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Posts Tagged ‘የተባበሩት መንግስታት’

Tigray Children Displaced by The Evil Nobel Laureate PM Who Sends His own to The US for Their Safety

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 8, 2021

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

አይይ ኦሮሞ! አይይ አማራ! ወዮላችሁ! ወዮላችሁ! እናንት አረመኔዎች፤ ይህን እያያችሁ እንኳን “ጦርነቱ ይቁም” በማለት እንኳን አልተነፈሳችሁም ወይንም የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ማድረግ አልፈለጋችሁም። እንደውም መሆንማ የነበረበት “የትግራዋይ ደም ደሜ ነው” ብላችሁ ለራሳችሁ ስትሉ የግራኝን የአህዛብ ሰአራዊት ለመወጋት በየቦታው ትዘምቱ ነበር፤ አይይ! ባለመታደላችሁ ይህማ የማይታሰብ ነው፤ እንኳን ለትግራይ ሕዝብ ደማችሁን ልታፈሰሉት “አይ ጦርነቱን አልደግፍም” ለማለት እንኳ ትንፋሽ የላችሁም፤ ሞታችኋልና፤ ዲያብሎስን ለማገልገል ወስናችኋልና። ዛሬም ለኢትዮጵያ ደሙን እያፈሰሰላት ያለው የትግራይ ሕዝብ ብቻ ነው። ያው እኮ ኦሮማራው ግራኝ ልጆቹን ወደ አሜሪካ ልኮ የትግራይን ሕፃናት ይጨፈጭፋል። እህ ህ ህ! ይህን በቀላሉ አናልፈውም፣ አንረሳውም! መጪዎቹ የጽዮን አርበኞች እንደ ህወሃቶች ለስላሶችና የርዕዮት ዓለም ባሪያዎች ሆነን በጎቻችንን ለአራዊት አሳልፈን የምንሰጥ እንዳይመስላችሁ፤ ባገኘነው አጋጣሚ ሁሉ እንደምንበቀላችሁ ቃል እንገባለን! ታዩታላችሁ፤ መስቀላችንን ይዘን እንደምንበቀላችሁ ቃል እንገባላችኋለን!

United Nations — Parts of northern Ethiopia’s war-torn Tigray region are on “the brink of famine,” the head of the United Nations said on Monday. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres was the most senior voice in a unified warning cry from a range of U.N. agencies that the grinding conflict remained unchecked, with a devastating impact on civilians.

“The magnitude and gravity of child rights violations taking place across Tigray show no sign of abating, nearly seven months since fighting broke out in northern Ethiopia,” said Henrietta Fore, Executive Director of U.N. children’s agency UNICEF.

She said more than 6,000 unaccompanied or separated children had been identified as needing protection and assistance. Much of the region has remained inaccessible to humanitarian workers, meaning health care, food and other supplies haven’t got in since fighting broke out in November 2020 between Ethiopian forces and ethnic Tigrayan separatists in the region.The magnitude and gravity of child rights violations taking place across Tigray show no sign of abating, nearly seven months since fighting broke out in northern Ethiopia.

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

የርሃብ ሲምፖዚየም ወረርሽኝ፤ የኢትዮ-ኤርትራ የረሀብ እቅድ ለትግራይ = የ ፹/80 አመት በፊት የናዚ የርሃብ እቅድ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on May 18, 2021

እስኪ አስቡት፤ “ኢትዮጵያውያን ነን” የሚሉ ወገኖች ኢትዮጵያዊ የሆነውን ወገናቸውን ያለማቋረጥ በጦርነት፣ በርሃብ እና በሽታ ከምድረ ገጽ ለማጥፋት ሲወስን። ለማሰብ እንኳን ያቅለሸልሻል። ይህ እጅግ በጣም ሰቅጣጭ ክስተት በቅርብ የሚከታተሉትን የዓለም አቀፍ ባለሙያዎችን፣ ተቋማትን እና ግለሰቦችን ሁሉ በጣም አስገርሟል/አሳዝኗል፤ ታሪካዊ ጠላቶቻችንን ሶማሌዎችንና አረቦችን ሳይቀር። አንዱ አረብ በጽሑፉ፤ “ኢትዮጵያውያን እርስበር ይህን ያህል የሚጠላሉ አይመስለኝም ነበር” በማለት ተገርሟል። “ለካስ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከናዚዎች፣ ከፋሺስቶች እና ከጂሃዲስቶች የከፉ አውሬዎች ናቸው” አሰኝቷል። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

ይህ የግለሰቦች ወይንም የልሂቃኑ ጉዳይ ብቻ አይደለም፤ የሕዝብ ጉዳይ ነው፤ ሕዝቦቹ ኃላፊነቱን ይወስዱ ዘንድ ግድ ነው። ኦሮሞ + አማራ + ቤን አሚር/ኤርትራ ቃኤላውያን የዋቄዮአላህ ባሪያዎች በጥይትና በሰይፍ ሊያሸንፉት ያልቻሉትን የትግራይን ሕዝብን አሁን በርሃብ ለመጨረስ ወስነዋል። ኦሮማራዎች ከዘመነ ምኒልክ አንስቶ የትግራይን ሕዝብ በጦርነቶች እና በርሃብ ለመጨረስ ብዙ ሞክረው ነበር፤ ይህ የመጨረሻው ሙከራቸው ነው። እነዚህ አረመኔዎች በምንም ዓይነት የኢትዮጵያዊነት ማንነትና ምንነት የሌላቸው፣ ኢትዮጵያውያን ይባሉ ዘንድ የማይገባቸው በእውነት ከየት እንደመጡ እንኳን የማይታወቁ፣ ናዚዎችን፣ ፋሺስቶችንና ጂሃዲስቶችን የሚያስንቁ አውሬዎች ናቸው። እኛ ላለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት በመላዋ ኢትዮጵያ ለሚፈናቀሉት፣ ለሚታገቱትና ለሚገደሉት ንጹሐን የሚቻለንን ስንጮህና እንባ ስናነባ እነሱ ለካስ የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለመጨፍጨፍና ለማስራብ በስውር ተግተው ሤራ ሲጠነስሱ ቆይተዋል። አሁን ይህን ፋሺስታዊ፣ ናዚያዊ እና ዲያብሎሳዊ እቅድ ለመትግበር ዓለምን እያታለሉና በሜዲያዎቻቸውም የለመዱንት የቅጥፈት ፕሮፓጋንዳ እያሰራጩ እቅዳቸውን ሊገፉበት ቆርጠው ተነስተዋል። አይሳካላቸውም! እንዳይሳካላቸውም የተቻለንን ሁሉ እናደርጋለን። ሆኖም ለዚህ ዲያብሎሳዊ እቅዳቸው ግን በሕዝቦቻቸው ላይ ከሰማይ እሳት ይወርድባቸዋል፣ አይተውት የማያውቁትን ደዌ፣ ወረርሽኝ እና በሽታ ሁሉ ሳይወዱ በግድ ይተዋወቋቸዋል። ማስጠንቀቂያዎቹን ሁሉ ንቀው ሆነ ሰበባሰበብና ምክንያት እየደረደሩ በእዉነተኛ ንስሐ አልተመለሱምና የሰይፉ ማስጠንቀቂያ በጎንደርና በአስመራ፣ በአዲስ አበባ እና በነቀምት፣ በጂማና በሐረር ላይ እያንዣበበ ይገኛል። ልኡልም ጦሩን እያዘጋጀ፣ ሰይፍን እየሳለ ይገኛል። ይኸውም የአህዛብ ሰይፍ፣ የአንበጣ መንጋ፣ የበሽታ/ኮሮና/ ሰይፍ፣ የጦርነት ሰይፍ፣ የአውሎ ነፍስና የጎርፍ ሰይፍ፣ የበረዶ፣ የእሳተ ገሞራ ሌሎችም!!!። የትግራይን ሕዝብ ከምድረ ገጽ አጥፍተው እነርሱ ብቻቸውን ሊኖሩ? በጭራሽ!

