Addis Ethiopia Weblog

Ethiopia's World / የኢትዮጵያ ዓለም

  • September 2021
    M T W T F S S
     12345
    6789101112
    13141516171819
    20212223242526
    27282930  
  • Archives

  • Categories

  • Recent Posts

Posts Tagged ‘ኖቤል’

UK Parliamentary Debate on #TigrayGenocide | Shocking War Crimes

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 9, 2021

አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! አይ ኦሮሞ! እህ ህ ህ!

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

______________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

#TigrayGenocide | 150 People Die from Starvation in Tigray, Humanitarian Intervention Blocked

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

This video reflects the severe humanitarian situation in Tigray with supplies of food aid running out and the United Nations warning that a de facto blockade is bringing millions to the brink of famine. Video by WORLD FOOD PROGRAMME via REUTERS

😈 አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! “የድል ዜናችሁ” ይህ ነው፤ አይደል?! ለአሥር ዓመታት በጋራ ያቀዳችሁትን ዲያብሎሳዊ ተግባር እየተገበራችሁት ነው፤ አይደል!? አዬዬ! በጌታችን ስም፤ በቅዱሳን አባቶቼ ስም በጭራሽ ለሰከንድ እንኳን አልለቃችሁም! እንደ ሌሎች በሃዘን የምፍረከሰከስ አይደለሁም፤ ከልጅነቴ ጀምሮ የገጠመኝና ያያሁት ብሎም ድል እየተቀዳጀሁ ያለፍኩበት ነገር ነው። አሁን ጸሎቴ ሁሉ በእናንተ ላይ ያተኮረ ነው! እ ህ ህ ህ!!! ከእነዚህ አውሬዎች ጋር፤ ከዚህ ፋሺስታዊ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ጋር ያበራችሁ ኦሮሞ፣ አማራ፣ ሶማሌ፣ ጉራጌ፣ ወላይታ፣ ሲዳማ፣ ጋሞ ወዘተ ሁሉ የአብርሐም፣ የይስሐቅና የያዕቆብ እግዚአብሔር አምላክ እሳቱን ያዝንብባችሁ ፤ ንብረታችሁ ኃብታችሁ ሁሉ ይውደም ፤ ጤናችሁ ይጉደል ፤ ዘራችሁ ይጥፋ ፤ በስብሳችሁ ተልታችሁ ኑሩ፣ ቀዝናችሁ ሙቱ ፤ ሬሳችሁን ውሾችና ጥንብ አንሳዎች ይብሉት! አሜን! አሜን! አሜን!

💭 እነ አቡነ ማትያስ፣ ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም፣ ዶ/ር ሊያ ታደሰ እና አቶ ተወልደ ገብረ መድሕን ምን እየሠሩ ነው? አዲስ አበባ ያሉ ጽዮናውያን ምን እየጠበቁ ነው? የአክሱማውያን አስቴር እና መርዶክዮስ የት ናቸው?

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ ተስፋ አታድርጉ፤ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁቢፈልጉ ቢችሉ ኖሮ በአንድ ቀን ሁሉንም ነገር በፈጸሙት ነበር፤ ፍላጎቱም ብቃቱም የላቸውም! አማራዎቹም እንዲሁ! አሁን ተስፋው ያለው በጽዮናውያን ላይ ብቻ እና ብቻ ነው፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

ጽዮናውያን፤ ባካችሁ እንደ እባብ ልባምና ብልህ ሁኑ፤ ረሃቡን፣ ጦርነቱንና ሰቆቃውን ሁሉ ባጭሩ ለመግታት አውሬውን መያዝ ወይም መድፋት ግድ ነው! እስካሁን አንድም የወንጀለኛው ግራኝ ባልደረባ አለመያዙ እና በእሳት አለመጠረጉ በጣም የሚያስገርም ነው፤ እነ ባጫ፣ ጁላ እና የፋሺስቱ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ፈላጭ ቆራጮች ይህን ሁሉ ግፍ ሠርተው ለአንድም ቀን እንኳን ቢሆን እንዴት አየር መሳብ ተፈቀደላቸው? ያውም እስከ ሃምሳ ሺህ የታጠቁ ጽዮናውያን በሚገኙባት በአዲስ አበባ። ኧረ ባካችሁ፤ አንድ በአንድ ድፏቸው!

💭 Ethiopia’s Tigray Crisis: Tplf Says 150 Have Died of Starvation

About 150 people died of starvation in Ethiopia’s war-hit Tigray region in August, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has said.

These are the first hunger-related deaths that the TPLF has reported since its fighters recaptured most of the region from federal forces in June.

There is no independent confirmation of its statement.

The UN previously said that about 400,000 were already living in famine-like conditions in Tigray.

The government has not responded the to the TPLF statement.

About 5.2 million people – or 90% of Tigray’s population – urgently needed aid “to avert the world’s worst famine situation in decades”, the UN said last week.

The TPLF and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed were once allies in the government, but fell out over his political reforms, triggering the war that has killed thousands and displaced millions since November.

TPLF recaptured most of the region, including the capital, Mekelle, in June after losing control of most of it early in the war.

The TPLF says it is the legitimate government of Tigray, having won regional elections in 2020. The Ethiopian government denounced the poll as illegal. It regards the TPLF as a terrorist organisation.

Dying ‘in front of our eyes’

In a statement on Monday, the TPLF said there was a “complete depletion of food stocks” in Tigray.

People living in camps after being displaced by conflict were receiving “no aid” and host communities were running out of food, it said.

The TPLF said the 150 deaths were recorded in the central, southern and eastern zones of Tigray, as well in camps in the city of Shire – the birthplace of the group’s leader Debretsion Gebremichael.

“One million people are at risk of fatal famine if they are prohibited from receiving life-saving aid within the next few days,” it added.

In a BBC Tigrinya interview, TPLF agriculture chief Atinkut Mezgebo said that people were dying “in front of our eyes”.

“In the villages and towns, there is a shortage of food and medicine, and the crisis might be bigger than what we know,” he said.

Dr Atinkut said that women and children were the main victims of hunger.

“Previously, people shared what they had, but now they don’t have anything to eat,” he added.

It is hard to confirm details of what is happening in Tigray as telephone and internet communications have been cut.

The BBC has asked the federal government for a reaction to the TPLF statement but has so far not got a response. But in a statement on Monday, the foreign ministry said the TPLF had exacerbated the humanitarian problems by invading neighbouring regions and looting aid supplies.

Last week, the UN’s acting humanitarian coordinator for Ethiopia, Grant Leaity, called on the Ethiopian government to allow the unimpeded entry of aid to Tigray.

On Sunday, the World Food Programme said that more than 100 trucks of its aid had reached Mekelle for the first time in a fortnight.

In the past, the government has denied that it is blocking aid but has said it is concerned about security.

On Saturday, it announced that 500 trucks carrying supplies had entered the region, with 152 arriving in the last two days.

Source

በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ትኩሱ የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት ከመጀመሩ ከዓመት በፊት የሚከተለውን መል ዕክት አስተላልፌ ነበር፦

አቡነ ማትያስ + /ር ቴዎድሮስ + /ር ሊያ ታደሰ + አቶ ተወልደ ገ/ማርያም ካልዘገየ የስልጣን ወንበራቸውን ባፋጣኝ እንዲያስረክቡ ትግራዋያን ወገኖቼ መጠየቅ አለባችሁ! የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለሚመጣው ጥፋት ተጠያቂ ለማድረግ ነው ያስቀመጧቸው ናቸው!”

“የጦር ወንጀል | ግራኝ አህመድ የተከዜን ግድብ አፈረሰው፥ ቀጣዩ የሕዳሴው ነው | ወላሂ! ወላሂ!”

