Guards of The Fascist Oromo Regime in Ethiopia Massacred Scores of Tigrayan Prisoners, Witnesses Say

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 😇 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 😇 መርቆርዮስ 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

💭 በምዕራብ አባያና ሌሎች እስር ቤቶች የፋሽስቱ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ጠባቂዎች በርካታ የትግራይ እስረኞችን እንደጨፈጨፉ የአይን ምስክሮች ተናገሩ።

በጣም አስከፊው ግድያ የተፈፀመው በምዕራብ አባያ ማረሚያ ቤት ሲሆን አሁን ያሉት እና ጡረታ የወጡ የትግራይ ወታደሮች ታስረዋል።

የቡና እና የዕጣን ጠረን ከሰአት በኋላ አየር ላይ ተንጠልጥሎ በጊዚ የኢትዮጵያ ማረሚያ ቤት ውስጥ የትግራይ ተወላጆች ወታደሮች በህዳር 2021 የቅዱስ ሚካኤልን በዓል እያከበሩ ነበር። እስረኞች እንደተናገሩት አንዳንዶች ከቆርቆሮው ውጭ ከጓደኞቻቸው ጋር ይጫወቱና ይቀልዱ ነበር። ሌሎች ደግሞ በአንድ አመት ውስጥ ካላዩአቸው የቤተሰብ ዓባላት ጋር እንዲገናኙ ጸሎታቸውን በማድረስ ላይ ነበሩ።

ከዚያም ግድያው ተጀመረ።

በማግስቱ ጀንበር ስትጠልቅ ወደ 83 የሚጠጉ እስረኞች ሞተዋል እና ሌሎች ቁጥራቸው ጠፍተዋል ሲል ስድስት በህይወት የተረፉ ሰዎች ተናግረዋል። የተወሰኑት በጠባቂዎቻቸው በጥይት ተመትተው የተገደሉ ሲሆን ሌሎች ደግሞ በመንደሩ ነዋሪዎች ወታደሮቹን በትግራይ ብሔር ተወላጆች ላይ በመሳለቅ ተገድለዋል ብለዋል እስረኞች። በእስር ቤቱ በር በኩል አስከሬኖች በጅምላ መቃብር ውስጥ ተጥለዋል ሲል ሰባት ምስክሮች ተናግረዋል።

“እንደ እንጨት ተደራርበው ተደራርበው ነበር” ያለው አንድ እስረኛ የእልቂቱን መዘዝ አይቻለሁ ብሏል።

በምዕራብ አባያ አቅራቢያ በሚገኘው ካምፕ የተፈፀመው ጭፍጨፋ ተሸፍኖ የነበረው እና ከዚህ ቀደም ያልተነገረለት ጦርነቱ ከተጀመረበት ጊዜ አንስቶ በእስር ላይ በሚገኙ ወታደሮች ላይ የተፈፀመው እጅግ አሰቃቂ ግድያ ቢሆንም ብቸኛው ግድያ አልነበረም። ለዚህ ታሪክ ቃለ መጠይቅ ከተደረገላቸው ከሁለት ደርዘን በላይ ሰዎች መካከል እንደ ምስክሮች ገለጻ፣ ጥበቃዎች ቢያንስ በሌሎች ሰባት ቦታዎች የታሰሩ ወታደሮችን ገድለዋል። ከእነዚህ ክስተቶች መካከል አንዳቸውም ከዚህ ቀደም ሪፖርት አልተደረጉም።

ከ2,000 እስከ 2,500 ያህሉ ያገለገሉ ወይም ጡረታ የወጡ የትግራይ ወታደሮች፣ ወንድ እና ሴት፣ ከምዕራብ አባያ ከተማ በስተሰሜን የግማሽ ሰዓት ያህል በእግር ርቀት ላይ በሚገኘው አዲሱ እስር ቤት ታስረው ነበር።

ከእስር ቤቱ ለማምለጥ የሞከሩትን የትግራይ ተወላጆችን ባካባቢው እንዲሰፍሩ የተደረጉት ጋላ-ኦሮሞዎች በሜንጫ፣ በዱላ እና በድንጋይ ጠልፈው ከገደሏቸው በኋላ ሬሻቸውን ለጅቦች ሰጥተዋል።

አንድ እስረኛ በመጸዳጃ ቤት ውስጥ በጥይት ሲመታ ሁለት ሴቶች አጠገቡ እንደነበሩ ተናግሯል።

“አንደኛዋ ሴት ወዲያው ሞተች፣ ሌላኛው ደግሞ ‘ልጄ፣ ልጄ!’ ብላ ስትጮህ ሌላ ጥይት ተኩሰውባት ሞተች” ብሏል። “እነሱ (ጠባቂዎቹ) እዚያ ያሉትን ሁሉ ለመግደል ፈልገው ነበር።

ከሴቶቹ አንዷ በኢትዮጵያ ምድር ጦር ውስጥ ሻለቃ ነበረች። ዕድሜዋ 50 አካባቢ ነበር፣ በሱዳን ሰላም አስከባሪ ሆና አገልግላ የነበረች ሲሆን ወንድ እና ሴት ልጅ ወልዳለች ሲል ምስክሩ ተናግሯል። ሌሎች እስረኞች ደግሞ ሁለተኛዋ ሴት በመከላከያ ሚኒስቴር ውስጥ ትሰራ ነበር ብለዋል።

በወንዶቲካ፣ አንድ እስረኛ እንደተናገረው፣ ጠባቂዎቹ አምስት እስረኞችን ገድለዋል፣ በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ በአብዛኛው ልዩ ሃይል ወይም ኮማንዶ ናቸው። ከሟቾቹ መካከል የ103ኛ ክፍለ ጦር ኮሎኔል እና ሌተናንት ኮሎኔል በተገኙበት በድብደባ የተገደለው በሱዳን አቢዬ የሰላም ማስከበር ተልዕኮ እና የአፍሪካ ህብረት ተልእኮ የነበረው ገብረማርያም እስጢፋኖስ ይገኙበታል ሲል እስረኛው ተናግሯል። . የገብረማርያም ትልቁ ምኞት ለቤተሰቡ ቤት እና ለአባቱ በሬ መግዛት ነበር ሲል እስረኛው አክሏል። ሌሎች ሁለት እስረኞች ይህን እኲይ ተግባር አረጋግጠውታል ፣ ጠባቂዎች በእስረኞቹ ላይ ብዙ ጊዜ ስለ ድርጊቱ ይሳለቁ ነበር።

ዋሽንግተን ፖስት ያነጋገራቸው በእስር ላይ የሚገኙት የትግራይ ተወላጆች ከመካከላቸው አንዳቸውም ቢሆኑ ከዓለም አቀፍ ቀይ መስቀል ኮሚቴ ጋር ግንኙነት እንዳልነበራቸው ተናግረዋል። እስከ ጥቂት ቀናት በፊት ድረስ ቤተሰቦቻቸው ምን እንደደረሰባቸው አያውቁም ነበር። በጥቅምት ወር መጨረሻ ላይ በምዕራብ አባያ የተገደሉ አንዳንድ ወታደሮች ቤተሰቦች ስለሞታቸው ሁኔታ ተነግሯቸው ነበር። በርካታ ዘመዶቻቸው ዘመዶቻቸው በስራ ላይ እያሉ የክብር ሞት እንደሞቱ ተረድተዋል። ሌላ ዝርዝር መረጃ አልተሰጠም።

ከምዕራብ አባያ እልቂት በሕይወት የተረፉ አንዳንድ አሁንም እዚያ በእስር ላይ የሚገኙ አንዳንድ ሰዎች ሌላ ተጨማሪ ጭፍጨፋ ሊፈጠር እንደሚችል ስጋታቸውን ግልጸዋል።