✞✞✞[ትንቢተ ኢሳይያስ ምዕራፍ ፩፥፲፱፡፳]✞✞✞

”እሺ ብትሉ ለእኔም ብትታዘዙ፥ የምድርን በረከት ትበላላችሁ፤ እምቢ ብትሉ ግን ብታምፁም፥ ሰይፍ ይበላችኋል፤ የእግዚአብሔር አፍ ይህን ተናግሮአልና።’

✞✞✞ [ትንቢተ ዕንባቆም ምዕራፍ ፫፥፬]✞✞✞

ፀዳሉም እንደ ብርሃን ነው፤ ጨረር ከእጁ ወጥቶአል፤ ኃይሉም በዚያ ተሰውሮአል። ቸነፈር በፊቱ ይሄዳል፥ የእሳትም ነበልባል ከእግሩ ይወጣል። ቆመ፥ ምድርንም አወካት፤ ተመለከተ፥ አሕዛብንም አናወጠ፤ የዘላለምም ተራሮች ተቀጠቀጡ፥ የዘላለምም ኮረብቶች ቀለጡ፤ መንገዱ ከዘላለም ነው።

የኢትዮጵያ ድንኳኖች ሲጨነቁ አየሁ፤ የምድያም አገር መጋረጃዎች ተንቀጠቀጡ።

🔥 “በኢትዮጵያ ጽኑ መናወጥ ይሆናል፣ ይህም የአሜሪካን፣ አውሮፓንና አረቢያን ውድቀት ያስከትላል!!!”

👉 Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

👉 Continue reading/ሙሉውን ለማንበብ

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Life, News/ዜና | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on May 18, 2021

Tigray, Ethiopia, is a test case for United Nations Security Council resolution 2417 (2417). The United Nations has failed that test.

Today, between 4.5 million and 5.2 million people of Tigray’s total population of 5.7 million are in need of immediate humanitarian assistance. Famine is probably occurring already, and without doubt in the coming months Tigrayans will be starving on a scale rarely witnessed in the modern world. Except that, because the Ethiopian government prefers to keep Tigray in darkness, few outsiders will be there to witness it. We may later get to count the graves of the children who perished.

As soon as armed conflict erupted on 4 November, we were warned of the risk of famine. But in the face of the ruthless determination of the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea to starve the civilian population of Tigray, the United Nations, the African Union and donor governments have done nothing of significance. For the hungry in Tigray, 2417 is an empty promise.

The unpublished results of rapid nutrition assessments in six locations accessible to the regional authorities, with UNICEF’s technical support, show that Global Acute Malnutrition rates among children under five years of age of 23.8-34.3 percent. This takes us into the range where we must speak about phase 5 of the Integrated food security Phase Classification (IPC)—‘famine.’

Most of the Tigray region is not accessible to survey teams, due to government restrictions and fighting. Conditions elsewhere are almost certainly worse. The situation is deteriorating week-by-week as food stocks run out. Longer term prospects are even more dire: the planting season has arrived and most farmers are unable to plough their fields and plant and tend this year’s crops. Recent reports speak of Eritrean soldiers arriving in villages where farmers have been able to prepare their land, destroying the seedlings and telling villagers, you will not plant, you will not harvest, and if you try you will be punished.

Recently, aid was reaching about 1 million of those in need. Even that small fraction is shrinking. This month, the Ethiopian government declared the former governing party of the region, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) a ‘terrorist organization.’ Relief workers are now stopped at the first army checkpoint out of each town, and told that they cannot proceed further, because their aid cannot be allowed to help the ‘terrorists’.

It is hard to think of a more systematic use of starvation as a weapon of war since the Nazi Hungerplan of eighty years ago.

Before the outbreak of war on 3/4 November 2020, Tigray was relatively food secure. Once the epicentre of Ethiopia’s infamous famine of 1984/85, thirty years of internal peace and development meant that today’s generation of Tigrayans were, for the first time in history, living without the threat of hunger due to drought or locusts. Agriculture was still a marginal enterprise with low yields on stony soils, but a combination of rehabilitating watersheds and building small dams for irrigated horticulture and orchards, and subsidized fertilizers—enhanced by micro-credit services—enabled modest harvests. Local incomes were supplemented by seasonal labouring opportunities on commercial farms in fertile western Tigray, and employment in new industries such as textiles and marble cutting, artisanal mining of gold and cobalt, and tourism to the region’s historic churches. Further, a ‘productive safety net programme’ designed and funded by the government and international donors kicked in whenever food insecurity threatened.

All that is gone. In the words of Mulugeta Gebrehiwot, former World Peace Foundation senior fellow, speaking over the phone from the war zone, ‘they have destroyed Tigray, literally.’ I have been working on war, mass atrocity and famine in Africa for close to forty years. Never in my professional life have I documented destruction of what is necessary to sustain life in a manner as relentless and systematic as we are seeing in Tigray today.

As detailed in the World Peace Foundation report Starving Tigray, which draws upon scores of open-source reports along with eyewitness testimonies up, the coalition of Ethiopian National Defence Forces, Eritrean Defence Forces and Amhara militia have destroyed, removed or rendered useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population. They have burned food stores, looted food, and killed domestic animals from cows to baby chickens. They have slaughtered plough oxen, smashed ploughs, cut down fruit trees. They have ripped up the water pipes and pumps in towns and villages and ripped out domestic plumbing. They have looted and vandalized the great majority of the region’s clinics and hospitals. They have closed banks and frozen the 450,000 accounts in the region’s micro-finance institution, essentially confiscating the savings of the peasantry. They have pillaged and burned factories, ransacked hotels, looted shops and stores, and even broken open the little boxes used by shoeshine boys to steal the brushes and polish. By expropriating and ethnically cleansing the fertile lowlands where sesame is grown for export, they have eliminated Tigrayans’ single largest source of seasonal migrant work, a crucial source of income.

Men and boys are being killed: there are more than 150 documented massacres. In the largest known to date, in the city of Axum, an estimated 750 were killed. These are crimes in their own right. Fear of such violence deters men from travelling to find work, cultivate their farms, or obtain aid for their families.

Evidence for widespread rape and shocking sexual violence—torture, sexual slavery and mutilation—has emerged. Rape is a crime. Rape perpetrated as part of a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population is a crime against humanity. That threshold is met in Tigray, with participation of uniformed state forces in rape and sexual violence.

Rape in these circumstances is also a starvation crime. A survivor of rape may be unable to care for herself and her children, because of physical injuries, trauma, and life-long stigma. A woman who is gang raped in her own home may never want to return to what was once a place of safety, but is now indelibly associated with pain, terror and attack on her familial and social identity. Fear of rape means that women and girls do not venture out to go to the market, go to fetch water or firewood, go to their farms or gardens, or seek assistance. With many men killed, in hiding, or joining the armed resistance, women are often the sole adult carers for their children—breadwinners in a land with no bread.

