unable to afford the release price.
Haimanot* said she was asked to pay the equivalent of $1,200 for the release of her 17-year-old son held in Addis Ababa. He had been in detention for more than a month.
“I don’t have that kind of money,” she said, sobbing over the phone.
In response to queries from Al Jazeera about allegations of extortion, an official from Ethiopia’s Ministry of Justice conceded that he was aware of cases of “bribery” but denied that the problem was systematic and said action was being taken to stamp out the practice.
“Several federal and municipal police commission members have been charged with bribery,” said Awel Sultan, communications head at the justice ministry. “But they don’t represent the majority of our committed and ethical police force.”
But alleged victims told Al Jazeera of pervasive extortion and increasing abuse.
State of emergency
Conflict erupted in Ethiopia in November 2020 when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered a military incursion into Tigray after Tigrayan forces attacked federal military bases in the region. Abiy’s government took the regional capital, Mekelle, within three weeks and declared victory.
But the conflict has dragged on, killing tens of thousands of people, displacing millions, and leaving nearly 40 percent of the 6 million people living in the Tigray region facing extreme food shortages, according to the latest report from the World Food Programme.
The government declared a state of emergency in early November 2021 after Tigrayan forces had regained territory and threatened to march on Addis Ababa. Thousands of Tigrayans were rounded up in the Ethiopian capital and sent to detention centres that month.
“Government security forces have subjected Tigrayans from all walks of life and ages to sweeping ethnically based arrests, enforced disappearances since the beginning of the conflict, in Ethiopia’s capital and beyond. Thousands have been lingering in detention for months,” Laetitia Bader, Human Rights Watch director for the Horn of Africa, told Al Jazeera by email.
“Releases seem to be as arbitrary as the arrests, with many detainees never seeing a day in court or having a chance to plead their cause.”
Family members describe receiving phone calls from mysterious middlemen who instruct them on how to transfer the sums of money demanded to a specific bank account.
Al Jazeera is aware of one case where a detainee was allegedly allowed to call his relatives to arrange his own ransom payment.
Wardens are said to take particular care to ensure that there are food shortages and enough beatings to induce regular payments.
Kidane* was released in December after spending four months at a police holding centre and another two months at a larger detention facility.
He and the other five were held at a police station in the town of Bishoftu in July, half an hour’s drive outside of Addis Ababa, where he recalls being beaten on three different occasions by the guards.
“The first time was because they wanted money. They had implied and even asked nicely but I didn’t give them [money] because I didn’t have any, so one of the wardens, there are good ones and bad ones, just beat me up.”
Other times, Kidane says, he and others were simply beaten for being Tigrayans.
Kidane, who says he is a civilian with no link to the rebels, said he was taken to court five times in those first four months in police detention but not charged.
He was later moved to another detention facility within Bishoftu, he said, as the cells at the police stations could not manage the sudden influx of detainees after the federal government declared the state of emergency in November.
He said the larger detention centre was severely overcrowded, with 500-600 people in one large hall that was not designed for more than 150.
“In the detention centres, there were men as old as 88. I would estimate there were as many as 50 minors, if you are referring to anyone under eighteen,” he said. “Even the sickly elderly were denied medical assistance. The place was overcrowded, hot and they didn’t turn the lights off because they wanted to keep an eye on us the whole time.”
In January, Human Rights Watch accused the Ethiopian government of arbitrarily detaining, mistreating and forcibly disappearing Tigrayan migrants deported from Saudi Arabia.
The rights group’s findings corroborate testimony shared with Al Jazeera by detainees including Kidane, who said deportees from Saudi Arabia were being sent to detention centres in droves.
“The guards assume that returnees from the Middle East have money, so they would beat them. They would take four or five out at night and beat them up to be an example for the rest of us to cooperate,” Kidane said.
Kidane estimates he paid more than 50,000 birr (just over $1,000) to prison guards to shower, use the toilet, and be allowed to visit a clinic for typhoid and bronchitis he says he contracted while behind bars.
Justice ministry spokesman Awel admitted that he was aware of reports of mistreatment of prisoners and arrests of minors, but said the erosion and suspension of civil rights are to be expected under a national state of emergency.