አንድ እስረኛ “የጸሎት መጽሐፍ አለኝ” ብሏል። “ቤተሰቦቼን እንደገና ለማየት በየቀኑ ወደ ቅድስት ማርያም እጸልያለሁ።” ብሏል።

😠😠😠 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😢😢😢

በትግራይም ያሳዩን እንዲህ ያለ ዲያብሎሳዊ ነገር ነው። ከማይካድራ እስከ ማህበረ ዴጎ፣ ከወለጋ እስከ ጋርባሳ ቶጋ አሰቃቂ ጭፍጨፋዎችን እያደረጉ ያሉትና አስከሬኖችን ለጅቦች የሚሰጡት ጋላ–ኦሮሞዎችና አጋሮቻቸው ኦሮማራዎች መሆናቸውን ይህ መረጃ ያረጋግጥልናል።

🐲 ክፉውን ጋላ-ኦሮሞን እንበቀለዋለን!በህልሙም በውኑም እንበቀለዋለን! ሺህ ጊዜ እንበቀለዋለን! በጎቻቸውን ለአርመኔው ጋላ-ኦሮሞ ተኩላ አሳልፈው የሰጡትን ሕወሓቶችን መበቀል የእያንዳንዱ ጽዮናዊ ግዴታ ነው። በዚህ ወቅት የማይቆጣ እና ለበቀል ዝግጁ ያልሆነ ግድያውና ጭፍጨፋው እንዲቀጥል የሚያደርግ ልፍስፍስ ብቻ ነው።

ከጋላ-ኦሮሞ ጋር የሚያብርና የእነርሱ ጠበቃ ለመሆን የሚሰራ ሁሉ የኢትዮጵያ/የክርስቲያን ጽዮናውያን ጠላት ነውና በተቻለው መንገድ፣ በተገኙበት ቦታ ሁሉ ተገቢውን ቅጣት ያገኝ ዘንድ ግድ ነው።

❖❖❖[ኦሪት ዘፍጥረት ምዕራፍ ፱፥፮]❖❖❖

“የሰውን ደም የሚያፈስስ ሁሉ ደሙ ይፈስሳል፤ ሰውን በእግዚአብሔር መልክ ፈጥሮታልና።”

❖❖❖[የዮሐንስ ወንጌል ምዕራፍ ፫፥፲፱]❖❖❖

“ብርሃንም ወደ ዓለም ስለ መጣ ሰዎችም ሥራቸው ክፉ ነበርና ከብርሃን ይልቅ ጨለማን ስለ ወደዱ ፍርዱ ይህ ነው።”

❖❖❖ [፩ኛ የዮሐንስ መልእክት ምዕራፍ ፭፥፲፱፡፳፩] ❖❖❖

“ከእግዚአብሔር እንደ ሆንን ዓለምም በሞላው በክፉው እንደ ተያዘ እናውቃለን።

የእግዚአብሔርም ልጅ እንደ መጣ፥ እውነተኛም የሆነውን እናውቅ ዘንድ ልቡናን እንደ ሰጠን እናውቃለን፤ እውነተኛም በሆነው በእርሱ አለን፥ እርሱም ልጁ ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ ነው። እርሱ እውነተኛ አምላክና የዘላለም ሕይወት ነው። ልጆች ሆይ፥ ከጣዖታት ራሳችሁን ጠብቁ።”

👉 Courtesy: The Washington Post

The deadliest killings occurred at the Mirab Abaya prison camp, where current and retired Tigrayan soldiers were detained.

The scent of coffee and cigarettes hung in the hot afternoon air in a makeshift Ethiopian prison camp, prisoners said, as detained Tigrayan soldiers celebrated the holy day of Saint Michael in November 2021. Some joked with friends outside the corrugated iron buildings. Others quietly prayed to be reunited with families they had not seen in a year, when conflict erupted in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region.

Then the killings began.

By sunset the next day, around 83 prisoners were dead and another score missing, according to six survivors. Some were shot by their guards, others hacked to death by villagers who taunted the soldiers about their Tigrayan ethnicity, prisoners said. Bodies were dumped in a mass grave by the prison gate, according to seven witnesses.

“They were stacked on top of each other like wood,” recounted one detainee who said he saw the aftermath of the slaughter.

The massacre at the camp near Mirab Abaya, which was covered up and has not been previously reported, was the deadliest killing of imprisoned soldiers since the war started, but not the only one. Guards have killed imprisoned soldiers in at least seven other locations, according to witnesses, who were among more than two dozen people interviewed for this story. None of these incidents have been previously reported either.

The dead were all Tigrayans, members of an ethnic group that dominated the Ethiopian government and military for nearly three decades. That changed after Abiy Ahmed was appointed prime minister of Ethiopia, Africa’s second-most-populous nation, in 2018. Relations between Abiy and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) quickly nosedived. War broke out in 2020 after Tigrayan soldiers in the Ethiopian army and other Tigrayan forces seized military bases across the Tigray region.

Fearing further attacks, the government detained thousands of Tigrayan soldiers serving elsewhere in the country. They have been held in prison camps for nearly two years with no access to their families, phones or human rights monitors. Other Tigrayan soldiers were disarmed when war broke out but continued working in office jobs. Many of them were detained in November 2021 as Tigrayan forces advanced toward the capital, Addis Ababa.

Most of the killings, including the massacre at Mirab Abaya, happened then. Prisoners speculated the attacks might have been triggered by fear or revenge. None of the soldiers killed had been combatants fighting against the Ethiopians and thus prisoners of war.

In some prisons, senior Ethiopian military officers either ordered the killings or were present when they occurred, prisoners said. Elsewhere, imprisoned soldiers said they continue to be guarded — and beaten — by those who killed their comrades.

While there is little sign that the killings were centrally coordinated, there is evidence of widespread impunity. Only in Mirab Abaya did officers intervene to stop the killing.

These newly revealed details come as both sides in the conflict are hammering out details of a cease-fire, announced last month, that has been met with suspicion among the population over a range of issues, including whether there will be accountability for war crimes and other atrocities. How the government responds to the revelations of prison killings could suggest how it will treat other abuses allegedly committed by security forces.

The witness accounts also illuminate how the ethnic divisions tearing at Ethiopia’s society are also eroding its military, once widely respected as one of the region’s most professional and still often relied upon by Ethiopia’s neighbors to help keep the peace. Many of those killed in the prisons were among the thousands of Ethiopian troops who have served in international peacekeeping missions under the United Nations or African Union.

This article’s account of the bloodletting is based on 26 interviews with prisoners, medical personnel, officials, local residents and relatives, and on a review of satellite imagery, social media posts and medical records. Two lists of the dead were provided separately to The Washington Post, and both included the same 83 names. The identities of 16 victims were verified during interviews with detainees. All witnesses spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisals.

When asked about these accounts, Col. Getnet Adane, a spokesman for the Ethiopian military, said he was too busy to comment. A government spokesman and the prime minister’s spokeswoman did not respond to requests for comment. The state-appointed head of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, Daniel Bekele, said the panel was aware of the incident and had been investigating it.

Bullets and machetes

About 2,000 to 2,500 serving or retired Tigrayan soldiers, both men and women, were being held at the new prison camp about half an hour’s walk north of the town of Mirab Abaya, in a sparsely populated area dotted with banana plantations and near a large, crocodile-infested lake. Some buildings were so new they didn’t even have doors. But the camp had guard towers and demarcated boundaries. Guards told prisoners they would be shot if they crossed the line.

In mid-November 2021, a new prisoner — a just-married major who worked in the military’s defense construction division — was badly injured by guards when he went outside his cell at night to urinate, six other detainees said. He was beaten badly. Some said he was shot in the stomach. Guards later told prisoners that he died on the way to the hospital.