Not only has the Ethio-Eritrean coalition massively reduced the food available to Tigrayans, but they have systematically reduced the region to a state of destitution. Should this destruction, dispossession and expulsion be permitted to stand, the future is a geographically truncated Tigray, deprived of every source of income save subsistence farming, utterly dependent on welfare handouts. The scorched earth campaign means that the numbers in need will not reduce even if the conflict ends. Ethiopia and Eritrea have posed a horrible dilemma to the humanitarian community. Should donors pay the bill for the human consequences of this destruction or be complicit in what is emerging as a systematic hunger plan?

The humanitarian effort is reaching fewer people and providing them with less assistance than in any comparable circumstances in the world today. Most of what is given is food. There is some health care, but almost no agricultural aid. Much of that aid is stolen by the coalition forces—some of it wholesale, some of it when soldiers raid a village where there has been a distribution and take it at gunpoint.

The perpetrators of these starvation crimes are the Ethiopian federal forces, the Eritrean army, and Amhara forces. Clues to the Ethiopians’ motives can be deduced from the public rhetoric of political groups now setting the agenda of the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Amhara regional state concur in demonizing the Tigrayans. They claim that during the years in which the TPLF was in power, Tigrayans ‘looted’ the Ethiopian state, taking an unwarranted share of development funds, and are therefore ‘thieves’ and ‘daylight hyenas.’ Confiscating Tigrayan property was a slogan of political parties now supporting the government. In a recent panel on France 24, Neamin Zeleke, Executive Director at Ethiopian Satellite Televison and Radio (ESAT) which has been a fulcrum for inciting hatred against Tigrayans, toned down his rhetoric for an English-speaking audience but his intent to enact ‘revenge’ was clear. The campaign targeting ethnic Tigrayans for removal from employment, residence and rights across Ethiopia has the disturbing signature of eradicating them from the Ethiopian polity altogether.

The Amhara leadership claims that when provincial boundaries were redrawn in 1991-94, at the time of adopting a federal system based on ethnicities, Tigray took over historically Amhara lands, which they should now reclaim. (As with almost all such territorial disputes the history and the basis for the claims are controversial.) The U.S. State Department calls it ‘ethnic cleansing.’ That is the correct term: the boundary is being redrawn by force and Tigrayans are being forcibly removed or eliminated. Ironically, the FEWS NET maps this area as ‘food secure’: its methods are not designed to take account of the removal of the previous inhabitants and their replacement by new settlers.

The Eritrean president has long blamed the TPLF—and by extension all Tigrayans—for his country’s international ostracism and poverty and sought to eliminate it as a threat. Eritrea is a despotism, with no constitution, parliament, independent judiciary or free media. Its main institution is its vast army; its soldiers are forcibly conscripted from high school, brutalized and required serve indefinitely. The UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, which reported in 2016 found a shocking record of abuse by the state against its own citizens. The Special Rapporteur, Sheila Keetharuth, laments that her recommendations, including that Eritrea be referred to the International Criminal Court, were wholly ignored.

The Ethiopian Prime Minister called the coalition offensives a ‘law enforcement operation.’ His claims that ‘not a single civilian have been killed’ and that Eritrean forces were either not involved or were withdrawing have been shown to be lies. In the early weeks, Ethiopia and Eritrea were given a free pass by the Trump Administration and UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres repeated PM Abiy’s false claim about Eritrean forces.

The shut-down of internet and phone communication has been effective in minimizing reporting of atrocities including starvation, thereby allowing official denials to pass without refutation. International humanitarian workers are compelled to remain silent for fear of being expelled; the situation for national staff is worse. After the TPLF was declared a ‘terrorist’ organization, communication with them is prohibited.

Culpability for the outbreak of hostilities in November is shared among the four belligerents: the Ethiopian federal government, the TPLF, Eritrea and the Amhara regional forces.

Culpability for the famine lies entirely with the Ethio-Eritrean coalition. To the extent that there were pre-existing food security difficulties, on account of poverty and a locust plague, those show only that the perpetrators of the starvation crimes were aware of the vulnerability of their intended victims. A prosecutor seeking to investigate the situation in Tigray would have good reason to consider a case for crimes against humanity and genocide against the coalition military and political leaders.

2417 on conflict and hunger was designed to ensure that grave circumstances such as these would not be permitted to develop. Paragraph 12 reads:

‘[Council] Further requests the Secretary-General to report swiftly to the Council when the risk of conflict-induced famine and wide-spread food insecurity in armed conflict contexts occurs, and expresses its intention to give its full attention to such information provided by the Secretary-General when those situations are brought to its attention.’

The resolution doesn’t specify what the UNSC should do after giving ‘its full attention’ to the crisis. But it’s clear that it shouldn’t do nothing.

On current performance, Tigray is set to join the catalogue of genocides and crimes against humanity in which the world failed to act on warnings, and responded with hand wringing only after the event. The UNSC discussed the situation in Ethiopia under ‘any other business’ on 24 November and 14 December 2020, and held a closed session on the humanitarian crisis on 3 February 2021. Emergency Relief Coordinator and head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs briefed Council, with increasing candour and alarm, over subsequent weeks, with an extremely frank and alarming report on 15 April. No formal session was held and only a pallid press statement was issued on 23 April.

The countries that pushed for action were Ireland and the U.S., supported by other European countries. The immediate reason for deadlock at the UNSC was the threat of a veto by China and/or Russia, on the grounds that the conflict was a domestic matter for Ethiopia and not therefore a legitimate agenda item. This threat was possible because the three African members of the Council (Kenya, Niger and Tunisia) were not ready to support an assertive position pushed by western natitons. The African Union, despite its elaborate norms, principles and institutions designed precisely to prevent and manage a crisis such as this, was silent—rebuffed and intimidated by its host country Ethiopia.

Six months after Ethiopia and Eritrea launched their campaign of starvation and mass atrocity, the UNSC has been a bystander. The UN Secretary General has abdicated his responsibilities. The African Union has failed. On its third anniversary, resolution 2417 provides only the draft for the apology that might one day be forthcoming.

Source

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Situation in Ethiopia’s Tigray ‘HORRIFIC’: WHO Chief Tedros | ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ፤“የትግራይ ሁኔታ ‘በጣም አሰቃቂ ነው’”

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on May 17, 2021

👉 የዓለም ጤና ድርጅት ዋና ኃላፊ ዶክተር ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም ቴድሮስ፤ “ የትግራይ ሁኔታ በጣም አሰቃቂ ነው‘”

Ethiopia’s conflict-hit Tigray region is facing a horrifying situation with people dying of hunger, health services destroyed and rape “rampant”, the WHO chief, himself from the region, said Monday.

“The situation in Tigray, Ethiopia, is, if I use one word, horrific. Very horrific,” World Health Organization director-general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus told a press conference.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed sent troops into Tigray in November after accusing the once-dominant regional ruling party of orchestrating attacks on federal army camps.

Nobel Peace Prize winner Abiy declared victory later that month when the army entered the regional capital Mekele.

But fighting continues and the six-month conflict has sparked allegations of massacres and rape by Ethiopian forces and troops from neighbouring Eritrea.

Tedros pointed out that some five million people in the region are now in need of humanitarian aid, and especially food aid.

“Many people have started dying actually because of hunger, and severe and acute malnutrition is becoming rampant,” he said.

In addition, hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced from their homes with over 60,000 fleeing into Sudan.