“The detention of minors in juvenile facilities isn’t guaranteed either. There could be many reasons why young offenders are detained with adults. It could be space limitations or perhaps police may not be sure of their ages,” Awel added.
“As the number of people detained is higher (than usual), it’s difficult to permit them to exercise all of their rights. We are working to prevent crime and sustain the country,” Awel said.
“The target of the state of emergency is to limit the rights of a few people in order to protect the rights of the entire nation.”
‘A very valuable hostage’
Federal forces have regained territory in recent months, forcing the Tigrayan rebels to retreat to the northern region in December.
But despite the Tigrayan losses and Awel’s claims that many corrupt security officers have been reined in, there are no obvious signs of a slowing in the extortion racket for current prisoners. Nevertheless, there does appear to be a decline in indiscriminate arrests of Tigrayans.
During January, when Ethiopian Orthodox Christians celebrate Christmas and Timket, a holy day commemorating the baptism of Christ, detainees say that there was an upscale in ransom payments, with police and middlemen taking advantage of the desperation of families to be reunited with their loved ones for the holidays.
Middlemen are also said to have preyed on detainees with family members abroad.
Kidist*, who lives in the United States, told Al Jazeera she was asked to pay 500,000 birr ($10,000) to free her brother and an elderly uncle who is on medication. They had been held at an Addis Ababa centre for over a month.
Meanwhile, Meseret* said she sent large sums of money from the UK to free her younger brothers.
“If they think they can get euros and dollars for you, you become a very valuable hostage.”
The threat of disorder emanating from Ethiopia may not only engulf the region but threaten the security of the Red Sea.
The longer the 12-month conflict in Ethiopia drags on, the greater the damage to the fragile stability of the Horn of Africa. It has already sown the seeds of regional destabilization that will accelerate if a political settlement is not sought urgently.
It is a sign of this concern that President Uhuru Kenyatta of neighbouring Kenya is actively engaged in trying to promote a resolution to the conflict and to lay the groundwork for a longer-term political settlement in Ethiopia.
At issue now is whether a country of 110 million people can be prevented from unravelling
From the moment the fighting began, Ethiopia’s neighbours sensed unprecedented danger. If not rapidly contained, which it was not, the conflict would trigger a chain reaction of claims for self-determination and drain the economy. The consequences would not be confined within the borders of Ethiopia. At issue now is whether a country of 110 million people can be prevented from unravelling.
The effects of failure will be felt in neighbouring states, in the fragile relations among the countries of the region and in the strategic environment surrounding the Horn of Africa.
Conflict and economic collapse beget displacement and the hardest hit by a migratory wave will be Kenya and probably Somalia. If this wave grows, migrants – and the numbers could be very high – will try to reach South Africa and Europe. All of Ethiopia’s neighbours have their own economic challenges and this additional influx will test their financial capacities.
Ethiopia’s centrifugal political forces were contained over the past 30 years by significant budget subsidies to the regions nearest to the frontier. This is no longer the case. The cost of war has diminished the subsidies to these already impoverished border populations, who will seek more opportunity across the frontier. Once the provider of stability in the region, Ethiopia has become an exporter of insecurity. Ethiopia is now over-armed and under-financed. Weapons are making their way across frontiers and one should be alarmed that the jihadist group al-Shabaab, for example, can buy guns more cheaply from the Ethiopian market than it does from Yemen.
Ethiopia’s deteriorating internal security is being exploited by al-Shabaab and other likeminded groups to infiltrate and recruit in Ethiopia. If this persists and succeeds, an entirely new front is opened making Kenya’s security even more fragile.
The dispute over centralization of political authority in Ethiopia, which spilled over into the war with Tigray, was accompanied by a deliberate and parallel strategy to realign influence in the Horn of Africa.
It is now emerging that the agreement between Isaias Afewerki, the president of Eritrea, and Abiy – for which the latter won a Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 – supplemented by the inclusion of Somalia into a trilateral agreement, was to to create a bloc of countries with highly centralized and authoritarian political systems to control the eastern coastline of Africa, from Eritrea to Somalia. In the process, efforts to consolidate cooperative security and development in the region, under the umbrella of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, were jettisoned, leaving it with new divisions and no institution to manage differences.