Over the following days, tensions continued to mount with reports — later confirmed by rights activists — that Tigrayan fighters in Ethiopia’s northern Amhara region were killing and raping as they advanced toward the capital.

But on Nov. 21, the Mirab Abaya camp seemed calm, prisoners said. Many had been basking in the late afternoon sun when between 16 and 18 guards opened fire.

One prisoner said that he had been near two women when they were shot in the toilet.

“One woman died immediately, and the other was calling out, ‘My son, my son!’ Then they fired another bullet, and she died,” he said. “They [the guards] wanted to kill everyone there.”

One of the women was a major in the Ethiopian ground forces. She was around 50, had served as a peacekeeper in Sudan and had a son and a daughter, according to the witness. Other detainees said the second woman had worked in the Ministry of Defense.

A senior Tigrayan officer said he was inside his cell when he heard gunshots. He stuffed clothes and belongings into a bag. He decided to run if he could.

“I was thinking: ‘Will I ever see my kids? See them succeed in school and have the good things of life?’ ” he said. If he couldn’t run, he would fight, he said. He and his cellmates looked for a stick or anything else to use as a weapon.

A third prisoner said he began to pray.

Not all guards took part in the killing. A fourth prisoner described one guard taking up a position outside the cells and telling the attackers he would shoot them if they came for the detainees inside. That guard was crying, the prisoner said, and was inconsolable for days afterward. Another prisoner said some guards had tried to disarm the attackers.

Yet another prisoner said he was having coffee outside when shots rang out. Like many others, he ran into the surrounding bush. Ethiopian soldiers pursued his small group, he said. After running more than an hour, he said, they saw some locals. The prisoners blurted out that they’d been shot at and begged for help.

“They said … ‘We will show you what you deserve.’ And then they attacked us,” he said.

A crowd of about 150 to 200 people hacked and bludgeoned the escapees with machetes, sticks and stones, he recalled. Most were killed as they begged for mercy, he said, adding that he was hurt badly and left for dead. During the attack, he said, he saw other prisoners run into the lake to escape the mobs.

Other detainees confirmed that there had been machete attacks on those who escaped the prison. They said residents screamed abuse at the escapees and had incorrectly been told they were prisoners of war and to blame for the deaths of local men in the military. Two prisoners said the attacks continued into the next day.

The shooting at the prison stopped an hour or two after it began when Col. Girma Ayele of the Southern Command arrived. By then, prisoners said, the camp was littered with the bodies of the dead and the earth slick with blood. Girma could not be reached for comment.

The Dejen division

The massacre inside the prison was committed by about 18 guards, including a woman, said the six prisoners at Mirab Abaya who were interviewed. These guards and just over a third of the victims came from the same unit: the Dejen army division, formerly known as the 17th Division. It’s stationed in Addis Ababa.

Many Tigrayan soldiers speculated during interviews that the attack was motivated by revenge. Most of the guards who did the killing were from the Amhara region, which Tigrayan forces had invaded as they pushed toward the capital.

Girma told the prisoners these guards were not under his direct control and had been arrested, detainees said. The guards’ status could not be confirmed. The prisoners never saw them again.

A day after the killing, an excavator dug a mass grave just outside the main watchtower at the entrance gate, perhaps 200 meters from the road, according to the six prisoners.

Among those buried was Maj. Meles Belay Gidey, an engineer passionate about his teaching job at the Defense Engineering College. When Meles was serving as a U.N. peacekeeper in Abyei, a disputed area between Sudan and South Sudan, he video-called his two teenage sons and his stepdaughter every evening to talk to them about school, a relative said.

A local resident traveling past the prison camp the next day said the military warned passersby not to take pictures of the grave.

In Mirab Abaya town, officials used loudspeakers mounted on cars to warn the local population that escapees should be killed. The local resident said he saw three or four people attacked near a banana grove and about a dozen bodies bleeding in the streets, some scattered near the church of St. Gabriel. Ethiopian soldiers nearby did not intervene, he said.

The resident also said he saw a man in his mid-20s being beaten by a mob. Both of his hands had been cut off, and his legs were bleeding. The man begged to be killed as he was dragged up and down the street, the resident said. The attackers told the man they would kill him as slowly as possible. Eventually, he was dragged to the camp gate and shot. Another body was being dragged behind a motorbike, the resident said.

“I couldn’t do anything because I feared for my life,” he said.

Ethiopian soldiers take strategic city in Tigray amid civilian exodus

Wounded Tigrayans were taken to three hospitals, survivors said: Arba Minch General Hospital, Soddo Christian Hospital and another hospital in Soddo. Two medical professionals at Arba Minch General Hospital described an influx of patients around 9 p.m. on Nov. 21. One worker shared medical records showing that 19 patients were admitted with bullet wounds and that 15 were discharged the next day. Two died in the hospital and four were dead on arrival, the two medical workers said.

Most of the patients were kept for only a few hours despite life-threatening wounds, the two said. The patients were kept under police guard, both medical professionals said, and they described nurses and other medical staff taunting the wounded about their ethnicity.

Killings in other prisons

Mirab Abaya was not the only prison where imprisoned soldiers were killed. Current and former prisoners said in interviews that they had witnessed guards killing prisoners at Garbassa training center and the headquarters of the 13th Division in the eastern city of Jigjiga; in prisons in Wondotika and toggaa near the southern city of Hawassa; in the southern area of Didessa; and at the Bilate training center in the south. Many of the victims had served as peacekeepers in U.N. missions in Sudan, Abyei or South Sudan or as part of an African Union force in Somalia.

At Wondotika, a detainee said guards had killed five prisoners at facility that holds hundreds of soldiers who are mostly special forces or commandos. The victims included Gebremariam Estifanos, a veteran of a peacekeeping mission in Abyei and an African Union mission in Somalia, who was beaten to death Nov. 8, 2021, in the presence of a colonel and lieutenant colonel from the 103rd Division, a prisoner said. Gebremariam’s biggest wish had been to buy his family a house and his father an ox, the prisoner said. Two other detainees confirmed the account, saying guards often taunted the prisoners about the incident.

Both said that guards had often forced prisoners to dig their own graves, telling them they would soon be killed. The four other soldiers were killed later in November, shot so many times that their bodies were torn to pieces by bullets, the first prisoner said.

“We are beaten and threatened. We have served our country with honor and dignity,” that prisoner said. “I regret my service.”

In toggaa prison, guards beat and then shot two Tigrayan soldiers on Nov. 4, a detainee there said. A second prisoner held at toggaa, a former peacekeeper who served in Somalia, confirmed two killings. In Garbassa, two prisoners said six detainees had been killed and others injured so badly they had lost the use of limbs and eyes.

“I have seen the bodies being dragged from their rooms,” said a detainee there.

Three prisoners — one from the presidential guard and two from the Agazi commandos — were killed in July 2021 in Bilate training center after guards accused them of attempting to escape, said a witness previously held there. He described soldiers shooting at their bodies long after they were dead and throwing the corpses outside for the hyenas. And in a detention center near Didessa, near Nekemte town, at least five soldiers were killed and 30 others taken away and never seen again, a prisoner previously held there said.

He broke down as he listed the names he could remember. “I’m so sorry, they were my friends,” he said.

Two imprisoned soldiers, accused of having mobile phones, were also killed by guards at a detention center in eastern Ethiopia between Harar and Dire Dawa, a witness said.

The imprisoned Tigrayan soldiers interviewed by The Post say none of them have had access to the International Committee of the Red Cross. Until a few days ago, their families had no idea what had become of them. At the end of October, the families of some soldiers killed in Mirab Abaya were informed about their deaths. Several relatives were told their loved ones had died honorable deaths in the line of duty. No other details were given.