አይሁዶቹ ንግሥት አስቴር እና አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ (ትግሬዎች) ለሐማ (ግራኝ) አንሰግድም ስላሉት ሊያጠፋቸው ወሰነ

👉 ‘ከዚህም ነገር በኋላ ንጉሡ አርጤክስስ የአጋጋዊውን (ኦነጋዊውን) የሐመዳቱን (የአሕመድን) ልጅ ሐማን ከፍ ከፍ አደረገው’

በመጽሐፍ ቅዱስ የመጽሐፍ አስቴር ታሪክ ንግሥት አስቴር እና አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ ፤ ሐማ ተብሎ በሚጠራው ተንኮለኛ ፣ እብሪተኛና፣ ፀረአይሁድ/ፀረሴማዊ በፋርስ ንጉሥ አርጤክስስ በተሾመ ባላባት ላይ ለአይሁድ ማንነታቸው እና ውርሻቸው እንዴት እንደቆሙ ይዘግባል።

ከህንድ ጀምሮ እስከ ኢትዮጵያ ባሉ መቶ ሀያ ሰባት አገሮች ሲገዛ የነበረው የፋርስ ንጉሥ የአርጤክስስ ባሪያዎች ሁሉ ለሐማ ተደፍተው ይሰግዱ ነበር። አሁዱ መርዶክዮስ ግን አልተደፋም፥ አልሰገደለትም። ታዲያ ሐማን መርዶክዮስ እንዳልተደፋለት እንዳልሰገደለትም ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቈጣ።። መርዶክዮስ እና አይሁድ ህዝቡ ስለ ሐማን ክብር፣ ቁመት እና ስልጣን ከሚያስቡት በላይ ሃይማኖታቸውን፣ እና እሴቶቻቸውን አብልጠው ስለሚወዱ ሐማን በጣም ይበሳጭ ነበር። ስለዚህ ሐማን በንጉሥ አርጤክስስ መንግሥት አገዛዝ ይኖሩ የነበሩትን አይሁዳውያኑን የመርዶክዮስን ሕዝብ ሁሉ ሊያጠፋቸው ወሰነ።

ንጉሥ አርጤክስስ ንግሥት አስቴርን ከልብ ይወዳት ነበር፤ ግን በፋርስ ስላደገች አይሁድ እንደሆነች አያውቅም ነበር። በተጨማሪም አሳዳጊዋ እና አይሁዳዊው አጎቷ መርዶክዮስ ንጉሡን ለመግደል እያሴሩ የነበሩትን ሁለት የንጉሡን ረዳቶች በማባረር የንጉሡን ሕይወት እንዳዳነውም ገና አላወቀም ነበር።

ታሪኩን ለማሳጠር ፣ አስቴር በመጨረሻ ሐማ ማን/ምን እንደ ሆነና ምን እንዳቀደ ለንጉሥ አርጤክስስ ለመንገር እራሷን በቆራጥነት ማሳመን ነበረባት። እርሷም መርዶክዮስ ምናልባት ንግሥት የሆነችው “እንደዚህ ላለው ጊዜ” ሊሆን ይችላል ብሎ ስላሳመናት ይህን አደረገች፦

ሐማ የንጉሡን ሕይወት ያተረፈውን መርዶክዮስን ጨምሮ ሕዝቧን ሁሉ ለመግደል ቆርጦ እንደወጣ ለንጉሡ ደፍራ በተናገረች ጊዜ ወዲያውኑ ንጉሡ ወደ ሐማ በቁጣ ዞረበት። ብዙም ሳይቆይ ሐማ ለእርሱ የማይሰግደውን መርዶክዮስን ለመስቀል ሲል እራሱ በሠራው ግንድ ላይ እንዲሰቀል ንጉሡ ትዕዛዝ ሰጥቶ ሐማ እንዲሰቀል ተደረገ።

ድንቁ የአስቴር ታሪክ አንዳንድ ትምህርቶችን ይጠቁመናል ፥ እንዲሁም አንዳንድ ትይዩዎችን ያሳየናል። ቆሻሻው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እንኳን በአቅሙ ለእርሱ የማይሰግድሉተን ሁሉ አግቷቸዋል፣ ገደሏቸዋል፤ መጨረሻ የቀሩት ትግሬዎቹ ነበሩ፤ ስለዚህ ባጭር ጊዜ ውስጥ ፊቱን ወደእነርሱ አዞረ፤ ዘራቸውን ሁሉ ለማጥፋትም ዘመተ። መጨረሻው ምን ሊሆን እንደሚችል መጽሐፍ አስቴር ጠቁሞናል። ይህ የሉሲፈር አሽከር የእባብነት ቆዳ ቀይሮ ሕዝቡን ሊገዛ የተገሰለ ጨካኝ አላጋጭ ነውና እንደ ሐማ ክፉ አሟሟትን ይሞታል፤ ወደ ምድር ጥልቅም ይገባል።

[መጽሐፈ አስቴር ምዕራፍ ፫]

፩ ከዚህም ነገር በኋላ ንጉሡ አርጤክስስ የአጋጋዊውን የሐመዳቱን ልጅ ሐማን ከፍ ከፍ አደረገው፥ አከበረውም፥ ወንበሩንም ከእርሱ ጋር ከነበሩት አዛውንት ሁሉ በላይ አደረገለት።

፪ ንጉሡም ስለ እርሱ እንዲሁ አዝዞ ነበርና በንጉሡ በር ያሉት የንጉሡ ባሪያዎች ሁሉ ተደፍተው ለሐማ ይሰግዱ ነበር። መርዶክዮስ ግን አልተደፋም፥ አልሰገደለትም።

፫ በንጉሡም በር ያሉት የንጉሡ ባሪያዎች መርዶክዮስን። የንጉሡን ትእዛዝ ለምን ትተላለፋለህ? አሉት።

፬ ይህንም ዕለት ዕለት እየተናገሩ እርሱ ባልሰማቸው ጊዜ አይሁዳዊ እንደ ሆነ ነግሮአቸው ነበርና የመርዶክዮስ ነገር እንዴት እንደ ሆነ ያዩ ዘንድ ለሐማ ነገሩት።

፭ ሐማም መርዶክዮስ እንዳልተደፋለት እንዳልሰገደለትም ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቈጣ።

፮ የመርዶክዮስን ወገን ነግረውት ነበርና በመርዶክዮስ ብቻ እጁን ይጭን ዘንድ በዓይኑ ተናቀ፤ ሐማም በአርጤክስስ መንግሥት ሁሉ የነበሩትን የመርዶክዮስን ሕዝብ አይሁድን ሁሉ ሊያጠፋ ፈለገ።

፯ በንጉሡም በአርጤክስስ በአሥራ ሁለተኛው ዓመት ከመጀመሪያው ወር ከኒሳን ጀምሮ በየዕለቱና በየወሩ እስከ አሥራ ሁለተኛው ወር እስከ አዳር ድረስ በሐማ ፊት ፉር የተባለውን ዕጣ ይጥሉ ነበር።

፰ ሐማም ንጉሡን አርጤክስስን። አንድ ሕዝብ በአሕዛብ መካከል በመንግሥትህ አገሮች ሁሉ ተበትነዋል፤ ሕጋቸውም ከሕዝቡ ሁሉ ሕግ የተለየ ነው፥ የንጉሡንም ሕግ አይጠብቁም፤ ንጉሡም ይተዋቸው ዘንድ አይገባውም።

፱ ንጉሡም ቢፈቅድ እንዲጠፉ ይጻፍ፤ እኔም ወደ ንጉሡ ግምጃ ቤት ያገቡት ዘንድ አሥር ሺህ መክሊት ብር የንጉሡን ሥራ በሚሠሩት እጅ እመዝናለሁ አለው።

፲ ንጉሡም ቀለበቱን ከእጁ አወለቀ፥ ለአይሁድም ጠላት ለአጋጋዊው ለሐመዳቱ ልጅ ለሐማ ሰጠው።

፲፩ ንጉሡም ሐማን። ደስ የሚያሰኝህን ነገር ታደርግባቸው ዘንድ ብሩም ሕዝቡም ለአንተ ተሰጥቶሃል አለው።

፲፪ በመጀመሪያውም ወር ከወሩም በአሥራ ሦስተኛው ቀን የንጉሡ ጸሐፊዎች ተጠሩ፤ ከህንድ ጀምሮ እስከ ኢትዮጵያ ድረስ ወዳሉ መቶ ሀያ ሰባት አገሮች፥ በየአገሩ ወዳሉ ሹማምትና አለቆች ወደ አሕዛብም ሁሉ ገዢዎች እንደ ቋንቋቸው በንጉሡ በአርጤክስስ ቃል ሐማ እንዳዘዘ ተጻፈ፥ በንጉሡም ቀለበት ታተመ።