At the same time, health services have been looted and destroyed, he said, adding that “the majority of them are not functioning”.

– Aid access key –

The WHO chief also condemned indiscriminate killings and the widespread use of sexual violence in the conflict.

“Rape is rampant. I don’t think there was that scale anywhere else in the world actually,” he said.

Asked about the Covid-19 situation in his home region, Tedros said there were no services to rein in the disease, but said it is not a priority given the other crises.

“For the most part, we’re not even in a position to discuss about Covid, to be honest, because there are more pressing issues.”

One of the most urgent problems to address is getting full access for humanitarian workers and for aid.

World leaders and aid agencies have repeatedly called for full humanitarian access to the crisis-wracked areas as fears grow of impending disaster.

On Friday, the European Union condemned the ongoing blocking of aid to the region, denouncing “the use of humanitarian aid as a weapon of war”.

WHO emergencies director Michael Ryan warned Monday that “access to victims in Tigray remains highly unpredictable”.

This, he said, was creating “a huge barrier to access to the populations that need our help”.

With most health facilities destroyed, the UN health agency was concerned about rising risks of cholera, measles and other outbreaks, he said.

“We have also issues of continuing to get (cholera) vaccines in,” he pointed out, stressing the need to “get those doses in there” and to plan immunisation campaigns “to avert a cholera disaster”.

Source

The Anguish of the World’s Doctor

Dr. Tedros of the W.H.O. publicly focuses on managing the pandemic. Privately, he weeps as his Tigrayan people are raped, starved and slaughtered.

By Nicholas Kristof – Opinion Columnist

He is the world’s doctor, and for months he has tirelessly led the global response to the coronavirus pandemic while privately nursing a piercing anguish.

Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the director general of the World Health Organization, has largely kept his pain secret, maintaining a stoic public front. But when I probed, he wept.

Dr. Tedros is from Tigray, a part of Ethiopia that since November has endured crimes against humanity by Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has properly described atrocities in western Tigrayas ethnic cleansing, but the world has largely been indifferent.

Tigrayan children are starving to death, men have been clubbed to death, and women and girls have been subjected to mass rape. Ethiopian opposition parties claim that more than 50,000 people have been killed — that is not verifiable, and the toll is unknown — and the scale of torture, starvation, murder and destruction in the past few months may have been the worst in the world.

“Hunger is weaponized, rape is weaponized, there is indiscriminate killing,” Dr. Tedros said. “The whole region is hungry.”

“It’s so painful,” he added. “I don’t have words.”

His cousin, a 68-year-old woman, was killed while trying to shelter in a church, he said. Another relative, a 16-year-old high school student, was shot in the street. Internet and telephone links have been cut off, so Dr. Tedros can’t reach family members in Tigrayto get more information about who has been tortured or murdered.

My Times colleague Declan Walsh has reported on atrocities such as a 26-year-old man being beaten to death with beer bottles and girls as young as 8 being sexually assaulted. The United Nations humanitarian chief, Mark Lowcock, described a woman whose husband was killed, who lost her unborn baby and who then was gang-raped in front of her children.

Even though Dr. Tedros is one of the world’s most recognized public servants, he may have become a refugee. He is now based at W.H.O. headquarters in Geneva, but he would probably not be safe if he tried to return to Tigray. Ethiopia’s military chief has denounced him as a criminal.

I’ve known and admired Dr. Tedros for 15 years, but we have periodically tangled over his deference to dictators. I asked Dr. Tedros about that, but he didn’t want to discuss politics of any kind — including whether countries should pressure Ethiopia to stop the slaughter of Tigrayans. He seems deeply conflicted, torn between what he sees as a professional duty to his organization to be impartial, and the horror of an ethnic cleansing of his own people.

Presiding over these crimes against humanity in Tigrayis Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia, who came to power in 2018 and was initially hailed as a great reformer; he even won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019. Abiy is a pro-Western figure over whom the United States has considerable influence — if we will only use it.

The Tigraycrisis is rooted in ethnic tensions and a power struggle. For almost three decades, people from Tigraydominated Ethiopia’s central government; Dr. Tedros became Ethiopia’s highly regarded health minister in that period, then foreign minister. This Tigrayan-led government ruled effectively, greatly raising living standards, but it was also repressive, torturing critics, imprisoning journalists and stirring deep resentments among other Ethiopians.

After taking power, Prime Minister Abiy reined in Tigrayans and dispatched troops in November to crush what he said was a mutiny in the region. That triggered a civil war with Tigrayfighters, and Eritrea’s army entered to back up Ethiopia’s forces. There is also a risk of a wider war involving Sudan.

All sides in the conflict have committed atrocities, but by far the most serious and credible allegations are against the Ethiopian and Eritrean armies and their allies.

As W.H.O. chief, Dr. Tedros has tried to get vaccines distributed more equitably around the world, while dealing with President Donald Trump’s appalling decision to pull the United States out of the W.H.O. (overturned by President Biden on his first day in office). In public, Dr. Tedros is focused on Covid-19 and has mostly kept quiet about atrocities in Tigray.

“The public sees Tedros devoting every day to managing the pandemic, but privately he is also managing his pain about Tigray,” said Dr. Annie Sparrow, an assistant professor at Mt. Sinai School of Medicine who was an adviser to Dr. Tedros.

Dr. Tedros was reluctant to give this interview, but when he did his torment was unmistakable. “We have Covid and are doing our best. On top of that, to have this pain,” he began, and then the stoic broke down. For more than a minute, he couldn’t speak and sobbed.

I respect a man who loses it when contemplating war crimes. I wish more would. And I hope President Biden and other world leaders will hear that agony, on behalf of so many in Tigraywho are being starved, raped and murdered, and will use their influence to end this catastrophe.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Infos, News/ዜና | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Hunger as a Weapon Against People in Tigray | Tigray Aid Response is Too Little, Too Late

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 10, 2021

👉 “በሰሜናዊ ናይጄሪያ ፣ በአፍጋኒስታን ወይም በማዕከላዊ አፍሪካ ሪፐብሊክ ግጭቶች ከሚያስከትሉት ጋር ሲነፃፀር የትግራይ ተወላጆች አነስተኛ ሰብአዊ እርድታ ያገኛሉ።”

ዋው! ጋላማራዎች ኢትዮጵያን እንዲህ አዋረዷት!