Some of the survivors of the Mirab Abaya massacre who are still held there said they fear another outbreak of violence.

“I have a prayer book,” one prisoner there said. “Every day I pray to Mary to see my family again.”

______________

In Ethiopia’s Genocidal War, Thousands of Jailed Tigrayans Endured Squalor & Disease | ግድየለሽነት

💭 በኢትዮጵያ የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ የታሰሩ የትግራይ ተወላጆች በችግር እና በበሽታ ይማቅቃሉ።

💭 ግድየለሽነት የሰው ነፍስ ሊደርስባት የሚችለው ትልቁ አሳዛኝ ነገር ነው!

እኔን በይበልጥ የሚያስቆጣኝ የኦሮሞዎች ጥላቻና አረመኔነት ሳይሆን የተጋሩና አማራ ግድየለሽነት ነው!

ሕወሓቶች በአዲስ አበባ እና በኦሮሚያ ሲዖል እስር ቤቶችና ማጎሪያ ካምፖች እንዲሁም በምዕራብ ትግራይ ለሚማቅቁት ጽዮናውያን ወገኖቼ ሲያስቡ፣ ሲቆጡ፣ መግለጫ ሲያወጡ ወይንም እንደሚገባቸው የበቀል እርምጃ ለመውሰድ ሲዝቱ ሰምተን እናውቃለንን? በጭራሽ! እንግሊዛውያን በቀላሉ ያታለሏቸውን ታላቁን አፄ ቴዎድሮስን ያስወገዷቸው እኮ ጥቂት ሚሲዮናውያንና ዲፕሎማቶችን አግተዋል ብለው ነበር። የሕንድን ቅጥረኞች ሳይቀር ነበር ከሠራዊታቸው ጋር የላኩባቸው። ዛሬ በተለያዩ የኢትዮጵያ ግዛቶች የሚኖሩትን ጽዮናውያንን መብት ሊያስጠብቅ የሚችል እንደዚህ በክፉ ጊዜ ሊቆምላቸው የሚችል አንድም ቡድን አለመኖሩ በጣም ያሳዝናል። እንዲያውም ሕወሓቶች የሚመኙት፤ ልክ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ እነ አቡነ መርቆርዮስንና ሌሎችንም ከዲያስፐራ አምጥቶ እንዳስወገዳቸው፤ እነርሱም እንዲሁ ሁሉንም ተጋሩ ወደ ትግራይ አስገብተው ማስራብና መፍጀት ነው። ሥልጣናቸውን ሊቀናቀናቸው የሚችለውን ጽዮናዊን አይሹትምና!

❖❖❖[የማቴዎስ ወንጌል ምዕራፍ ፲፩፥፲፭፡፲፯]❖❖❖

“የሚሰማ ጆሮ ያለው ይስማ። ነገር ግን ይህን ትውልድ በምን እመስለዋለሁ? በገበያ የሚቀመጡትን ልጆች ይመስላሉ፥ እነርሱም ባልንጀሮቻቸውን እየጠሩ። እንቢልታ ነፋንላችሁ ዘፈንም አልዘፈናችሁም ሙሾ አወጣንላችሁ ዋይ ዋይም አላላችሁም ይሉአቸዋል።“

❖❖❖[መጽሐፈ ምሳሌ ምዕራፍ ፩፥፳፰]❖❖❖

“የዚያን ጊዜ ይጠሩኛል፥ እኔ ግን አልመልስም፤ ተግተው ይሹኛል፥ ነገር ግን አያገኙኝም።“

❖❖❖[ትንቢተ ኤርምያስ ምዕራፍ ፵፰፥]❖❖❖

የእግዚአብሔርን፡ ሥራ፡ በቸልታ፡ የሚያደርግ፡ ርጉም፡ ይኹን ፥ ሰይፉንም፡ ከደም ፡ የሚከለክል ፡ ርጉም፡ይኹን።

💭 የሚገርም ነው፤ ይህን ምዕራፍ የፕሮቴስታንቶች መጽሐፍ ቅዱስ ላይ ሳነብ እንዲህ ይላል፤

“የእግዚአብሔርን ሥራ በቸልታ የሚያደግ ርጉም ይሁን፥ ሰይፉንም ከደም የሚከለክል ርጉም ይሁን።“

👉 “የሚያደርግ” ማለት ሲገባ “የሚያደግ” ‘ኹ‘ በ ‘ሁ‘ ተተክቷል። ‘እግዚአብሔርን‘ እንደ አብዛኛዎቹ ፕሮቴስታንቶች በ ‘እግዚያብሄር‘ አለመተካታቸው በጎ ነው።

“To be treated with indifference is the greatest tragedy a Human Soul can suffer.“ Tonny K. Brown

👉 From Reuters

In a packed Ethiopian prison last November, charity worker Tesfaye Weldemaryam cried out in delirium for two weeks. To make space for Tesfaye to lie down, said a cellmate, other prisoners huddled together in the darkness, their legs aching from constant standing.

Tesfaye, 36, was one of nearly 3,000 ethnic Tigrayans who were crammed into 18 squalid cells in the southern town of Mizan Teferi. Across Ethiopia, Reuters has identified at least a dozen other locations where thousands more Tigrayans have been held without trial as the government battles a 19-month-old insurgency that began in the northern Tigrayregion.

The United Nations estimates that more than 15,000 Tigrayan civilians were arrested between November and February alone, when emergency laws were in force. Reuters reporting, including interviews with 17 current and former detainees and a review of satellite imagery, indicates that the total number of arrests is at least 3,000 higher than the UN estimate. A senior Tigrayan opposition figure, Hailu Kebede, told Reuters he estimates the figure is in the tens of thousands.

The reporting also reveals that some 9,000 Tigrayans are still in detention, contradicting government assertions that most have now been released.

They were crowded into makeshift facilities, including an old cinema, university campuses, a former chicken factory, an industrial park, a construction site and an unfinished prison that was intended to hold convicted criminals, the news agency’s reporting demonstrates. The detainees included women and children.

Most facilities were crowded and dirty, said current and former detainees of a dozen different centres, lawyers and family members. Beatings were common. Some sick prisoners were denied medical treatment for weeks, these people said, while others were forced to bribe guards to get medicines. Reuters confirmed many aspects of the accounts of jail conditions with priests, medical workers, local officials and through satellite imagery. Some of the people interviewed declined to be identified for fear of retribution.

At least 17 Tigrayan detainees have died, Reuters reporting shows. Tesfaye is one of them. By the time he received treatment for malaria and meningitis in December he was too ill to respond, said a medic who cared for Tesfaye in hospital.

Reuters sent detailed questions about the number of prisoners, conditions, and deaths to the federal police, the justice ministry, the prime minister’s office and other national and regional government officials. The justice ministry referred questions to the police, which did not respond. Nor did the others.

The detentions of Tigrayans came in waves. The first began in November 2020 after the TigrayPeople’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a guerrilla movement turned political party, seized military bases in Tigray. The second started in July 2021, when Tigrayan forces forced Ethiopia’s army to withdraw from Tigray. The most recent came last November after Tigrayan forces invaded two neighbouring regions and advanced towards the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.

The findings from this first detailed account of the detentions show that the treatment of Tigrayan civilian detainees has fallen far short of international norms. They also raise questions over the government’s use of emergency powers during its war with the TPLF, according to some international observers. Some analysts say the arrests have tarnished the image of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, whose commitment to democracy when he came to power in 2018 won him international praise and offered a break with decades of iron-fisted rule by the TPLF.

Michelle Bachelet, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, has said most of the detentions appeared to be ordinary Tigrayans. In November, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission expressed concern that people were being arrested because of their ethnicity.