፲፫ በአሥራ ሁለተኛው ወር በአዳር በአሥራ ሦስተኛው ቀን አይሁድን ሁሉ፥ ልጆችንና ሽማግሌዎችን፥ ሕፃናቶችንና ሴቶችን፥ በአንድ ቀን ያጠፉና ይገድሉ ዘንድ፥ ይደመስሱም ዘንድ፥ ምርኮአቸውንም ይዘርፉ ዘንድ ደብዳቤዎች በመልእክተኞች እጅ ወደ ንጉሡ አገሮች ሁሉ ተላኩ።

፲፬ በዚያም ቀን ይዘጋጁ ዘንድ የደብዳቤው ቅጅ በየአገሩ ላሉ አሕዛብ ሁሉ ታወጀ።

፲፭ መልእክተኞቹም በንጉሡ ትእዛዝ እየቸኰሉ ሄዱ፥ አዋጁም በሱሳ ግንብ ተነገረ። ንጉሡና ሐማ ሊጠጡ ተቀመጡ፤ ከተማይቱ ሱሳ ግን ተደናገጠች።

[መጽሐፈ አስቴር ምዕራፍ ፯]

፩ ንጉሡና ሐማም ከንግሥቲቱ ከአስቴር ጋር ለመጠጣት መጡ።

፪ በሁለተኛውም ቀን ንጉሡ በወይኑ ጠጅ ግብዣ ሳለ አስቴርን። ንግሥት አስቴር ሆይ፥ የምትለምኚኝ ምንድር ነው? ይሰጥሻል፤ የምትሺውስ ምንድር ነው? እስከ መንግሥቴ እኵሌታ እንኳ ቢሆን ይደረግልሻል አላት።

፫ ንግሥቲቱም አስቴር መልሳ። ንጉሥ ሆይ፥ በአንተ ዘንድ ሞገስ አግኝቼ እንደ ሆነ፥ ንጉሡንም ደስ ቢያሰኘው፥ ሕይወቴ በልመናዬ ሕዝቤም በመሻቴ ይሰጠኝ፤

፬ እኔና ሕዝቤ ለመጥፋትና ለመገደል ለመደምሰስም ተሸጠናልና። ባርያዎች ልንሆን ተሸጠን እንደ ሆነ ዝም ባልሁ ነበር፤ የሆነ ሆኖ ጠላቱ የንጉሡን ጉዳት ለማቅናት ባልቻለም ነበር አለች።

፭ ንጉሡም አርጤክስስ ንግሥቲቱን አስቴርን። ይህን ያደርግ ዘንድ በልቡ የደፈረ ማን ነው? እርሱስ ወዴት ነው? ብሎ ተናገራት።

፮ አስቴርም። ያ ጠላትና ባለጋራ ሰው ክፉው ሐማ ነው አለች። ሐማም በንጉሡና በንግሥቲቱ ፊት ደነገጠ።

፯ ንጉሡም ተቈጥቶ የወይን ጠጅ ከመጠጣቱ ተነሣ፥ ወደ ንጉሡም ቤት አታክልት ውስጥ ሄደ። ሐማም ከንጉሡ ዘንድ ክፉ ነገር እንደ ታሰበበት አይቶአልና ከንግሥቲቱ ከአስቴር ሕይወቱን ይለምን ዘንድ ቆመ።

፰ ንጉሡም ከቤቱ አታክልት ወደ ወይን ጠጁ ግብዣ ስፍራ ተመለሰ፤ ሐማም አስቴር ባለችበት አልጋ ላይ ወድቆ ነበር። ንጉሡም። ደግሞ በቤቴ በእኔ ፊት ንግሥቲቱን ይጋፋታልን? አለ። ይህም ቃል ከንጉሡ አፍ በወጣ ጊዜ የሐማን ፊት ሸፈኑት።

፱ በንጉሡም ፊት ካሉት ጃንደረቦች አንዱ ሐርቦና። እነሆ ሐማ ለንጉሡ በጎ ለተናገረው ለመርዶክዮስ ያሠራው ርዝመቱ አምሳ ክንድ የሆነው ግንድ በሐማን ቤት ተተክሎአል አለ። ንጉሡም። በእርሱ ላይ ስቀሉት አለ።

፲ ሐማንም ለመርዶክዮስ ባዘጋጀው ግንድ ላይ ሰቀሉት፤ በዚያም ጊዜ የንጉሡ ቍጣ በረደ።

________________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Life, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

CNN: From Nobel Laureate to Global Pariah: How The World Got Abiy Ahmed And Ethiopia So Wrong

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

By Eliza Mackintosh, CNN, September 7, 2021

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁ፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.“”

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.””

“Abiy, Abiy,” the crowd chanted, waving Ethiopia’s tricolor flag and cheering as the country’s new prime minister, dressed in a white blazer with gold trim and smiling broadly, waved to a packed basketball arena at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles, part of a whirlwind three-city tour of the United States to woo the diaspora.

It was July 2018, just three months after Abiy Ahmed had been appointed leader of Africa’s second-most populous country, and his star was rising both at home and abroad. Excitement was surging into an almost religious fervor around the young politician, who promised to bring peace, prosperity and reconciliation to a troubled corner of Africa and a nation on the brink of crisis.

But even in those early, optimistic days of Abiy’s premiership, as he kickstarted a flurry of ambitious reforms — freeing thousands of political prisoners, lifting restrictions on the press, welcoming back exiles and banned opposition parties, appointing women to positions in his cabinet, opening up the country’s tightly-controlled economy to new investment and negotiating peace with neighboring Eritrea — Berhane Kidanemariam had his doubts.

The Ethiopian diplomat has known the prime minister for almost 20 years, forging a friendship when he worked for the governing coalition’s communications team and, later, as CEO of two state-run news organizations, while Abiy was in military intelligence and then heading Ethiopia’s cybersecurity agency, INSA. Before working for Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kidanemariam ran the country’s national broadcaster, the EBC, and he said Abiy sat on its board of directors.

In a recent phone interview, Kidanemariam said he, like many Ethiopians, had hoped Abiy could transform the nation’s fractious politics and usher in genuine democratic change. But he struggled to square his understanding of the man he’d first met in 2004 — who he described as power-hungry intelligence officer obsessed by fame and fortune — with the portrait emerging of a visionary peacemaker from humble beginnings.

In 2018, Kidanemariam was serving as Ethiopia’s consul general in Los Angeles and said he helped organize Abiy’s visit.

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.”

“One of the ironies of a prime minister who came to office promising unity is that he has deliberately exacerbated hatred between different groups,” Kidanemariam wrote in an open letter in March, announcing that he was quitting his post as the deputy chief of mission at the Ethiopian embassy in Washington, DC, in protest over Abiy’s monthslong war in Tigray, which has spurred a refugee crisis, atrocities and famine.

Kidanemariam said to CNN he believed Abiy’s focus had never been about “reform or democracy or human rights or freedom of the press. It is simply consolidating power for himself, and getting money out of it … We may call it authoritarianism or dictatorship, but he is really getting to be a king.”

“By the way,” he added, “the problem is not only for Tigrayans. It’s for all Ethiopians. Everybody is suffering everywhere.”

In an email to CNN, Abiy’s spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, described Kidanemariam’s characterization of the prime minister as “baseless” and a “reflection.”

‘The epitome of hell’

Much has changed since Abiy accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in November 2019, telling an audience in Oslo, Norway, that “war is the epitome of hell.”

In less than two years, Abiy has gone from darling of the international community to pariah, condemned for his role in presiding over a protracted civil war that, by many accounts, bears the hallmarks of genocide and has the potential to destabilize the wider Horn of Africa region.

The 45-year-old’s fall from grace has confounded many observers, who wonder how they could have gotten him so wrong. But diplomats, analysts, independent Ethiopian journalists, acquaintances and others who have followed his career closely say that even at the height of “Abiymania,” there were warning signs.