ለነገሩማ የወራሪዎቹ ጋላዎች እና ጋላማራዎች የመቶ ሰላሳ ዓመት ዕቅድ፣ ፍላጎትና ሕልም እኮ በትግራይ እና ኤርትራ የሚገኙትን ክርስቲያን ትግራዋያን በጦርነት፣ በረሃብ፣ በበሽታና በማፈናቀል(‘ፈንቅል’ን እናስታውስ!)ቀስበቀስ አዳክሞ በመጨረስ ሙሉውን የቀይ ባሕርን ጠረፍ ለኤዶማውያኑ እና እስማኤላውያኑ ሲሉ መቆጣጠር ነው። አረቦቹ ቀይ ባሕርን ሙሉ በሙሉ ተቆጣጠረው “ባሕረ አረብ” የማድረግ ሕልም ስላላቸው ጋላዎቹም አማራዎቹም እየሠሩ ያሉት ለአረቦች ነው። ይነጅሻቸውና፤ ሺህ ጊዜ“ነጃሽ፣ ነጃሽ” የሚሉን “ባሕረ ነጋሲን” ሙሉ በሙሉ የመቆጣጠር ሕልም ስላላቸው ነው።

ግልጥልጥ ብሎ የሚታየው ሃቅ ይህ ነው፣ ከታሪክ የተማርነውም ይህንን ነው፤ ዛሬም ዓይናችን የሚመሰክረው ይህንኑ ነው።

እስኪ አስቡበት፤ የሦስት ዓመታት ስውር ዝግጅት በህብረት ካደረጉ በኋላ ከአምስት ወራት በፊት፡ ልክ በአባታችን አቡነ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ዕለት፤ ጋላ እና አማራ በአንድ ላይ ሆነው የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለመጨፍጨፍ ተነሱ። እነዚህ “ወገኖች” ምን ያህል አህዛባዊ ክፋት፣ ክህደት፣ አውሬነትና አረመኔነት እንዳላቸው እስኪ በመገረምና በማዘን እንታዘባቸው፦

ትግራዋያን እንዳይሰደዱና ባሉበት እንዲያልቁ “ድንበር ጠባቂ” የአማራ ሚሊሺያዎችን ወደ ሱዳን ድንበር ላኳቸው

የኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪን የአህዛብ ቤን አሜር ሰአራዊት ወደ ገዳማትና ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናት ለጭፍጨፋ ላኩ ት

አህዛብ አረቦች ኤሚራቶችን ከአሰብ ተነስተው በድሮኖች ንጹሐንን እንዲጨፈጭፉ አደረጓቸው

የሶማሊያ አህዛብ ወታደሮችን እንዲሁ ክርስቲያኖችን ያርዱ ዘንድ ወደ ውቅሮ ላኳቸው

የትግራይን ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ለማስጨፍጨፍ ከደቡብ ሱዳን ስምንት ሺህ ወታደሮችን ጠየቁ (ግን አልተሳካም)

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ የሰብል ማሳዎችን አቃጠሏቸው

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ የምግብ ዕርዳታ ከለከሉት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ እህሉና ሊጡ ውስጥ አሸዋ ጨመሩበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በጥሜት እንዲያልቅ ውሃውን ዘጉበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ እንዳይታከምና እንዳይወልድ ሆስፒታሎቹን አቃጠሉበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ሰርቶ እንዳይበላ ፋብሪካዎቹን አፈራረሱበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕፃናት እንዳይማሩ ትምሕርት ቤቶቻቸውን አፈራረሱባቸው

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ጸሎት እንዳያደርስ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናቱን አፈራረሱበት

የትግራይ ክርስቲያን መነኮሳት ከአምላካቸው ጋር እንዳይኖሩ አባረሯቸው፣ ገዳማቱን አፈራረሱባቸው።

😢😢😢አእምሮ አንቀጥቅጥ የሆነ አሳዛኝ፣ አሳፋሪና አስቆጪ ነገር ነው!😠😠😠

👉 158 DAYS in Tigray / ፻፶፰/158 ቀናት በትግራይ

No Water & Food / ውሃ እና ምግብ የለም

No Cellphone / የሞባይል ስልክ የለም

No Internet Service / የእንተርኔት አገልግሎት የለም

No Bank service / የባንክ አገልግሎት የለም

No Electricity / ኤሌክትሪክ የለም

No Transportation access / የትራንስፖርት መዳረሻ የለም

No Drug Supply / የመድኃኒት አቅርቦት የለም

No Hospitals / ሆስፒታሎች የሉም

No Humanitarians Service / ምንም የሰብአዊ መብት ሰጭዎች አገልግሎት የለም

No Media access/ የሚዲያ መዳረሻ የለም

👉 በሰሜናዊ ናይጄሪያ ፣ በአፍጋኒስታን ወይም በማዕከላዊ አፍሪካ ሪፐብሊክ ግጭቶች ከሚያስከትሉት ጋር ሲነፃፀር የትግራይ ተወላጆች አነስተኛ ሰብአዊ እርድታ ያገኛሉ

👉 Tigrayans get less humanitarian relief compared to those facing the impact of conflicts in northern Nigeria, Afghanistan, or Central African Republic.

‘A restrictive government, combined with insecurity and active fighting, can completely hamstring the aid response for months.’

People in northern Ethiopia get less humanitarian relief compared to those facing the impact of conflicts in northern Nigeria, Afghanistan, or Central African Republic, an independent poll released today by research group Humanitarian Outcomes found.

Fewer than half the conflict-affected people in Ethiopia’s Tigray region had received help since the conflict began in November, the survey revealed. Those that did said it wasn’t enough, and 79 percent overall believed aid was not reaching the areas most in need. A quarter said government and military groups were blocking or taking aid. Compared to respondents in other conflict zones who answered the same questionnaire, Tigrayans are less sure of the reasons for uneven aid provision; the report suggests that limited telecommunications and media coverage could be a contributing factor.

The survey of 614 people in Tigray was conducted by phone from late February to early March, despite on-and-off power and mobile network connections. The sample included people across the major regions of Tigray, but few displaced people.

The survey provides new evidence to gauge the reach of humanitarian aid in a tense debate between the government and the international community over the scale and seriousness of the fall-out from Ethiopia’s five-month conflict.

The conflict began in November, when federal government forces clashed with armed insurgents supporting the regional political party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Other Tigrayan militia, the Eritrean military, and forces from the neighbouring Amhara region are also involved.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has said the government campaign is a necessary assertion of national legitimacy, as the country is faced with an armed rebellion. His government has regained control of major towns in Tigray and installed a provisional administration.

But military clashes continue, and massacres, forced displacement, sexual violence, looting, halting of trade and communications, and disruption of daily life mean most of the estimated six million people in the region are negatively affected, and millions need some kind of help.

The UN’s humanitarian office calls the situation “extremely dire and far from improving”.

EU envoy Pekka Haavisto is visiting the country this week, the latest in a series of diplomatic efforts to contain the conflict that threatens to destabilise the whole country and the wider region.

The report notes that compared to other crisis situations monitored by the overarching project on the “Coverage, Operational Reach, and Effectiveness of Humanitarian Aid”, “Tigray has the highest numbers of people in need as a percentage of the population, the lowest numbers of organisations responding, and the lowest percentage of people in need reached by aid.”

Researcher Abby Stoddard said the report “shows that a restrictive government, combined with insecurity and active fighting, can completely hamstring the aid response for months.”

Almost all respondents said they needed help, and 43 percent said they had received at least some. The most common form of aid requested, and received, was food. Healthcare, clean water, and sanitation services were the services next most in demand. However, electricity and telecommunications topped the answers to an open-ended question on what people needed most.

Only two percent of respondents said they had received any help other than food. Some 31 percent said they “don’t know” the main obstacle to accessing aid, but 23 percent blamed government restrictions and 21 percent a lack of safety. Non-government military were to blame, according to 16 percent.

“Mobile phone surveys will always be limited by the degree of phone ownership and coverage, and in this case we had to pause it a couple of times due to power outages,” explained Stoddard. “Respondents tend to skew more urban and educated as a rule… in this case we mainly reached people who were still in their home districts.”

Limited access

According to the international aid community, government restrictions as well as insecurity and fighting have been preventing sufficient relief aid from getting through. The government has relaxed some of its restrictions on media and aid groups following sustained international lobbying. Significant volumes of food aid are being delivered to the region by the government, the UN, and NGOs.