Many Tigrayans say they were held by police after speaking their native language or showing an identity card with a Tigrayan name, as Reuters previously reported. In a town called Abala in Afar region, which borders Tigray, three residents said the Tigrayan population was arrested en masse and loaded onto trucks. Two witnesses put the number of people arrested at around 12,000. Reuters couldn’t independently verify the figure.

Ethiopia’s government and police insist they only target suspected supporters of the TigrayPeople’s Liberation Front. Hailu, the foreign affairs head of opposition party Salsay Weyane Tigray, accused the government of “rounding up Tigrayans solely based on their ethnicity,” a view shared by the TPLF.

MALARIA AND SQUALOR

Tesfaye was an office worker for Catholic charity the Salesians of Don Bosco in Addis Ababa before his arrest on Nov. 5, his family said. Around a dozen Tigrayan employees of the charity were detained at work that day, two of those held said. No reason was given, and Tesfaye’s colleagues were released a few months later without charge. The charity declined to comment for this article.

Ten days after his arrest, Tesfaye was a passenger on a snaking convoy of between 60-80 large buses that ferried prisoners from an overcrowded five-block jail in Addis Ababa to an unfinished prison in the town of Mizan Teferi, 560km to the southwest. It took nearly the whole night to get there, said five prisoners who travelled with Tesfaye.

The prison in Mizan Teferi had freshly painted yellow walls and newly mown grass — and a watchtower and barbed wire perimeter. It stood empty, waiting for its first transfer of convicted criminals, said the prison’s acting head Getnet Befekadu. Instead, it received busloads of Tigrayans, former prisoners said.

The interior wasn’t yet finished; there was no plumbing, so river water was treated with purification tablets. Water was so scarce, detainees said, they were often frantic with thirst. Prisoners were given two 15-minute bathroom breaks a day, but often the queues were so long or prisoners so sick that inmates would soil themselves while waiting.

The jail’s 18 cells, each about 5 metres by 6 metres, were packed: One prisoner told Reuters there were 183 men in his windowless cell; another said there were 176 in his. A guard at Mizan Teferi told Reuters each cell was originally designed to hold between 70 and 80 people.

The European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment sets a minimum standard of four square metres per prisoner in a multiple-occupancy cell. The cells at Mizan Teferi held more than 20 people per four square metres.

Getnet, the acting head, said the facility housed 2,900 prisoners and that two additional office rooms were eventually used for prisoners with tuberculosis and hepatitis.

Prisoners were tormented by lice, pests and disease, inmates said. Getnet said authorities did their best to care for inmates, providing “conducive conditions.” He didn’t elaborate.

A Tigrayan public employee, who was arrested on Nov. 4, described life in the jail. “It was very crowded; we could not sleep on our backs. We slept head to toe like sardines. We had no mattress, no blanket,” he said.

Tesfaye was desperately ill in jail for two weeks, a fellow prisoner said. When staff finally took him — feverish and unconscious — to Mizan Tepi University Teaching Hospital, he could not be saved from the malaria and meningitis that sickened him, said Dr Gizaw Wodajo, the hospital’s medical director.

Reuters identified at least four people who died after falling sick in Mizan Teferi. Getnet, the acting head of the prison, referred Reuters to the hospital for information on deaths.

A former detainee, a medical worker who was freed in late January, said each time prisoners perished their cellmates would cry out. “We usually heard cries at night. We heard them shouting, ‘my brother, my brother’.” In the morning, word of who had died would spread when prisoners were allowed out of their cells to collect water.

Malaria is endemic in the area where the prison lies, Gizaw said. But to his knowledge, the facility hadn’t been sprayed with insecticide to kill the mosquitoes that spread the disease. Nor did inmates have mosquito nets. Prison authorities didn’t comment.

Hagos Belay, a bank security guard, was admitted to hospital on Dec. 25. Two weeks later, he died of malaria and meningitis — diseases that can be treated with drugs if caught early. Prisoners said there were no medicines for many sick inmates. Gizaw said local officials and the International Committee of the Red Cross did eventually find money to pay for treatment for some prisoners. The Red Cross declined to comment, saying their global access to prisoners depends on their confidentiality. Getnet said that prisoners were given all assistance possible.

A third prisoner, 17-year-old Anwar Siraj, died before he reached the hospital, said Gizaw, adding that the cause of death was unclear.

A fourth man, 24-year-old Gebregziabher Gebremeskel, died within weeks of his release from Mizan Teferi. A relative described him as a quiet young man who used to sell mobile phones on the streets of the capital. Gebregziabher became ill with malaria while he was in jail, but did not receive medical treatment, the relative said.

Reuters spoke to a doctor who cared for Gebregziabher at a hospital in Addis Ababa. The doctor said the young man was seriously ill with cerebral malaria when he arrived at the hospital two weeks after his release from jail. He died 10 days later. The doctor, who asked not to be named, said Gebregziabher must have been infected in prison since the disease isn’t present in the capital and takes between a week and a month to incubate.

The doctor said he treated three other prisoners from Mizan Teferi for the same disease. All three told the doctor the only way to get hold of medicines in the jail was by paying for them.

Imad Abdulfetah, a director at the state-appointed Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, told Reuters the commission repeatedly tried and failed to get access to the prison in Mizan Teferi. Asked about this, Getnet did not respond.

MAKESHIFT PRISONS

Mizan Teferi was not the only facility where prisoners died. Nor was it the only facility that was ill-prepared to receive crowds of Tigrayan detainees.

For around eight months, Tigrayans were held at an agricultural facility at Wachemo University, in the town of Shone, 220km south of the capital. A spokesperson for Shone district, Alemayehu Bakera, told Reuters there were 1,200 Tigrayans at the campus. He denied they were detained, describing the facility as “more of a shelter for them to stay.”

All the Tigrayans were migrants who had been repatriated from Saudi Arabia in 2021, Alemayehu said, under a bilateral agreement between the countries. Saudi Arabia did not respond to requests for comment about the detentions. The Tigrayans held at the university were transferred from Shone to Addis Ababa in early April and released, according to Alemayehu.

A former detainee at Wachemo University told Reuters the facility had enough food and water, and people could move around freely. But prisoners had to buy their own medicines, often pooling money to do so.

At least two prisoners died there this year — a man and a woman — said four people with direct knowledge. These sources included a university official and Melak Mihret Aba Teklemichael, head of nearby St. George’s Church, where they were buried.

Alemayehu, the Shone district spokesperson said, “We don’t know about reports of death.”

A lawyer who was working to try to free detainees told Reuters that, based on his conversations with people in the facility, 100 women and 10 babies were among those held there. Reuters couldn’t independently confirm the lawyer’s figures. Melak, the church head, said several women had given birth at the facility.

Thousands of Tigrayans from Abala, the town on the border between the Tigrayand Afar regions, were rounded up by an Afar regional force in December, loaded onto trucks and driven to Soloda College in the nearby town of Semera, witnesses said.

A source briefed on the matter said 7,000 to 12,000 people are still detained at the college. The Red Cross tweeted last month that it provided aid to 9,000 displaced people in Semera. It declined to give further details when contacted by Reuters. Two prisoners confirmed to Reuters that they received aid from the agency.

Jean Bosco Ngomoni from the UN refugee agency’s Semera office, told Reuters that “limited service provision coupled with overpopulation do not allow decent living conditions.”

The men were beaten when they were first detained, three prisoners said. Men and women are separated by a fence, and many families are living under tarpaulin in the yard.

One prisoner told Reuters that 63 detainees at the college had died, including 11 infants. He shared with Reuters a list of those who had perished, compiled by inmates. In interviews, other prisoners confirmed three of the names.

Where names were missing on the list, the inmates entered whatever other details they had — such as “worked at the mill,” or “twin infants.”

A priest at nearby Afar Semera St. John’s church said he had participated in burials of seven or eight people from the camp. Reuters could not determine if those deaths were included in the list.