Critics say that by blessing Abiy with an array of international endorsements, the West not only failed to see — or willfully ignored — those signals, but gave him a blank check and then turned a blind eye.

“Soon after Abiy was crowned with that Nobel Peace Prize, he lost an appetite in pursuing domestic reform,” Tsedale Lemma, founder and editor-in-chief of Addis Standard, an independent monthly news magazine based in Ethiopia, told CNN on a Skype call. “He considered it a blanket pass to do as he wishes.”

The war in Tigray is not the first time he’s used that pass, she said, adding that since Abiy came to power on the platform of unifying Ethiopia’s people and in its state, he has ruthlessly consolidated control and alienated critical regional players.

Lemma has covered Abiy’s rise for the Addis Standard — which was briefly suspended by Ethiopia’s media regulator in July — and was an early critic of his government when few were sounding the alarm. Days after Abiy was awarded the Nobel Prize, she wrote an editorial warning that the initiatives he had been recognized for — the peace process with Eritrea and political reforms in Ethiopia — had sidelined a key stakeholder, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and were in serious jeopardy.

The TPLF had governed Ethiopia with an iron grip for decades, overseeing a period of stability and economic growth at the cost of basic civil and political rights. The party’s authoritarian rule provoked a popular uprising that ultimately forced Abiy’s predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn, to resign. Abiy was appointed by the ruling class to bring change, without upending the old political order. But almost as soon as he came to power, Abiy announced the rearrangement of the ruling coalition that the TPLF had founded — the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front, or EPRDF, which was composed of four parties — into a single, new Prosperity Party, ostracizing the TPLF in the process.

Abiy’s appointment had been intended to quell tensions. Instead, his drive for a new pan-Ethiopian political party sparked fears in some regions that the country’s federal system, which guarantees significant autonomy to ethnically-defined states, such as Tigray, was under threat.

The Tigrayans weren’t the only ones who were worried. In Abiy’s home region, Oromia, and other administrative zones, people began to demand self-rule. Soon, the government began backsliding into the authoritarian practices Abiy had once renounced: Violent crackdowns on protesters, the jailing of journalists and opposition politicians, and twice postponing elections.

Ahmed Soliman, a research fellow at Chatham House and an expert on the Horn of Africa, said Abiy’s reform plan also increased expectations among constituencies with conflicting agendas, further heightening tensions.

“Abiy and his government have rightly been blamed for implementing uneven reforms and for insecurity increasing throughout the country, but to an extent, some of that was inherited. These simmering ethnic and political divisions that exist in the country have very deep roots,” he said.

Tensions reached a boiling point last September, when the Tigrayans defied Abiy by holding a vote which had been delayed due to the pandemic, setting off a tit-for-tat series of recriminations that spilled into open conflict in November 2020.

This July, in the midst of the war, Abiy and his party won a landslide victory in a general election that was boycotted by opposition parties, marred by logistical issues and excluded many voters, including all those in Tigray — a crushing disappointment to many who had high hopes that the democratic transition Abiy promised three years ago would be realized.

“He sees himself as a Messiah, as chosen, as someone who’s destined to ‘Make Ethiopia Great Again,’ but this country is collapsing,” Lemma said, adding that the international community’s folly was falling for the picture Abiy painted of himself — “a post-ethnic, contemporary capitalist” — in their desperation for a dazzling success story.

‘A monumental failure of analysis’

Still, many Ethiopians are reluctant to lay the blame for the country’s unravelling at Abiy’s feet. Ahead of the election in June, residents in Addis Ababa told CNN they felt Abiy had inherited a mess from the previous regime and had always faced an uphill battle pushing reforms forward — an assessment shared by some regional experts.

“Lots of people were hopeful that the liberalizing changes, after those years of anti-government protests and all of the state violence in response, […] marked a moment where Ethiopia would start to conduct its politics more peacefully. But that thinking glossed over some of the major problems and contradictions in Ethiopia,” said William Davidson, senior Ethiopia analyst with the International Crisis Group.

“There was always a massive challenge ahead for Abiy, and for everyone. Just the promise of a more pluralistic political system did nothing necessarily to resolve the clashing nationalisms, opposing visions, and bitter political rivalries.”

In recent months, Abiy has tried to dodge international condemnation by pledging to protect civilians, open up humanitarian access to stave off famine and kick out Eritrean troops, who have supported Ethiopian forces in the conflict and stand accused of some of the most horrifying of the many atrocities in Tigray — pledges that American officials say he has not delivered on. After the United States issued sanctions in May, Ethiopia’s foreign ministry accused it of meddling in the country’s internal affairs and misunderstanding the significant challenges on the ground.

As the tide of international opinion has turned against Abiy, the prime minister’s office has maintained he is not concerned about his deteriorating reputation; his supporters have increasingly blamed the West for the crisis unfolding in the country. “The prime minister need not be a darling of the west, east, south or north,” Abiy’s spokeswoman Billene Seyoum told reporters in June. “It is sufficient that he stands for the people of Ethiopia and the development of the nation.”

But it is difficult to reconcile the government’s narrative with reality. Setting to one side the staggering loss of life and destruction inside Tigray, the war has eroded Abiy’s aggressive development plans and derailed the country’s economic trajectory, experts say. Ethiopia’s economy had grown at nearly 10% for the last decade, before slowing in 2020, dragged down by a combination of the Covid-19 pandemic, debt and conflict. The war has also drained national coffers, decimated a large slice of the country’s industry and eroded its reputation among foreign investors and financial institutions.

“From where I sit, I think there was a monumental failure of analysis, internationally,” Rashid Abdi, a Kenya-based analyst and researcher who specializes in the Horn of Africa, said, including himself in that group. “I think people failed to apprehend the complex nature of Ethiopia’s transition, especially they failed to appreciate also the complex side of Abiy, that he was not all this sunny, smiling guy. That beneath was a much more calculating, and even Machiavellian figure, who eventually will I think push the country towards a much more dangerous path.”

“We should have begun to take notice of some of the red flags quite quickly. A lot of complacency is what got us here,” he added.

The seventh king of Ethiopia

During his inaugural address to parliament in 2018, Abiy made a point of thanking his mother, a Christian from the Amhara region, who he said had told him at the age of seven that, despite his modest background, he would one day be the seventh king of Ethiopia. The remark was met with a round of laughter from his cabinet members, but Abiy’s belief in his mother’s prophecy was no joke.

“In the initial stages of the war, actually, he spoke openly about how this was God’s plan, and that this was a kind of divine mission for him. This is a man who early in the morning, instead of meeting his top advisors, would meet with some of his spiritual advisers, these are pastors who are very powerful now in a sort of ‘kitchen cabinet,'” Abdi said.

But the most glaring of warning signs, by many accounts, was Abiy’s surprise allegiance with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, for which he ultimately won the Nobel Prize.

Abiy’s critics say that what cemented his status as a peacemaker on the world stage was based on a farce, and that the alignment with Eritrea was yet another effort to consolidate his power, paving the way for the two sides to wage war against their mutual enemy, the TPLF. Soon after the Eritrea-Ethiopia border reopened in 2018, reuniting families after 20 years, it closed again. Three years on, Eritrean troops are operating with impunity in Tigray, and there is little sign of a durable peace.

In response, Abiy’s spokeswoman rejected this assertion, calling it a “toxic narrative.”

Mehari Taddele Maru, a professor of governance and migration at the European University Institute, who was skeptical of the peace deal early on — a deeply unpopular view at the time — believes the Nobel Committee’s endorsement of Abiy has contributed to the current conflict.

“I am of the strongest opinion that the Nobel Prize Committee is responsible for what is happening in Ethiopia, at least partially. They had reliable information; many experts sounded their early warning,” Mehari, who is from Tigray, told CNN.

“The Committee was basing its decision on a peace deal that we flagged for a false start, a peace that is not only achieved but perhaps unachievable and an agreement that was not meant for peace but actually for war. What he [Abiy] did with Isaias was not meant to bring peace. He knew that, Isaias knew that. They were working, basically, to execute a war, to sandwich Tigray from South and North carefully by ostracizing one political party first.”