Addis Ababa insists progress is being made to normalise the situation and deliver help, and to investigate rights abuses. However, the UN’s latest map of humanitarian access shows only small pockets of the region are fully open to relief aid provision.

Asked about which aid agencies were most active, respondents mentioned the Relief Society of Tigray (REST) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). REST, formerly affiliated to the now rebel Tigray People’s Liberation Front, is the final link in the chain for a large food aid operation serviced by NGOs, including Catholic Relief Services.

Food and ‘starvation crimes’

Even as larger volumes of aid are being sent into the region, aid agency heads interviewed anonymously as part of the survey don’t have full confidence in where it’s going: “Although humanitarian organisations are doing their best to monitor distributions, some are worried about possible discrimination and exclusion in deciding who gets aid, and about the degree of control that authorities and armed actors are exerting over processes of targeting and distribution.”

The latest update by the UN humanitarian office, OCHA, reports an “extremely concerning malnutrition situation.”

A new report by The World Peace Foundation, whose authors include Horn of Africa and famine analyst Alex de Waal, states that “Ethiopian and Eritrean belligerents in the war in Tigray have comprehensively dismantled the region’s economy and food system.”

The report continued: “Regardless of who is responsible for the outbreak of hostilities, the sole reason for the scale of the humanitarian emergency is that the coalition of Ethiopian Federal forces, Amhara regional forces, and Eritrean troops are committing starvation crimes on large scale.”

Prior to the outbreak of war in November, the Tigray region had mostly achieved food security, the report noted. But in March, the US-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) classified at least 20 percent of the population of both central and eastern Tigray, in addition to several sections of northwestern and southeastern Tigray, as experiencing emergency levels of food insecurity.

Based on those figures, the report stated, there are now 50 to 100 excess deaths every day, and if the food security situation is not stabilised, it will lead to “mass starvation and a risk of famine” in the coming months.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Thousands Missing As People Flee Tigray | ሰዎች ከትግራይ ሲሸሹ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ጠፍተዋል

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 24, 2021

The Eritrean army are occupying villages in Tigray, displacing thousands of residents and refugees.

Eritrean Army Destroys Refugee Camps | የኤርትራ ጦር የስደተኞች ካምፕን አፈረሰ

👉 ባዕዳውያኑ በደንብ አይተውታል ፥ SkyNews

Eritrea has partnered up with Abiy Ahmed to eliminate the People of Tigray

አብይ አህመድ የትግራይ ህዝብን ለማጥፋት ከኤርትራ ጋር አጋር ሆኗል

አሁን ኤርትራ ከሁለት ዐሥርት ዓመታት በላይ ሕወሓትን ያስተዳደረችውን የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ፥ እና ህዝብን ፥ ለማጥፋት ባደረገው ሙከራ ኤርትራ ከአብይ አህመድ ጋር አጋር ሆናለች።

Ethiopia’s Tigray Conflict: The ‘Twisted Joke’ of Denial in The Violence is Finally Laid Bare

For the past five months the head of the Ethiopian government has adamantly denied the existence of Eritrean troops, together with their military hardware, in the northern region of Tigray.

Today, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed dropped the pretence, admitting in the country’s House of People’s Representatives there were Eritrean soldiers, “guarding the border against the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front).”

The statement constitutes official acceptance of the blatantly obvious.

The near-ubiquitous presence of Eritrean soldiers within northern Ethiopia has become something of a twisted joke among locals in Tigrayan cities like Shire.

Dressed in distinctive light camouflage, the Eritreans drive into the central business district to buy supplies, get their vehicles fixed or pick up new equipment.

A short drive outside the city brings you into contract with checkpoints manned by surly Eritrean soldiers.

When we tried to visit the remains of the Hitsats refugee camp – one of two camps thought to have been attacked by Eritrean troops in mid-November – we were stopped by a man in an officer’s cap.

“N’tsaeda seb sifkedn” or “no white people allowed” he barked.

Eritrean soldiers giving orders in Ethiopia: we did as we were told and turned the car around.

There was plenty of evidence of extensive co-operation between leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea before prime minister Ahmed made his announcement today.

Locked in combat for years, the Ethiopian head and Isias Afwerki, the dictatorial leader of Eritrea, inked a peace deal back in 2018. It was a diplomatic breakthrough that bagged Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize.

Now, Eritrea has partnered up with Abiy Ahmed in his attempt to eliminate the political party – and people – who ran Tigray for over two decades, the TPLF.

A mixture of Ethiopian and Eritrean troops control the main cities and highways in Tigray and we spotted Eritrean tanks, armoured vehicles and trucks crammed with troops populating an area stretching from Shire up to the Eritrean border.

We stopped at a village and began to chat to group of local women.

The attacks on Shimelba and Hitsats, which are believed to have occurred on or around 19 November, took place amid heavy fighting with the TPLF and may constitute the single worst atrocity in this vicious conflict.

I spoke to a man who said he had witnessed the attack.

“What happened to the people who were here?” I asked.

He said: “People were killed by bullets. Heavy weapons and the tanks were firing and the houses were burnt. This is when the people fled. If they caught them, they killed them. It was the Eritrean army doing this.”

Aid officials told us that Eritrean soldiers attacked Hitsats camp at approximately the same time as Shimelba.

We spoke to man who was living in Hitsats when the troops moved in and he told us he was absolutely terrified.

He said: “When we heard the gunshots, people were running all over, to the left and right. I was (living) in ‘Zone D’ and my friend in Zone A was killed.”

“Sammy” says he was interrogated by troops who accused him of working for anti-government parties and an opposition media organisation called ASENA.

He survived several rounds of questioning and was held with other camp residents for the next two months without food and clean water to drink.

“I cry when I think of it. We ate moringa leaves. We passed our time by eating moringa, crushing and eating the leaves. We were really starving,” he said.

“There was no food or water. I wish I’d never been a refugee.”

In late January, the residents of Shimelba were ordered to leave the camp and ordered to walk 100km to the Eritrean border.

Sammy, who had fled the country in 2019 to avoid mandatory, life-time service in the Eritrean military, realised he was going to be forcibly returned.

“I was limping, there was blisters on my feet. We were injured,” he said.

“We would have preferred to die. It was difficult.”

When he arrived in the border town of Sheraro, the refugee concocted a plan to escape.

He asked a soldier if he could approach a local household and beg for scraps of food as the Eritrean Army had not provided them with anything to eat on their three-day march.

The soldier acquiesced and Sammy used the opportunity to slip away.

The majority were less fortunate.

Aid officials told Sky News they believe thousands of camp residents from Shimelba and Hitsats were forced to return to Eritrea with some required to sign “confession documents” on the way.

The present status of these individuals in unknown.

Sky News understands there were approximately 35,000 residents in both camps but only 7,000 have re-registered as refugees in Ethiopia.

Of this group, the majority have relocated to two other camps in western Tigray (Adi Harush and Mai Aini).

We also know that several hundred Eritreans escaped to Sudan, a thousand or so may be living in Shire and a small number have travelled to cities like the capital Addis Ababa.

That leaves a large number of refugees from both camps unaccounted for – with aid officials here in Ethiopia hugely concerned for their safety.