Satellite pictures of the facility appear to show its compound crowded with blue and white plastic rectangles consistent with prisoners’ descriptions of living under plastic tarpaulins.

The Afar regional government didn’t respond to requests for comment.

MAXIMUM SECURITY

Many Tigrayans who were arrested in Addis Ababa were held for days or weeks in the capital’s Aba Samuel maximum security prison before being bussed south to other facilities.

One Tigrayan inmate estimated there were around 1,500 Tigrayan civilians there when he was held in the early days of November.

The numbers then grew, said four other prisoners.

One of them, a 28-year-old man, said he was held with 36 other Tigrayans in a 70-square-metre cell — twice the number of prisoners allowed under the Council of Europe’s minimum standard. He said the number of detainees had reached about 3,100 at the facility when he arrived on Nov. 27. He shared handwritten notes with Reuters tabulating the numbers, which he said he recorded based on conversations with other prisoners.

A week after he arrived, he said, 140 more Tigrayans arrived from a detention facility in the town of Awash Arba, in the Afar region, so thin they “looked like famine victims.” By that time they had already been held in Awash Arba for five months, he said.

Beatings from guards were frequent, this man said. When his cellmates thought guards might come, they piled on any extra clothes to try to cushion the blows.

He shared a video with Reuters that showed a crowded courtyard in Aba Samuel in January. Satellite imagery provided by Maxar Technologies and reviewed by Reuters matched the prison’s layout, stairwell configuration, a drain and markings on the concrete floor.

He and another man — interviewed separately — both said they witnessed an incident in which a guard beat prisoners with a piece of scaffolding so hard that it broke in half.

Another former prisoner, a businessman, provided pictures of himself before imprisonment looking fit and healthy and thin and haggard after release. Food was scarce — sometimes one piece of bread per day — he said.

Two other prisoners held there in January told Reuters that later Oromo prisoners were also detained in Aba Samuel.

Elsewhere in the capital, other Tigrayans were held at packed police stations or makeshift sites for months. One lawyer who visited six detention centres said he saw people held in overcrowded police stations, two private storehouses and a former chicken factory, where he said the stench was unbearable.

One 34-year-old said he was held for 38 days at a detention centre with a watchtower called Gotera Condominium complex in Addis Ababa — previously used to house drug addicts and the homeless. Numbers fluctuated between 800 and 2,000 people, he and another prisoner said.

Reuters journalists witnessed hundreds of family members lining up outside the facility in December, waiting to take in food to loved ones. By mid-February, the complex was deserted. Street vendors said the prisoners had all been recently released. Reuters spoke to three prisoners who had been held there and said they had been freed.

Across Ethiopia, most Tigrayans were quietly released in January or February, after the Tigrayan forces retreated back into their region. Others were freed in March or April. But thousands remain in detention in Afar.

Following a ceasefire declared in March, the war has reached a stalemate. The military is unable to hold Tigray; Tigrayan forces cannot hold territory they seized outside it. Abiy said this week his government is considering talks with the TPLF.

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ኢንጂነር ይልቃልን ከኮሮና በሽተኛ ጋር አስረዋቸዋል? ይህ እኮ ታይቶ የማይታወቅ ከፍተኛ ወንጀል ነው!

እንዴ! እንዲህ ዓይነት ወንጀል እየተሠራ ነው ሰንደቃችንን ይዘው “ዐቢይ! ዐቢይ!” የሚሉት?! ምን ያህል ቢዘቅጡ ነው?!

ይህ ጉዳይ ዕረፍት ነስቶኛል!

ኢንጂነር ይልቃል ጌትነት የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሊቀመንበር እያሉ ለሙስሊሞች ጂሃዳዊ “መብት” ሲቆሙና ሰልፍ ሲወጡ ነበር፤ ታዲያ አሁን ኢንጅነር ይልቃል ያላግባብ ታስረው እንዲህ ለመሰለ አስቀቃቂ የበሽታ (ባዮሎጂያዊ መሣሪያ) ሤራ ሲጋለጡ ድምጹን ያሰማ ወይም ሰልፍ ለመውጣት የተዘጋጀ የሙስሊም አካል ይኖር ይሆን? እ! እ! በፍጹም የለም!መጠበቅም የለበትም። ወደድንም ጠላንም ባለጊዜዎቹ መሀመዳውያን ከአህዛብ አገዛዝ ጋር ነው የሚቆሙት፣ አወቅንም አላወቅንም ከግብጽ ጋር ነው የሚቆሙት፣ (አንታለል! አል–አሩሲ የተባለው የገዳይ ዐቢይ ቅጥረኛ “አጀንዳ ጠላፊ” አታላይ ነው።)፣ ሃቁን ተቀበልንም አልተቀበልንም 99% የሚሆኑት የመሀመድ ተከታዮች ከኢትዮጵያ ታሪካዊ ጠላት ቍ. ፩፡ ከግራኝ አህመድ ጋር ነው የሚወግኑት። ለመሆኑ በተዋሕዶ ልጆች ላይ የሚካሄደውን ጭፍጨፋ ለመቃወም ቁንጫ ተነካች ብለው ያዙን ልቀቁን የሚሉት ሙስሊሞች ለምን ለሰለፍ አልወጡም? ምን ያህል ሙስሊሞችስ ናቸው በመላው ዓለም በመካሄድ ላይ ያሉትን የተቃውሞ ሰልፎች በመደገፍ ላይ ያሉት? በጣም ጥቂቶች!

እንደ እኔ እነ ኢንጂነር ይልቃልና ሌሎችም የተዋሕዶ ልጆች ለራሳቸው ለተዋሕዶ ማሕበረሰብ ብቻ መቆም ነው የሚጠበቅባቸው እንጅ ለኢትዮጵያም ሆነ ለበርማ ሙስሊሞች ድምጻቸውን ማሰማት ከድካምና የራስን እጀንዳ ከማስረሳቱ በቀር ሌላ ምንም ፋይዳ አያመጣም። እውነት ሙስሊሞቹ ለመሠረታዊ “መብት” የሚታገሉ ቢሆኑ ኖሮ ዛሬውኑ ከመርካቶ ተሰባሰበው ኢንጂነር ይልቃልን ለማስፈታት ወደ እስር ቤት ባመሩ ነበር። ግን የማይታሰብ ነው፤ ግብዞች ስለሆኑ በጭራሽ አያደርጓትም!

አዎ! ኢንጂነር ይልቃልን ግልጽና ቀጥተኛ ከሆኑ ጥቂት የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲከኞች መካከል አንዱ በመሆናቸው በጣም አደንቃቸዋለሁ፤ ገና በማለዳ የገዳይ ዐቢይን እባባዊ አካሄድ በደንብ ተከታትለው በግልጽነት ሲወቅሱና ሂስ ሲሰጡ የነበሩ ብቸኛ ፖለቲከኛ ናቸው፤ ሆኖም በእዚህ ኢንተርቪው እንኳን ለረጅም ጊዜና በአሁኑ ሰዓትም ክፉኛ እየተበደለች ስላለቸው የኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ብሎም በመላው ዓለም ለሚሰቃዩት ክርስቲያን ሕዝቦች ድምጻቸውን ለማሰማት አልፈቀዱም። የበርማን ወራሪ ሙስሊሞች ግን አስታውሰዋቸዋል! ይህ ስህተት ነው! ይህ እንዳይሆንና እድላችንም በከንቱ እንዳይነጠቅ ዘንድ ነው ለመሀመዳውያኑ ጂሃዳዊ አጀንዳ መቆም ተገቢ ያልሆነው። ዛሬ ለራስ ሲቆርሱ “አያሳንሱ” መሆኑ ቀርቶ “አሳነሱ” እኮ ሆነ። ያሳዝናል! እንደው በእውነት ለሙስሊሞች የምናስብ ከሆነ በቅድሚያ ከሰይጣናዊ እምነት በክርስቶስ ስም እንዲወጡ ማድረግ ብቻ ነው የሚገባን። ይህ ነው ትልቁ የእርዳታ ተግባር!