Multilateral options, in short, were deliberately abandoned. The Horn of Africa thus hovers over how the fate of this political axis will be managed in an institutional vacuum. Djibouti is caught between the contending politics of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia. In Sudan the move to overthrow the experiment in political reform in favour of the military is colliding with sustained popular resistance. South Sudan is prey to its own post-independence demons. Kenya is fighting to inoculate its open economy and competitive political system from the infection of a region where the centre – usually Ethiopia – no longer holds.
If this grim outlook is not reversed, the threat of disorder emanating from Ethiopia will not only engulf the region but threaten the security of the Red Sea.
Abiy’s war on Tigray has turned into the potential dissolution of Ethiopia. Nothing is permanent, not least in a region which has recognized two secessions and lives with another in Somaliland.
The current successor of the Ethiopian empire may collapse. Eritrea’s lethally eccentric regime cannot last forever. But Ethiopia’s vast population, whether living in a united country or as separate entities, will inevitably seek access to the sea.
For many years, Ethiopian hegemony in the region allowed for the containment of crises. Ethiopian troops served in peacekeeping operations and in AMISOM, the African Union Mission in Somalia. Ethiopia and Kenya had an understanding that dated back half a century. Ethiopia’s relations with Sudan were balanced by a Faustian bargain between Omar al-Bashir’s Islamists and the regime controlled by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front in Addis Ababa. Eritrea’s bizarre isolation could gradually have ended with the rapprochement with Abiy.
All these assumptions have now been shattered. Ethiopia must struggle to avoid dissolution. Eritrea’s authoritarian vision of order in the region will be replaced by that of the political victors in Addis and their vision of Ethiopia’s relations with its neighbours and the wider world.
Thus, a new transition beckons for Ethiopia. But this time, it must encompass the whole region which will have been so damaged by the events of the past few years.
The international community will have to consider how this transition is not hijacked again and under what conditions it can be sustained financially to give populations the belief that peace does not degenerate again into war and regional insecurity.
💭 The Tekeze dam was hit by airstrikes, knocking off power to the entire Tigray region.
The evil monster Abiy Ahmed will continue stealing, killing and destroying – even the Grand Renaissance Dam – unless stopped abruptly. That’s what he promised Egypt’s Al-Sisi when he repeated these reassuring words in Arabic after him: “I swear to Allah, we will never harm you, Wallahi! Wallahi! Wallahi!”
Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 1, 2021
😈UAE Drone Jihad Against ❖ Christian Tigrayans of Ethiopia
Traitor Abiy Ahmed Ali Sold Christian Ethiopia out to its Historical Arab & Turkish Enemies. His Fascist Oromo regime betrayed Ethiopia by committing treason.
💭 The deployment of Emirati unmanned combat aerial vehicles UCAVs on the side of the Ethiopian government has been speculated on ever since the beginning of conflict with the rebellious Tigray Region in November 2020. Nonetheless, the oft-repeated claim that several Chinese-made Wing Loong UCAVs operated out of Assab air base in Eritrea to undertake combat missions over Tigray has never been supported by evidence that points towards such a deployment. However, new information received by the authors’ from an aircraft mechanic working at Harar Media air base appears to finally disclose the presence of Emirati Wing Loong Is UCAVs over Ethiopia.
Rather than operating out of neighbouring Eritrea, the United Arab Emirates appears to have deployed at least six Wing Loong I UCAVs to Harar Media air base located near the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. The deployment of Emirati armed drones to Ethiopia comes amidst an increasingly detoriating security situation throughout the country, with government forces all but capable of stemming the threat from Tigray forces. After the Ethiopian Army’s disastrous offensive against Tigray forces in early October, these commenced a counteroffensive that at one point even threatened the security of the capital.
Reports that the Ethiopian government could soon succumb to the threat posed by Tigray forces is sure to have alerted authorities in Abu Dhabi, and might have been the very reason for an immediate deployment of Wing Loong Is from the United Arab Emirates Air Force’s UAEAF stocks to Ethiopia. The source reported on the recent arrival of at least six Wing Loong Is along with Emirati personnel to Harar Meda air base, although it’s not yet clear whether the Emiratis will also operate the UCAVs over Ethiopia. Considering Ethiopian personnel would first need to undergo extensive training on the operations of Wing Loong Is, the initial use of Emirati operators does not seem implausible.