They fear that many thousands have been killed or abducted back to Eritrea – the country the risked their lives to flee.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

People In Tigray Sleeping in Open Fields, Drinking Puddle Water & Eating Tree-Bark & Roots Just to Survive

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 10, 2021

👉 በትግራይ ያሉ ወገኖቻችን በገላጣ ሜዳዎች ላይ እየተኙ ነው፣ ለመኖር ብቻ ከጉድጓድ ውሃ በመጠጣት እና የዛፍ-ቅርፊት እና ሥሮችን በመብላት ላይ ናቸው። 😢😢😢

💭 Calls for peace and humanitarian relief in Ethiopia-s war-torn Tigray region

The atrocities and worsening refugee crisis has sparked international attention with a 24-hour live-streamed vigil calling for peace and humanitarian relief. UNHCR Ethiopia spokesperson Chris Melzer tells The World his organization has heard stories of people sleeping in open fields, drinking puddle water and eating tree-bark and roots just to survive.

የትግራይን ጀነሳይድ በሚመለከት የውጭ ሜዲያዎች በየቀኑ ብዙ ዜናዎችን እያቀበሉን ነው። ምናልባት ከሌላ ፕላኔት መጥተው የሚሆኑት “ኢትዮጵያውያን ነን” ባዮች ግን የወደቁት መላዕክት ኒፊልሞች (ሪዓይት) ዝርያዎች ሳይሆኑ አይቀሩም፤ ኒፊሊሞቹ ተናብበው እንደሚያደርጉት በዚህ በሃገራችን በጣም አስከፊ ወቅት እነርሱም በጋራ ዝም፣ ጸጥ፣ ጭጭ።

👉 የጀርመኑ ታዋቂ ጋዜጣ “ዲ ሳይት” ከሁመራ ወደ ሱዳን እንዲሰደዱ ስለተገደዱት ወገኖች ይህን ርዕስ ይዞ መጥቷል፦

☆“እነሱ እኛን ይገድሉናል የተቀረው የአገሪቱ ክፍልም ዝም ብሏል”

እኛ ትግራይ ከዚህ በኋላ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ምንም ቦታ የለንም ፣ እነሱ እኛን እያጠቁን ነው ፣ እየገደሉን ነው። የተቀረውም ሀገር ዝም ብሏል። ፊታቸውን ዳግመኛ ማየት አልፈልግም፡፡

💭 የጋዜጣው አንባቢ አስተያየት፦

ኢትዮጵያ በአቢሲኒያ ጦርነት ለአራት ዓመታት ብቻ በጣሊያን ከመያዟ በቀር የ 3000 ዓመታት ታሪክ ወደኋላ መለስ ብላ የምትመለከት ሃገር ናት፡፡ ቅኝ ገዥነትን በተሳካ ሁኔታ ካሸሹ ጥቂት የአፍሪካ አገራት ውስጥ አንዷ ኢትዮጵያ ነች፡፡ በትግራይ ክልል የተፈጠረው ግጭት አላስፈላጊ እና የሚፀፀት ነው እና ህዝቡ / ተጎጂዎቹ አሁን በግልጽ እርዳታ ያስፈልጋቸዋል።

👉 “Sie töten uns, und der Rest des Landes schweigt

“Wir Tigray haben keinen Platz mehr in Äthiopien. Sie greifen uns an. Sie töten uns. Und der Rest des Landes schweigt. Ich will ihre Gesichter nie wiedersehen.”

💭 “Aethiopien blickt auf 3000 Jahre Geschichte zurueck, in denen Aethiopien gerade mal vier Jahre waehrend des Abessinienkriegs von Italien besetzt war.

Aethiopien ist eines der wenigen afrikanischen Laender, welches sich dem Kolonialismus erfolgreich entziehen konnte. Der Konflikt in der Tigray-Region ist ebenso unnoetig wie bedauerlich und die Leute/Opfer brauchen ganz klar Hilfe.

ምንጭ/Source

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Campaign of Destruction in Ethiopia | የጥፋት ዘመቻ በኢትዮጵያ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 5, 2021

🔥 ግራኝ ቀዳማዊ – ዮዲት ጉዲት – ግራኝ ዳግማዊ

👉 መለስ ዜናዊ የአክሱምን ኃውልት ከጣልያን አመጣው ፥ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አክሱምን አፈራረሳት! 😢

የጽዮን ማርያም በዓላችን የቀብር ሥነ ሥርዓት ሆነ” 😢😢😢

Our Zion Mariam festival became a funeral” 😢😢😢

❖“ሌባው ሊሰርቅና ሊያርድ ሊያጠፋም እንጂ ስለ ሌላ አይመጣም” [የዮሐንስ ወንጌል ምዕራፍ ፲፥፲]

❖“The thief comes only to steal and kill and destroy” [John 10:10]

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U.N. & U.S. Demand Eritrean Forces Leave Ethiopia amid “Mass Killings, Rapes & Abductions” in Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 5, 2021

👉 Human Rights Watch (HRW):

Ethiopia: Eritrean Forces Massacre Tigray Civilians

UN Should Urgently Investigate Atrocities by All Parties

❖❖❖ በአክሱም ላይ ጥቃት፤ ኅዳር ፲፥ ፲፩ / ኖቬምበር 19-20 ❖❖❖

እልቂቱ የከተማዋን ነዋሪዎች ቀሰቀሳቸው። አንድ ሰው ከቤት ወደ ቤት በተረገው ግድያ ልጆቹን ያጣውን ዘመዱን ጎብኝቶት ነበር። – “ልጆቿን ገድለው ከወጡ በኋላ መጀመሪያ ላይ ማንም ሰው እንዳይገባ የግቢውን በር ቀርቅረው ዘጉት። ከሁለት የሞቱት ልጆቿ አካላት ጋር ለአንድ ቀን ተኩል ያህል ለብቻዋ ቀርታ ነበር። እሷን ባየናት ጊዜ ምላሽ የማትሰጥና የደነዘዘች ነበረች።”

ለአንድ ሳምንት ያህል ወታደራዊ ኃይሎቹ ይዘርፉና ይገድሉ ነበር። ለሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋቹ ‘ሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች’ ተናግረው የነበሩት ሌሎች ነዋሪዎች የኢትዮጵያዊ ሰራዊት ተካፋይ ነበር፤ አብዛኞቹ እንደገለጹት የኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች እንዲሁ ቆመው ዝርፊያውን እና ግድያውን ይመለከቱ ነበር። አንድ ሰው “ይህ ለእኛ ህመም ነበር” ብሏል። የኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊት ለኢትዮጵያ እና ለሕዝቧ የቆመ ይመስለን ነበር … ነገር ግን የኤርትራዊ ሰራዊት ሲዘርፍና ሲገድል ምንም አላሳሰባቸውም። ዝም አሉ።”

❖❖❖Attack on Axum, November 19-20❖❖❖

The massacre left the town’s inhabitants reeling. One man visited a relative who lost her children in the house-to-house killings: “They killed her children and locked the compound door behind them, so no one could get in at first. She was left alone with the bodies of her two dead children for a day and a half. She was numb, unresponsive by the time we saw her.

For about a week, the military forces pillaged. While several residents who spoke to Human Rights Watch saw Ethiopian forces participate, most said the soldiers just stood by and watched. “It was painful,” said one man. “I thought the Ethiopian military stood for Ethiopia and its people… but they did nothing as Eritrean forces looted and killed. They just kept silent.”

Eritrean armed forces massacred scores of civilians, including children as young as 13, in the historic town of Axum in Ethiopia’s Tigray region in November 2020, Human Rights Watch said today. The United Nations should urgently establish an independent inquiry into war crimes and possible crimes against humanity in the region to pave the way for accountability, and Ethiopian authorities should grant it full and immediate access.