The most palpable and lasting impact of the award, according to several analysts and observers, was a chilling effect on any criticism of Abiy.

The persona he cultivated, cemented in part through his many early accolades — being named African of the Year in 2018, one of Time’s 100 Most Influential People, and one of Foreign Policy’s 100 Global Thinkers in 2019 — captivated the imagination of Ethiopians, the country’s large diaspora and the world. Many now feel betrayed, having lost any optimism about the future of the country, but others are still intent on retaining that glittering image of Abiy, reluctant to see the writing on the wall.

“By the time the war started in November, the international community was extremely committed to the idea of Abiy Ahmed as a reformer still, and they didn’t want to give up on that,” said Goitom Gebreluel, a Horn of Africa researcher from Tigray, who was in Addis Ababa at the start of the conflict.

“I had meetings with various diplomats before the war and it was obvious that the war was coming, and what they were saying was, ‘you know, he still has this project, we have to let him realize his political vision,'” he said. “To this day, I think not everyone is convinced that this is an autocrat.”

Now, with Ethiopia facing a “man-made” famine and a war apparently without end, Abiy stands alone, largely isolated from the international community and with a shrinking cadre of allies.

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.”

“Like so many others who thought the prime minister had the potential to lead Ethiopia to a bright future, I am filled with despair and anguish at the direction he is taking our country.”

Source

________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Media & Journalism, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Ireland TD: Countless Appeals to The Governments Of Ethiopia & Eritrea Have Proven Useless

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 14, 2021

“በኢትዮጵያ የትግራይ ክልል አደጋን ለማጉላት የአየርላንድ መንግስት እርምጃ መውሰድ አለበት” – ጆን ብሬዲ

“ለኢትዮጵያ እና ለኤርትራ መንግስታት ስፍር ቁጥር የሌላቸው ይግባኞች ፋይዳ እንደሌላቸው አሁን አንድ ደረጃ ላይ ነን።” 👍

Government Must Take Action To Highlight Plight Of Tigray Region Of Ethiopia – John Brady TD

“We are at a stage now that countless appeals to the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea have proven useless.

Sinn Féin spokesperson on Foreign Affairs and Defence John Brady TD has called on the Irish government to take strong and vocal action to mobilise both the EU and the UN, in order to address the emerging threat of famine and bring to an end the violence in Ethiopia.

The Wicklow TD said:

“We are five months into an emergency in the Tigray area of Ethiopia, where the list of ongoing human rights abuses and atrocities reads like a catalogue of horror.

“The Irish government needs to show leadership, by using its position on the UN Security Council to bring the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia to the consciousness of the international community to the degree that they can no longer ignore the horror of what is occurring on the ground there.

“Having contended with five months of mass killings, mass rapes, and widespread abuses, the civilian population of the Tigray region are facing huge food shortages.

“The World Peace Foundation has issued a warning that the humanitarian situation has deteriorated to the point that the Tigray region is facing into a pending famine.

“Alongside mass rape, starvation crimes are being committed on a large scale.

“To date the cacophony of international criticism has achieved little other than prompting the primary antagonists in the conflict to intensify their military offensive – before the international community acts.

“We are at a stage now that countless appeals to the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea have proven useless.

“Ireland must use the international standing that secured our country a position on the UNSC to become the voice that it promised to be for those who suffer.

“The government must make the international community sit up, listen, and act to end the suffering of the people of the Tigray region of Ethiopia.”

_________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

#TigrayGenocide | More than 150,000 people Murdered by The Oromara Army of Ethiopia

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 14, 2021

✞✞✞ትግራይ የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል | ከ 150,000 በላይ ሰዎች በኢትዮጵያ የኦሮማራ ጦር ተገደሉ✞✞✞

የኢትዮጵያ እና የኤርትራ ወታደሮች እስካሁን ድረስ 10,500 የትግራይ ሴቶች እና ልጃገረዶችን ደፍረዋል። 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

More than 150,000 people have now died. Essential infrastructure – schools, hospitals, universities, factories – has been decimated. 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

💭 Ethiopia, Where The Past Is Threatening The Present

Every year for centuries, the festival of Mariam Tsion, Mary of Zion, has been held in Ackssum, the capital of an ancient kingdom of the same name. Worshippers, dressed in white robes, and accompanied by chanting and drumming, celebrate the saint day of the Holy Mother, the most important celebration of their faith, Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity.

On 28 November last year, over a thousand gathered inside the church of Mariam Tsion after spending the previous night in prayer. They were aware that conflict had broken out in their region, Tigray, on 4 November, but they gathered nevertheless – and their prayers were soon interrupted by gunshots. Eritrean troops drove them outside and, in chaotic scenes, shot over 700 of them dead. Relatives were forbidden to bury the bodies, many of which became food for hyenas.

The celebrations are usually broadcast live on Ethiopian Televistion E T V. But this time, unsurprisingly, a recording of the previous year’s celebrations was aired.

Civilians have borne the brunt of hostilities in this war against Tigray. The massacre in Ackssum is one of many that have gone largely unnoticed in this age of social media – because, in the very early hours of 4 November, the Ethiopian government severed Tigray’s communication networks, and electricity and water supplies, before launching a military offensive. Communications were restored to the region’s capital Mekelle some weeks later, but the rest of Tigray is still without telecoms and basic utilities. Banks are still closed, most ransacked and robbed.

The incidence of rape in Tigray, very often gang rape, is off the scale. According to estimates, Ethiopian and Eritrean troops have so far raped 10,500 Tigrayan women and girls, but the UNFPA is currently recruiting sexual health workers for what it estimates will be 52,500 victims in a region with a population of six million. On 8 April, the US awarded additional humanitarian assistance of $152 million to Tigray, a good portion of which is designated for “safe houses and psychosocial support” for women and girls, some as young as eight, who have been raped, mutilated or tortured. A video shows a surgeon removing nails and other metal objects from the vagina of one victim who was raped by 23 Eritrean soldiers. A mother saw soldiers shoot her 12-year-old boy and was then raped. Eritrean soldiers say their orders are to “kill all men and boys above seven years old”.

Why such visceral cruelty? We can guess at an answer from what the perpetrators tell their victims: “You are worthless.” “We are here for revenge.” And, in the case of the Amhara militia, from the region of the same name to the south, “We are purifying your bloodline.” When the abused women are not killed, the aim seems to be to Amharise their offspring.

Western Tigray has already been handed over to the Amhara region. When Anthony Blinken, US secretary of state, designated the violence as ethnic cleansing, the central Ethiopian government hotly denied it. The government had likely promised Amhara expansionists that western Tigray would be handed over to them, just as, along the northern border, swathes of land have been handed over to the Eritrean government. The latter is already issuing Eritrean ID cards to Tigrayans and other ethnic groups such as the Kunama and Irob in eastern Tigray.

These are old enmities. There is widespread conflict across Ethiopia, but it is at its most extreme in the Tigray region – where it is, in part, about the ancient rivalry between the Amhara and Tigrayans, who have both furnished Ethiopia with emperors throughout the country’s long history. The Amharic culture and language has long been dominant across Ethiopia, but excludes the majority of Ethiopians.

The Eritrean government to the north – led by the unelected president of 30 years, Isaias Afwerki, who despises the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) – creates an additional danger. The TPLF led the government of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which, with its then allies the Eritreans, ousted Ethiopia’s despotic Derg regime in 1991, facilitating independence from Ethiopia for Eritrea in 1994.

Hostilities erupted when Eritrean tanks invaded northern Tigray in May 1998, following a dispute over currencies. Around 100,000 people died in the resulting war. In the years since, training at Eritrea’s infamous Sawa Military Camp has brutalised recruits, breeding in them a deep hatred of Tigray.

Around the same time, Ethiopia, once a highly centralised state, became a federal democratic republic, with power devolved to the regions – a system highly suited to a vast country with religious, cultural, ethnic, linguistic and economic diversity. Multi-party elections were held in 1995, and the EPRDF won outright. The numerous nationalities were at last governed and taught in their own languages. This continued for 27 years.

What we are witnessing now is an attempt to reverse this process. The past is threatening the present.