The source works for Dejen Aviation Engineering Industry DAVI at Harar Meda air base and had previously correctly informed the authors’ on the arrival of three Wing Loong Is purchased by Ethiopia from China, which’s story we broke in early October 2021. The UAEalready delivered a large VTOL type of UCAV armed with two heavy mortar rounds to the Ethiopian military in the summer of 2021, but the deployment of six of its own Wing Loong Is is nonetheless a huge increase in its support.
The United Arab Emirates is an active user of both Wing Loong I and Wing Loong II UCAVs, deploying them in combat over Yemen and Libya, where it lost at least twelve examples to crashes, Houthi surface-to-air missiles SAMs and Turkish air defence systems. In January 2020, an Emirati Wing Loong I carried out a lethal drone strike that killed 26 unarmed cadets at a military academy in Tripoli, Libya. Also in 2020 Amnesty International urged the United States to stop drone sales to UAEover the use of armed drones by the UAEto ”target civilian homes and health facilities, including field hospitals and ambulances”.
The Wing Loong I is China’s most commercially successful UCAV design, so far confirmed to have been exported to seven export clients worldwide, including Ethiopia. The type features one hardpoint under under each wing for the total carriage of two air-to-ground missiles AGMs or guided bombs. What the Wing Loong I lacks in the number of hardpoints, it makes up for in the wide variety of armament it can carry. In early November, it became known that Ethiopia had purchased TL-2 AGMs for its Wing Loong Is, up to four of which can be carried on double pylons by each Wing Loong I. The UAEis known to mainly use AR-1 AGMs with its Wing Loong UCAVs.
The deployment of Emirati UCAVs to Ethiopia is a substantial increase in quality and kalibre of the United Arab Emirates’ support to the embattled regime of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and could signal that the UAEis willing to guarantee the survival of the current government even at exorbitant political and financial costs. Since August 2021, more than 100 cargo flights from the United Arab Emirates to Ethiopia have been identified, most carrying various types of armament onboard, at some point evidently including these drones. Tigray forces might be forced to take note if the UAE’s deployment is to resemble anything of the determination and extensive involvement of its past interventions in Yemen and Libya.
Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on November 30, 2021
💭 Jeremy Hunt: “There is a genocide happening in Tigray. What work is (@VickyFord) doing to send a message to 😈 AbiyAhmedAli that there can be no int’l aid channeled through the Ethiopian gov’t until the genocide stops.”
👉 The once great Haile mourning the loss of PM Melese Zenawi in the year 2012
💭 Olympic gold medal winner Haile Gebreselassie tells Sky’s John Sparks that he has “no choice” but to join the frontline of the conflict which is spreading through large parts of Ethiopia.
As he prepares to fight the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, Gebreselassie – a national hero in his homeland – says he feel betrayed by foreign governments who have told their citizens to leave the country.
👉 Courtesy: SkyNews (Why is SkyNews the only Western News Outlet which is allowed by the fascist Oromo regime of Abiy Ahmed Ali to report on the genocidal war? What is the secret?
Country boy, Haile Selassie who has a Tigrayan name and who became rich, famous, successful & an officer (Major) when Tigrayans dominated the ruling alliance composed of four ethno-regional parties in Ethiopia is now behaving badly or in an ungrateful way towards Tigrayans who he depended on for two decades. Everyone seems to enjoy biting the hand that feeds them – Just like 😈 Andy Tsege:
“The 66-year-old is an opposition leader who first fled Ethiopia in the 1970s after the country’s old Marxist dictatorship murdered his brother. The UK granted him asylum in 1979„
💭 My Note: Isn’t it mind-bogglingly weird: The Tigrayans fought the Marxist Oromo despot, Mengistu Haile Mariam, and ousted his Dergue Junta which murdered traitor Andy Tsege’s brother. Now, Andy Tsege, who is 66 (6), is inciting genocide against Tigrayans who avenged the murderer of his brother. The world upside down!
❖❖❖[1 John 3:15]❖❖❖
„Everyone who hates his brother is a murderer, and you know that no murderer has eternal life abiding in him.„
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Addis Ethiopia Weblog 