On November 19, Ethiopian and Eritrean forces indiscriminately shelled Axum, killing and wounding civilians. For a week after taking control of the town, the forces shot civilians and pillaged and destroyed property, including healthcare facilities. After Tigray militia and Axum residents attacked Eritrean forces on November 28, Eritrean forces, in apparent retaliation, fatally shot and summarily executed several hundred residents, mostly men and boys, over a 24-hour period.

“Eritrean troops committed heinous killings in Axum with wanton disregard for civilian lives,” said Laetitia Bader, Horn of Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Ethiopian and Eritrean officials can no longer hide behind a curtain of denial, but should allow space for justice and redress, not add to the layers of trauma that survivors already face.”

The attacks in Axum followed weeks of fighting between the Ethiopian military and allied forces from the Amhara region and Eritrean troops against forces affiliated with the region’s former ruling party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

Between December 2020 and February 2021, Human Rights Watch interviewed by phone 28 witnesses and victims of abuses and their relatives in Axum and examined videos of attacks and their aftermath.

Survivors consistently identified Eritrean troops by the vehicles bearing Eritrean license plates, their distinctive uniforms, the spoken dialect of Tigrinya, and their plastic “congo” shoes, worn by Eritrean forces since the liberation struggle.

On November 19, after Tigrayan forces and militia withdrew from Axum, Ethiopian and Eritrean forces began shelling the town around 4 p.m., continuing into the evening. The next day, witnesses saw Ethiopian and Eritrean forces indiscriminately shoot at civilians, including in the town’s Saint Mary’s hospital.

For about a week, the military forces pillaged. While several residents who spoke to Human Rights Watch saw Ethiopian forces participate, most said the soldiers just stood by and watched. “It was painful,” said one man. “I thought the Ethiopian military stood for Ethiopia and its people… but they did nothing as Eritrean forces looted and killed. They just kept silent.”

The abuses generated considerable anger in the town. On November 28, after 7 a.m., a group of Tigrayan militia and town residents attacked Eritrean forces, triggering fighting. That afternoon, Eritrean reinforcements entered Axum and went on a 24-hour killing spree.

Survivors described the horror of Eritrean soldiers moving through the town, going house to house, searching for young men and boys, and executing them. A student described watching helplessly as Eritrean soldiers led six neighbors, including a 17-year-old the witness knew as “Jambo” and another young man, outside. He said: “They made them take off their belts, then their shoes. They lined them up and walked behind them. The Eritrean soldiers fired their guns. The first three then fell. They fired other shots, and the other three fell.”

Eritrean troops shot other civilians on the street. “A group of soldiers killed a man and then forced a pregnant woman and two children that were with him to kneel on the asphalt street beside his body,” said one witness.

Those retrieving bodies for burial did not escape harm. Several residents said Eritrean forces shot at them while they tried to collect the dead on November 28 and 29.

The massacre left the town’s inhabitants reeling. One man visited a relative who lost her children in the house-to-house killings: “They killed her children and locked the compound door behind them, so no one could get in at first. She was left alone with the bodies of her two dead children for a day and a half. She was numb, unresponsive by the time we saw her.”

Human Rights Watch was unable to determine the number of civilian deaths resulting from the joint Ethiopian-Eritrean offensive on Axum and the ensuing massacre. However, based on interviews with elders, community members collecting identification cards of those killed, and those assisting the retrieval of the dead, Human Rights Watch estimates that over 200 civilians were most likely killed on November 28-29 alone. Human Rights Watch also received a list of 166 names of victims allegedly killed in Axum in November, 21 of which correspond to the names of those killed on November 28 and 29 given by witnesses interviewed.

International humanitarian law, or the laws of war, applicable to the armed conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, prohibits deliberate attacks on civilians and attacks that are indiscriminate or cause disproportionate civilian harm. Indiscriminate attacks strike military objectives and civilians or civilian objects without distinction, including those not directed at a specific military target. The laws of war also prohibit all violence against captured combatants and civilians, including murder and torture. Pillage and looting are also prohibited. Individuals who commit serious laws-of-war violations with criminal intent, including as a matter of command responsibility, are liable for war crimes.

Crimes against humanity include murder and other unlawful acts committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack on a civilian population.

The late November attacks were documented by media organizations, as well as by Amnesty International. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission has also begun investigations. Human Rights Watch provided its findings to Ethiopian and Eritrean government officials on February 18 but received no response. On February 26, the Ethiopian government announced it would thoroughly investigate events in Axum and expressed “readiness to collaborate with international human rights experts.”

While the lack of access to conflict areas has hindered reporting on the conflict, Human Rights Watch and others have reported on other massacres, the indiscriminate shelling of towns, widespread pillaging, including destruction of crops, and the apparent extrajudicial executions by Ethiopian and Eritrean forces, as well as forces from the neighboring Amhara region.

Given the presence of multiple armed forces and groups and the poor track record of the warring parties in investigating grave abuses, the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) should conduct an urgent, independent inquiry focused on establishing the facts, collecting forensic and other criminal evidence, and investigating war crimes and possible crimes against humanity in Axum and elsewhere is crucial, Human Rights Watch said.

“Condemnations are not enough to bring justice to the victims of grave abuses committed by both Ethiopian and Eritrean forces in Tigray,” Bader said. “Attention and action by UN member states is needed now to ensure those responsible for these grave abuses are held accountable. So far, reports of these chilling abuses have been met by shameful silence.”

Attack on Axum, November 19-20

Axum is in northern Tigray, home to an ancient civilization, and declared a World Heritage Site in 1980 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Following the outbreak of armed conflict in Tigray in early November, many residents fled the fighting in western Tigray by crossing into Sudan or by going east, including to Axum, where they hoped to find a safe haven given the town’s historical and religious significance.

Axum residents were already feeling shortages because of the conflict. Ethiopia’s federal government cut off access to Tigray at the war’s start and food was in short supply. “Electricity was shut,” one resident said. “We couldn’t grind the grains. People subsisted on crackers. After a week, there was nothing. This affected everyone.”

In mid-November, airstrikes hit an area near Axum’s airport.

On November 19, residents heard the distant sounds of artillery getting closer from the direction of Shire, a town 40 kilometers west that Ethiopian federal forces had captured two days before. Several residents then saw Tigray special forces and militia withdraw from the town. “People were scared because of the terror in Shire,” said a man who fled to Axum. “No one opened their shops or the market.”

At about 4 p.m., Ethiopian and Eritrean forces fired artillery into Axum that struck buildings, hit the town’s cobblestoned streets, and killed and injured civilians. Panicked residents sought cover from the shelling, some hiding in their homes, others fleeing to rural areas, following a pattern of attacks already documented by Human Rights Watch during the conflict.

Artillery hit the wall of a house in Kebele 02, killing four civilians inside. One young man said: “We were scared, this was our first experience with war. We didn’t know what they were targeting. A heavy weapon hit a home. The blast scattered the bodies of Kassa Enquay, Almaz Zeraya, Ammanuel Berhe, and a young woman who worked as a housekeeper.”

The shelling continued until evening. Residents then heard gunfire.

Source

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አብይ እና ኢሳያስ በ ዓለም ኣቀፍ ህግጋት የሚከሰሱባቸው ወንጀሎች

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 5, 2021

👉 የውቅሮ የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ / Wuqro Massacre

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Posted in Conspiracies, Ethiopia, Infos | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

 
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