👉 ግራኝ ዐቢይ አህመድ አሊ እነ ኢንጂነር ይልቃል ጌትነትን፣ እስክንድር ነጋን፣ ስንታየው ቸኮልን፣ አስቴር ስንታየሁን፣ ልደቱ አያሌውን፣ እኅተ ማርያምን፣ እና ሌሎች በብዙ ሺህ የሚቆጠሩ ኢትዮጵያውያንን (ኢትዮጵያዊ ብሔርተኞች ስለሆኑ ነው ያሠራቸው) በጤናማ ሁኔታና ባስቸኳይ መልቀቅ አለበት! በማሰሩና፣ እስረኞቹን ለበሽታ በማጋለጡ ብሎም በማስራቡና በማስደብደቡ ለፍርድ መቅረብ ይኖርበታል።

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ዐቢይ አህመድ እስክንድር ነጋን በረሃብ ቀጥቶ አሰደበደበው

ወገኖቼ፡ እጅግ በጣም የከፋ ግፍ በሃገራችን እየተፈጸመ ነው። ኦሮሚያ በተባለው ሲዖል በናዚዎች ጊዜ እንኳን ታይቶና ተሰምቶ በማይታወቅ መልክና እጅግ ዘግናኝ በሆነ የግድያ ዘመቻ ወገኖቻችን አካላቸው ተቆራርጦ፣ ተጠብሶና ተሰቅሎ እየታየ እንደሆነ ምንጮች ጠቁመዋል። ባካችሁ ወገኖች እያንዳንዷን ነገር መዝግቡልን፣ ቅረጹልን!

በሌላ በኩል የባልደራስ ለእውነተኛ ዲሞክራሲ ከፍተኛ አመራሮች አቶ እስክንድር ነጋ እና አቶ ስንታየሁ ቸኮል መታሰራቸው የሚታወስ ነው ነገር ግን በአሁን ሰአት ከፍተኛ ድብደባ እና እንግልት እየደረሰባቸው ነው። ከውስጥ የወጡ መረጃዎች እንደሚያሳዩት ለ ሁለት ቀናት ምንም አይነት ምግብ እንዳልቀረበለት እና በረሀብም ጭምር እየቀጡት ነው። ልብ በሉ፦ እንድ እምነስቲ “የሰብዓዊ መብት ተሟጋቾች ነን” የሚሉት ግብዝ ድርጅቶች ጸጥ ብለዋል። ኢትዮጵያውያን የሚፈተኑበት ወቅት አሁን ነው!

“…ጦርነት ውስጥ እንገባለን!” ብሏል እኮ ገዳይ አብይ አስቀድሞ። እስካሁን የተናገራቸውን ጽንፈኛ ንግግሮች ሁሉ በተግባር ላይ እያዋላቸው ነው። ከጀግናው ኢንጂነር ስመኘው እስከ ጽንፈኛው አጫሉ ሁሉንም የገደላቸው ዐቢይ አህመድ አሊ ነው። 100%! እርግጠኛ ነኝ።

የበሻሻ ቆሻሻን የባሌ ንግግር እናስታውስ፦

“ኦሮሞ እስኪነቃ ነው እንጂ፣ እስኪነሳ ነው እንጂ ሲነሳ ሚዳቋ አትበላንም፤ እኛ ዝሆን ነን፤ እንሰብራለን፤ እንበላለን፤ እንገዛለን። ሃሳብ አለን፤ ድርጅት አለን፤ ከአለም ጋር ግንኙነት አለን፤ ህዝባችን በስራ ያውቀናል፤ እኛም ህዝባችንን እናውቃለን፤ ሽማግሌዎቻችንን እናውቃለን፤ ተያይዘን መላውን አፍሪካን ለመለወጥ፣ ይሄ ዘመን የእኛ ስለሆነ፣ ይህን ዘመን የሰጠን እግዝያብሄር በመሆኑ አሳልፈን ሰጥተን ዳግም ወደ ባርነት ለመመለስ አንፈልግም፤ ያ ደግሞ ተመልሶ አይመጣም። እጃችሁ የገባውን ነገር ጠብቁ፤ ቆጥቡ፤ አጠንክሩ፤ ጉድለት (ስህተት) ካለ ምከሩ። ያለበለዚያ ይህን ከጅ ካወጣን አጥር ውስጥ ተቀምጠው እንደሚያለቅሱት ዓይነት ለቅሶ ስለሚሆን፣ ከዚህ በኋላ ለኦሮሞ ለቅሶ የማይሆንለት ስለሆነ፣ ያገኘነውን ይዘን፣ የቀረውን ሞልተን፣ ወደ ፊት መሄድ እንድንችል”

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ይገርማል | አገር-ወዳዱ የእንግሊዝ እስክንድር ነጋ ታሠረ | ህፃናት ደፋሪ ሙስሊሞችን በማጋለጡ

የኢትዮጵያ ጠላቶች በአገር–ወዳዶች ላይ መዝመት በጀመሩበት በዚህ ወቅት፡ ጎን ለጎን፡ ተመሳሳይ ዘመቻ በ “ታናሿ ብሪታኒያም” እየተካሄደ ነው፤ ዛሬ ለዜጎች እና ለብሪታኒያውያን ህፃናት ደህንነት የቆሙትን ግለሰቦች ያለአግባብ በማሳደደ ላይ ናቸው።

ቶሚ ሮቢንሰን ይባላል፤ በተለይ የሚታወቀው በብዙ ሺህ የሚቆጠሩ ብሪታኒያውያን ህፃናት በሙስሊሞች የወሲብ ጥቃት ለዓመታት እንደተፈጸመባቸው በማጋለጥ ነው። አሁን በድጋሚ የተከሰሰበትና ለእሥርም ያበቃው ለምን የተያዙትን ህፃናት–ደፋሪ ሙስሊሞች ጉዳይ ለሜዲያ አሳውቅክ በሚል ተልካሻ ምክኒያት ነው።

ቶሚ ሮቢንሰን ብሪታኒያ ለእርሱ እና ቤተሰቦቹ አደገኛ ስለሆነች የአሜሪካውን ፕሬዚደንት ዶናልድ ትራምፕን “ባክህ እርዳን፤ በአሜሪካ የፖለቲካ ጥገኝነት ስጠን ብሎ ጠይቋቸዋል።” ዋው!