During the EPRDF’s tenure, under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, the country achieved double-digit economic growth; massively increased access to health and education services; and expanded agricultural production, industrialisation and state infrastructure. The country was often mooted as a role model for the rest of Africa.

But from 2014, angered by political and economic marginalisation, students from the Oromo ethnic group launched protests that spread to other regions and eventually led to Abiy Ahmed becoming Prime Minister on 2 April 2018.

Abiy negotiated a peace agreement with Eritrea which was popular domestically and eventually earned him the Nobel Peace Prize. He launched a series of reforms and released political prisoners. Exiled leaders were invited to return. On a wave of popular support, on 1 December 2019, Abiy Ahmed dissolved the EPRDF coalition and merged its parties into the new Prosperity Party. The TPLF disapproved and withdrew to Tigray.

As prime minister, Abiy was a member of the Oromo section of the EPRDF. Oromos, who make up 40 per cent of the population, felt that they had at last found a champion. But the door was slammed in their face when the PM declared his intention to “return to the old glory of Ethiopia” – meaning Amhara domination and re-centralisation.

Abiy also began demonising Tigrayans, calling them “day-time hyenas”, scapegoating them for much that had gone wrong in Ethiopia. As a result, from mid-2018 many thousands of Tigrayans were attacked and even killed. Prominent Tigrayans were assassinated, as was the president of the Amhara region, who was then replaced by an ally of the prime minister. Hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans were dismissed from their jobs and the army and then placed in custody, many in camps.

In June 2020, the assassination of Hachalu Hundessa, a popular Oromo singer, triggered violent demonstrations. Officials from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) were detained and its leader, Dawud Ibsa, is still in custody, along with most other opposition party leaders. A full military campaign began against the Oromo and, in Wollega and Guji provinces, the internet was cut off for six months to conceal the atrocities. People were burnt to death in their houses, their crops destroyed, women and children were raped – both Ethiopian and Eritrean troops were responsible, a precursor of what has happened since in Tigray.

And so it was that the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea began their joint military assault on Tigray on 4 November. Their troops were already making their way to Tigray when, on 2 November, Josep Borrell, the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, called for “de-escalation”. The TPLF’s taking over of an Ethiopian army headquarters in Mekelle, often cited as the catalyst for hostilities, was instead a pre-emptive strike when the region was already threatened by large-scale troop advancements. Armed drones bombed Tigray from the UAE’s military base in Assab, Eritrea, destroying much of the TPLF’s heavy artillery, and mercenaries from Farmajo’s Somalia also joined the conflict.

For its part, the African Union, the continental body that groups 55 countries, has been powerless to intervene. Its offer to chair peace talks was accepted by Sahle-Work Zewde, Ethiopia’s president, in November last year, only for the proposal to be rejected by Prime Minister Abiy.

The UN Security Council has only discussed the conflict as a footnote and, in any case, any effective action is likely to be thwarted, given that Russia and China will block any vote. The Security Council has not even activated its resolution “condemning the starving of civilians as a weapon of war”.

Of course, the Trump administration turned a blind eye to what was happening in Tigray, despite copious evidence of war crimes. The election of Joe Biden has brought a change in US policy and demands are now being made for Eritrean forces to be withdrawn and for humanitarian aid workers to be given access.

The EU, to its credit, has withheld aid until access to the starving is allowed, but unless firmer action is taken many more will perish. Famine is looming. Will the world stand by and facilitate a repeat of 1984?

More than 150,000 people have now died. Essential infrastructure – schools, hospitals, universities, factories – has been decimated. The government expected that the intervention in Tigray would take “a few days, two weeks at the most,” but Abiy recently had to admit that Ethiopian troops are now fighting on eight separate fronts in Tigray alone and that he is “grateful to Eritrea” for all the military assistance it has given. Ethiopia’s army has a significant casualty toll of its own, so it is difficult to see how Eritrea can leave.

Ethiopian elections are slated for 5 June this year. In the circumstances, with the Electoral Board saying that five out of ten regions are not ready, there seems little prospect of any contests being free and fair. The vote would be improved, of course, if opposition party leaders and members were released from prison, and if the tens of thousands of other prisoners were also released, but that still wouldn’t leave much time for proper campaigning. Another postponement of the election may be the best option.

Besides, a different type of national conversation is more necessary at this point: all parties should come together and decide the future not just of Tigray and Oromia, but of the whole country. One Oromo commentator suggests that a referendum could be a central part of that dialogue – to help bring about a clear outcome. The people must decide, as they did during the writing of Ethiopia’s constitution in the early 1990s, when 36,000 groups debated what they wanted to be included.

One Amhara region resident, considering the possibility of Tigray becoming independent last month, stated simply, “But it cannot, it is the beginning of Ethiopia.” This demonstrates the pride that many Ethiopians have in their history, but it is also counsel for those who defend the old ways of dominance and subjugation. Ethiopia flourished in recent decades when the potential of all its peoples was allowed to unfold.

In any case, Ethiopia cannot go back to the past. Even if one side now “wins”, it is a victory that will leave a country scarred and thousands of people angry and bereaved – which is to say, not a victory at all.

Source

______________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Warmonger Abiy Ahmed – Kriegstreiber – Belicista Abiy Ahmed | የጦርነት አቀንቃኝ አብይ አህመድ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 13, 2021

ዛሬ በአራት ቋንቋዎች ከቀጣዩ ቪዲዮ ጋር (ጃፓንኛ) አምስት ቋንቋዎች ሳቀርብ ከፍተኛ ጉልበት ነው የተሰማኝና፤ እግዚአብሔር የማቀርባቸውን መረጃዎች ሁሉ እንደ ጸሎት ይቁጠርልኝ። በግዕዝ ቋንቋ ቢሆንማ ምን ያህል ኃይለኛ በሆነ ነበር። ግዕዝ አልችልም ግን በግዕዝና በአማርኛ ጸሎት ሳደርስ ትልቅ ልዩነት እንዳለው ሁሌ ይታወቀኛል። የግዕዙ በጣም የተለየ ነው። ታዲያ አሁን ቢገባንም ባይገባንም በተለያዩ ቋንቋዎች፤ በተለይ በግዕዝ መስራትና ጸሎት ማድረስ ትልቅ ኃይል አለውና አረመኔውን የጦር ወንጀለኛ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድና ጭፍሮቹ በእሳት እንዲጠራረጉ አባታችን አቡነ ገብረ መንፈስ ቅዱስ ይርዱን። አሜን!

🔥 የጦርነት አቀንቃኝ አብይ አህመድ

🔥 Warmonger Abiy Ahmed

🔥 Kriegstreiber Abiy Ahmed

🔥 Belicista Abiy Ahmed

👉 የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐቢይ አህመድ አንድ ሰው የኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት ሊወሰድበት የሚገባበት ምሳሌ ነው፡፡

👉 “Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is an example of why someone should be deprived of the Nobel Peace Prize.”

👉 „Äthiopiens Premier Abiy Ahmed ist ein Beispiel, warum einem Menschen der Friedensnobelpreis aberkannt werden müsste.„

👉 El primer ministro de Etiopía, Abiy Ahmed, es un ejemplo de por qué alguien debería ser privado del Premio Nobel de la Paz.”

የአብይ አህመድ ፣ የኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ እና የአማሮች ጸረትግራይ ህብረት (ኦሮማራ + ኢሳያስ) የማይነገር ሰቆቃ ወደ ትግራይ ክልል አምጥቷል ፣ ይህንም አብይ አህመድ ስፍር ቁጥር በሌላቸው ውሸቶች ለመሸፈን ሞክሮ ነበር።”

👉 “The anti-igray alliance of Abiy Ahmed, Isias Afewerki and Amharas brought unspeakable misery to the region, which Abiy tried to cover up with innumerable lies”

👉 “Das anti-Tigray Bündnis von Abiy Ahmed, Isias Afewerki und Amharas brachte unsägliches Elend über die Region, das Abiy durch unzählige Lügen zu verschleiern suchte.„

👉 „La alianza anti-Tigray de Abiy Ahmed, Isias Afewerki y Amharas trajo una miseria indescriptible a la región, que Abiy trató de encubrir con innumerables mentiras.„

💭 ፈረንጆቹ ሳይቀሩ በደንብ ገብቷቸዋል። ተመስገን! በግልጽ የሚታይ እኮ ነው። የሚያሳዝነው ግን ይህ በጭራሽ ንጹሕ ኢትዮጵያዊ ያልሆነ ሰነፍና ደካማ ትውልድ ለሃገሩና ለልጆቹ ሲል ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊን ግንባሩን ብሎ እንደመድፋት ይህን ክፉ፣ ቀጣፊ፣ አረመኔና ደም መጣጭ የጦር ወንጀለኛ እሹሩሩ እያለና ሕዝቡን እያስጨረሰ የኢትዮጵያ እና ተዋሕዶ ክርስትና ጠላት በምትሆነው የኦሮሚያ እስላማዊት ሪፐብሊክ ግንባታ ላይ ዛሬም እስክክስታ እየወረደ ሲተባበር መታየቱ ነው።

አህመድ – ለውሸት የኖቤል ሽልማት

Ahmed – Nobel Prize for Lies

Ahmed – Nobelpreis für Lügen

Ahmed – Premio Nobel de las Mentiras

🔥 የጦርነት አቀንቃኝ አብይ አህመድየኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐቢይ አህመድ አንድ ሰው የኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት ሊወሰድበት የሚገባበት ምሳሌ ናቸው፡፡

💭 አስተያየት፦የኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት አሸናፊ ሽልማቱን የተነተቀበት ወቅት በጭራሽ አልተከሰተም፤ ምናልባትም ለወደፊቱ ይህ አይሆንም፡፡ በዚህ ላይ የሽልማት ኮሚቴው አንድ ስህተት አምኖ መቀበል ያለበት መሆኑ እና መውጣትም ከእውቅናው የበለጠ አወዛጋቢ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ከአንድ ዓመት ተኩል በፊት ሽልማቱ እንኳን አከራካሪ አልነበረም። የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐብይ አሕመድ ጥሩ እጩ ለመሆን ሲበቃ፤ ጨቋኝ ስርዓትን አፍርሶና ከኤርትራ ጎረቤቱ ጋር ሰላም ፈጥሮ ለመኖር የሚሻ ሰላማዊ ሰው መስሏቸው ነበር፡፡ ገና በስልጣኑ መጀመሪያ ላይ መሆኑ ደግሞ ሌላ ጉርሻ ይመስል ነበር ፥ ተራማጅ የመሰለውን የመንግስት ሃላፊ በጀልባ ሸራዎች ላይ እንደተነፋ ነፋስ ነፉት / ፈንጂ አደረጉት፡፡ዛሬ ግን የከፋውን ነገር ተምረናል፡፡ ለካስ የቀድሞው ሚስጥራዊ አገልግሎት (ኢንሳ) መኮንን የነበረው አብይ አህመድ በግልፅ ጠላት ላይ ፥ በትግራይ ህዝብ ላይ ጦርነት በመክፈት እርምጃ ለመውሰድ ይቻለው ዘንድ ከአጎራባች አምባገነን መንግስት ከኤርትራ ጋር ሰላምን ሳይሆን የጦርነት ስምምነት ማድረጉ ነበር፡፡ ከኢሳያስ አፈወርቂና ከአማራዎች ጋር የፈጠረው የጦርነት ህብረት ሊቆጠር የማይችል መከራ ወደ ትግራይ አምጥቶለታል፤ ይህንም መከራ አብይ አህመድ ስፍር ቁጥር በሌላቸው ውሸቶች ለመሸፈን ሞክሮ ነበር ፡፡ ምንም እንኳን የኢትዮጵያ ሚስተር ሃይድ በታዋቂ ምክንያቶች ሽልማቱን መቼም መመለስ ባይኖርበትም በታሪክ መዝገብዎቻችን ውስጥ ግን እንደ የጦርነት አቀንቃኝ ይወርዳል እንጂ እንደ ኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት ተሸላሚ አይሆንም፡፡

🔥 Deutsch – Kriegstreiber Abiy Ahmed

💭 Kommentar Von Frankfurter Rundschau

Äthiopiens Premier Abiy Ahmed ist ein Beispiel, warum einem Menschen der Friedensnobelpreis aberkannt werden müsste.

Es ist noch nie passiert und wird wohl auch künftig nicht vorkommen: Dass einem Friedensnobelpreisträger seine Auszeichnung aberkannt wird. Dagegen spricht schon, dass das Preiskomitee einen Fehler einräumen müsste – und dass die Aberkennung noch umstrittener als die Anerkennung werden könnte. Vor eineinhalb Jahren war die Auszeichnung nicht einmal umstritten. Äthiopiens Premier Abiy Ahmed schien ein ausgezeichneter Kandidat zu sein: Er hatte ein unterdrückerisches Regime zerlegt und mit den eritreischen Nachbarn Frieden geschlossen. Dass er gleich zu Beginn seiner Amtszeit ausgezeichnet wurde, schien ein weiterer Bonus zu sein: So wurde dem fortschrittlichen Regierungschef noch Wind in die Segel geblasen.

Inzwischen sind wir eines Schlechteren belehrt. Der Ex-Geheimdienstoffizier suchte den Frieden mit der benachbarten Diktatur offensichtlich nur, um besser gegen den gemeinsamen Erzfeind – die Bevölkerung der Tigrai-Provinz – vorgehen zu können. Das anti-Tigray Bündnis von Abiy Ahmed, Isias Afewerki und Amharas brachte unsägliches Elend über die Region, das Abiy durch unzählige Lügen zu verschleiern suchte. Auch wenn Äthiopiens Mr. Hyde seinen Preis aus den bekannten Gründen wohl nie zurückgeben muss: In unsere Annalen wird er als Kriegstreiber und nicht als Friedensnobelpreisträger eingehen.

Source

🔥 English – Warmonger Abiy Ahmed

💭 A comment by The German daily newspaper FrankfurterRundschau

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is an example of why someone should be deprived of the Nobel Peace Prize. The comment.

It has never happened and probably will not happen in the future: that a Nobel Peace Prize winner is stripped of his award. Against this, the fact that the award committee would have to admit a mistake – and that the withdrawal could become even more controversial than the recognition. A year and a half ago, the award wasn’t even controversial. Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed appeared to be an excellent candidate: he had dismantled an oppressive regime and made peace with his Eritrean neighbors. The fact that he was honored at the beginning of his term in office seemed to be another bonus: The progressive head of government was blown by the wind in the sails.

In the meantime we have learned worse. The ex-secret service officer was obviously only looking for peace with the neighboring dictatorship in order to be able to take better action against the common arch enemy the population of the Tigraii province. The alliance brought unspeakable misery to the region, which Abiy tried to cover up with innumerable lies. Even if Ethiopia’s Mr. Hyde never has to return his award for the well-known reasons: He will go down in our annals as a warmonger and not as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

🔥 Español Belicista Abiy Ahmed

💭 Comentario de Frankfurter Rundschau

El primer ministro de Etiopía, Abiy Ahmed, es un ejemplo de por qué alguien debería ser privado del Premio Nobel de la Paz. El comentario.

Nunca ha sucedido y probablemente no sucederá en el futuro: que un premio Nobel de la Paz sea despojado de su galardón. En contra de esto, el hecho de que el comité de adjudicación tendría que admitir un error y que el retiro podría volverse aún más controvertido que el reconocimiento. Hace año y medio, el premio ni siquiera era controvertido. El primer ministro de Etiopía, Abiy Ahmed, parecía ser un excelente candidato: había desmantelado un régimen opresivo y había hecho las paces con sus vecinos eritreos. El hecho de que se le honrara justo al comienzo de su mandato parecía ser otra ventaja: el jefe de gobierno progresista fue arrastrado por los aires.