አዎ! በምዕራቡም ጋዜጠኞች እየተበደሉ ነው፤ ጁሊያን አሳንጅን እናስታውስ…ለዘብተኛው የግብረ–ሰዶማውያን መንግስት ስለሚፈጽማቸው ፍትህ–አልባ ሁኔታዎች ጋዜጠኞች መናገር የሚከለከሉበት ዘመን ላይ ደርሰናል፤ ልክ እንደ ሰሜን ኮሪያ፣ ሳውዲ አረቢያ እና ኢራን። በጋዜጠኛ ቶሚ ሮቢንሰን ላይ የምናየው ድራማ ልክ በጋዜጠኛ እስክንድር ነጋ ላይ ከምናየው ዓይነት ድራማ ጋር በጣም ይመሳሰላል። ሁሉም ነገር በሃገረ ኢትዮጵያ ከሚካሄደው ሁኔታ ጋር መገጣጠሙ ያለምክንያት አይደለም።

ዛሬ እየታዘብን ያለነው፤ ወንጀለኞች እየነገሡ፥ እውነተኞች እየኮሰሱ፤ ዘራፊዎች እየፋፉ፥ ከልብ አገልጋዮች እየተገፉ፥ መንፈሳውያኑ ሜዳ ላይ እየተጣሉ የመጡበትን ዘመን ነው።

ሊበራል–ዲሞክራት ወይም ለዘብተኛ የሚባሉት ኃይሎች ከግብረ–ሰዶማውያን እና ሙስሊሞች ጋር በማበር ክርስቲያኖችን እና አገር–ወዳዶችን በመላው ዓለም በማጥቃት ላይ ናቸው። በምዕራቡ ዓለም ህፃናት ደፋሪዎቹን መሀመዳውያን በብዛት ወደ አገሮቻቸው ያስገቡት በየቦታው ሰርገው በመግባት ስልጣኑን ለጊዜው የተቆጣጠሩት ግብረ–ሰዶማውያኑ መሆናቸውን እየታዘብን ነው። መንግስቱን፣ ሜዲያውን፣ የትምህርት ተቋማትን፣ ፍርድ ቤቶችና ብዙ መሥሪያ ቤቶችን በመቆጣጠር ላይ ያሉት ግብረ–ሰዶማውያኑ ናቸው።

• Neo-Pagan Europe: Muslim Migration & Pedophilia

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የኢሳያስ እና ዶ/ር አህመድ ሤራ | የታላቁ ደብረ ቢዘን ገዳም አምስት አባቶች ታሠሩ

[የማቴዎስ ወንጌል ምዕራፍ ፲፰፥፲፰]

“እውነት እላችኋለሁ፥ በምድር የምታሥሩት ሁሉ በሰማይ የታሠረ ይሆናል፥ በምድርም የምትፈቱት ሁሉ በሰማይ የተፈታ ይሆናል።“

በኤርትራ ክፍለ ሃገር(አዎ! ካሁን በኋላ ሁሉንም የኢትዮጵያ ግዛቶች ክፍለ ሃገራት ነው የምላቸው) ከተመሠረተ ስድስት መቶ ሃምሳ ዓመታትን ያስቆጠረው ታላቁ የደብረ ቢዘን ገዳም ጣሊያን ኤርትራን እያስተዳደራት እያለም ቢሆን በኢትዮጵያ አስተዳደርና ንብረት ሥር ነበር (በውጫሌ ስምምነት ውስጥ ተጠቅሷል)

ላለፉት አሥራ ሦስት ዓመታት በፕሬዚደንት ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ ወኅኒ የሚንገላቱት(ውሸት ነው አልተፈቱም)የቀድሞው የኤርትራ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተክርስቲያን ፓትሪያርክ የዘጠና ሁለት ዓመቱ አዛውንት አቡነ አንጦኒዮስ እንዲፈቱላቸውና የኢሳያስ መንግስት በቤተክርስቲያን ጉዳይ የሚያደርገውን ጣልቃ–ገብነት በመቃወም ድምጻቸውን ሲያሰሙ የነበሩት የታሪካዊው ደብረ ቢዘን ገዳም መነኮሳት(ባለፈው ዓመት የተቀረጸው ቪዲዮው ላይ ይታያሉ)የሚከተሉት ናቸው፦

፩ኛ. አባ ክብረአብ ተክሌ

፪ኛ. አባ ማርቆስ ገብረ ኪዳን

፫ኛ. አባ ገብረ ትንሣኤ ተወልደ መድሕን

፬ኛ. አባ ኪዳነ ማርያም ተከስተ

፭ኛ. አባ ገብረ ትንሣኤ ዘ–ሚካኤል

ነገሮችን ሰፋ አድርገን ከተመለከትን ይህ በዶ/ር አብዮት አህመድ እና በፕሬዚደንት ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ የተቀነባበረው ፀረ–ክርስትና ዘመቻ መሆኑን እንረዳለን።

ለአንድ የሰሜን ኢትዮጵያውያን ትውልድ መጥፋት ተጠያቂ የሆነውን ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂን ወድቆበት ከነበረው የማዕቀብና መገለል ጉድጓድ ያወጡት ዶ/ር አብዮት አህመድ እና ሉሲፈራውያኑ ደጋፊዎቹ ናቸው። ኢሳያስ ኦነጎችን እና ብርሃኑ ነጋዎችን እየቀለበ ሲያሳድግለት ስለነበር እንዲሁም ወጣት የተዋሕዶ ልጆች እየተሰደዱ እንዲያልቁ ትልቅ አስተዋጽዖ ስላበረከተ የ ዶ/ር አብይም የሉሲፈራውያኑ ደጋፊዎችም ባለውለታቸው ነበርና ነው። አሁን ሁለቱ የተዋሕዶ ጠላቶች በተዋሕዶ ቤተክርስቲያን ላይ በቀጥታም ሆነ በተዘዋዋሪ ጥቃት በመፈጸም ላይ ይገኛሉ።

በጅጅጋ የተዋሕዶ ልጆች ላይ የተካሄደው ጭፍጨፋ እንደ ማንቂያ ደወል ሊሆነን በተገባ ነበር። ዛሬ እየታዘብን ያለነው፤ ወንጀለኞች እየነገሡ፥ እውነተኞች እየኮሰሱ፤ ዘራፊዎች እየፋፉ፥ ከልብ አገልጋዮች እየተገፉ፥ መንፈ ሳውያኑ ሊቃውንት ሜዳ ላይ እየተጣሉ የመጡበትን ዘመን ነው። እስኪ በአሁኑ ሰዓት እየተሰደደ፣ እየታሠረና እየተገደለ ያለው ማን እንደሆነ እንመልከት። ሃፍረተ–ቢሱ ገዳይ አል–አብይ ገና ሃዘኗን ያልጨረሰችውን የጄነራል አሳምነውን ባለቤትና የልጆቹ እናትን ለማሠር ደፍሯል፤ ይህ እንዴት ይሆናል? በኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ይህን መሰሉን ጽንፈኛ ተግባር የምናውቀው መንግስቱ ኃይለ ማሪያም የኃይለ ሥላሴንና ሚንስትሮቹን ቤተሰቦች አንድ ባንድ እየለቃቀመ ሲገድል በነበረበት ዘመን ብቻ ነው። ወያኔ እንኳን የ ብርሃኑ ነጋንና መሰሎቹን ቤተሰቦች ያንገላታበት ግዜ አልነበረም። ገዳይ አል–አብይ እንደ ሞኞቹ ወያኔዎች በማሠር ብቻ አልተወሰነም፤ ተቃዋሚ የሚላቸውን እየመነጠረ ወዲያው ይገድላል።

ሰሞኑን ከታሠሩት ሺህ የሚሆኑ ኢትዮጵያውያን መካከል አንድም ጴንጤ ወይም ሙስሊም አለመኖሩ ብዙ ሊጠቁመን የሚችል ነገር አለ። አዎ! በተዋሕዶ ልጆች የግራኝ አህመድ እና የመንግስቱ ኃይለማርያም ቀይ ሽብር ዘመን ተመልሶ መጥቷል።

ቤተክርስቲያናችን ከታሠሩት ጋር የታሠረች፥ ከተገረፉት ጋር የተገረፈች፥ ከተገደሉትም ጋር አብራ የሞተች ናት፤ ደግሞም የካህን ሐዘንና ዕንባ ከባድ ነው፥ ውዳሴ ማርያምና ዳዊት ስለሚደግም ስር ይነቅላልና ለጉዳዩ ቤተክህነትም ምዕመናንም ተገቢውን አትኩሮት እንስጠው።

እግዚአብሔር ሁሉንም ከእሥራታቸው ይፈታቸው ዘንድ ስለ ታሠሩ ሰዎች እንማልዳለን!

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