Mientras tanto, hemos aprendido cosas peores. El ex oficial de inteligencia obviamente solo buscaba la paz con la dictadura vecina para poder tomar mejores medidas contra el archienemigo común: la población de la provincia de Tigraii. La alianza trajo una miseria indescriptible a la región, que Abiy trató de encubrir con innumerables mentiras. Incluso si Mr. Hyde de Etiopía nunca tiene que devolver su premio por las razones bien conocidas: pasará a nuestros anales como un belicista y no como un premio Nobel de la Paz.

👉 “አምና ሉሲፈራውያኑ ከኦሮሞዎች ጋር በማበር ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያን በረሃብ ቆሏት ዛሬም ሊደግሙት ነው ግን ተክልዬ”

👉 የሚከተለው ከዚህ ቪዲዮ ጋር በተያያዘ ባለፈው ጥቅምት ወር መግቢያ ላይ የቀረበ ጽሑፍ እና ቪዲዮ። ሁሉም ነገር ሲከሰት ዓይናችን እያየው ነው፦

የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት የጀነሳይድ ቀብድ ነው | ዘንድሮ ደግሞ በረሃብ ሊቀጡን ነው”

የተቋማቱን አርማዎች ልብ ብለን እንመልከታቸው!

👉 ድርቅ፣ ረሃብና በሽታ

Russia Today | ኖቤል ተሸላሚው ኢትዮጵያን አረሜናዊነት እና እብደት ወደ ነገሱባት ሃገር ቀይሯታል”

_____________________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Ethiopian Diplomat: Between 60,000 and 70,000 People Died in The Tigray War

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 19, 2021

፸/ ሰባ ሺህ የትግራይ ክርስትያኖች በጅሃዳዊው ግራኝ ዐብይ አህመድ አሊ ተጨፈጨፉ

70,000 Tigrayan Christians Massacred by Jihadist Gragn Abiy Ahmed Ali

🔥 Critical Ethiopian Diplomat urges peace talks in Tigray war

An Ethiopian diplomat who quit his post in the United States over concerns about atrocities in Tigray is calling for peace talks between the government and the embattled region’s fugitive leaders.

Berhane Kidanemariam served as the deputy chief of mission at the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington until early March. In an interview with The Associated Press late Thursday, he warned that a protracted war in Tigray is devastating the region’s 6 million people.

“We have to prioritize peaceful settlement and negotiation,” he said. “Without peaceful settlement and negotiation, peace couldn’t prevail. The only solution is peace talks.”

Between 60,000 and 70,000 people are now believed to have died in the war since November, he said, citing information gleaned from sources inside Ethiopia. Most of the victims are “civilians, especially the youngsters,” he said.

Ethiopian authorities have not given a death toll in the Tigray war.

Kidanemariam said that Tigrayan fighters “are getting better” in their defenses, increasing the likelihood of a long war in which reported abuses already include massacres, rapes, forced displacement, and the vandalism of priceless cultural sites.

“Anything which the human beings can use” has been destroyed in some way, he said, describing the looting of everything from banks to churches and mosques. “It’s horrible even to explain it.”

Kidanemariam hails from the Tigray region, the base of a party that dominated national politics for decades before the rise of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. But he said his background had not influenced his decision to call it “a genocidal war.”

“I don´t need to be Tigrayan,” Kidanemariam said, referring to his March 10 resignation. “Seeing this kind of horrible, catastrophic war, I couldn´t tolerate it.”

_____________________________

Posted in Curiosity, Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

NYTimes | Fear and Hostility Simmer as Ethiopia’s Military Keeps Hold on Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 19, 2021

😈 አቤት ጭካኔ! የ፱/ 9 ዓመቷን ሕፃን አርሴማን?

☆አይ አማራዎች!

☆አይ ኦሮሞዎች!

☆አይ ሙስሊሞች!

☆አይ ጴንጤዎች!

😈 እንኳን ደስ አላችሁ፤ ጂሃዲስቶችን፣ ናዚዎችንና ፋሺስቶችን አስንቃችኋል!

ተበቃዩ የኢትዮጵያና እስራኤል አምላክ ይበቀላችሁ!

💭 “ይህ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ የተከፈተ ጦርነት ነው፣ በመሰረታዊነት፣ እኛ በህልውና አደጋ ስር ነን።

🔥 በመጠጥ ቤት ውስጥ ከመንግስት ወታደር ጋር የጦፈ ክርክር ውስጥ በመግባቱ ስህተት የሰራው ወጣት፡፡ ጓደኛሞች እንዳሉት፤ “ከሰዓታት በኋላ አራት ወታደሮች ወደ ቤት ተከትለውት በቢራ ጠርሙሶች አርደው ገድለውታል።”

🔥 አለፈሻ ሀዱሻ እንዳለቸው፤ “ባለፈው ወር የኤርትራ እና የኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች ቤታቸው ገብተው በንፁሃን ዜጎች ላይ ተኩስ ከከፈቱ በኋላ ሁለት ወንድሞቿንና ወላጆቿን አጥታለች።

🔥 ትምህርት ቤቶች ወደ ከተማ ከተሰደዱት ከ 71,000 ሰዎች መካከል የተወሰኑትን ይይዛሉ ፣ ብዙውን ጊዜ በመንግስት ደጋፊ ኃይሎች እጅ ዘግናኝ የመብት ጥሰቶች ይፈጸምባቸዋል።

🔥 ግን አብዛኛዎቹ ከባድ ክሶች በመንግስት ወታደሮች እና አጋሮቻቸው ላይ ያነጣጠሩ ናቸው ፥ ወደ ምዕራብ ትግራይ ክፍል የገቡት የጎሳ አማራ ሚሊሻዎች እና ከኤርትራ የመጡ ወታደሮችም ግፍ እየፈጸሙ ነው።

🔥 በከተማዋ ዋና ሆስፒታል በአይደር ሪፈራል ሆስፒታል ባለስልጣናት እንዳሉት ከኖቬምበር ፳፰/28 የኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች መቀሌን ሲይዙ እና እስከ መጋቢት ፱/9 ቀን ድረስ ከ ፳/20 እስከ ፴፭/35 ዓመት እድሜ ያላቸው የ ፪፻፶/250 ወንዶች አስከሬኖችን ተቀብለዋል። አራት አምስተኛዎቹ አክሰሬኖቹ የተኩስ ቁስል ነበራቸው። ቀሪዎቹ በቢላዎች ተጎድተዋል። አብዛኛዎቹ ጥቃቶች በመንግስት ወታደሮች የተካሄዱ ይመስላሉ።

🔥 ይበልጥ አሳዛኝ የሆኑት መግለጫዎች ከከተማ ውጭ የመጡት ነበሩ። አንድ የ ፳፮/ 26 አመት ወጣት በርሄ ወንድሙንና ሌሎች ሰባት ሰዎችን አንስተው ወደ ወታደራዊ ካምፕ ተወስደው እንደተገደሉ በመግለጽ የዛን ቀን ተመሳሳይ ዘገባ አቅርቧል ፡፡

🔥 ከኒው ዮርክ ታይምስ በተገኘው የውስጥ የአሜሪካ መንግስት ሪፖርት እንዳመለከተው በምዕራብ ትግራይ የአሜሪካ ባለሥልጣናት በብሔረ አማራ ባለሥልጣናት እና በሚሊሻ ተዋጊዎች የሚመራ የዘር ማፅዳት ማስረጃ አግኝተዋል፡፡

🔥 በአንድ ወቅት በኢትዮጵያ ካሉ ምርጥ የጤና አገልግሎቶች መካከል የሆነው የትግራይ የጤና አገልግሎት ተደምስሷል። ሰኞ ዕለት ድንበር የለሽ ሐኪሞች እንዳሉት በክልሉ ውስጥ በደርዘን የሚቆጠሩ ክሊኒኮች በወታደሮች ተደምስሰው እና ተዘርፈዋል ፣ ብዙውን ጊዜ ሆን ተብሎ።

👉 በእንደዚህ ዓይነት የተራቆተ አከባቢ ውስጥ እንኳን እልቂቶች ይወዳደራሉ፡፡

🔥 የአቶ አብይ ባለሥልጣናት እ.ኤ.አ. ህዳር 9 በምዕራብ ትግራይ ማይ ካድራ ላይ የተፈጸመውን እልቂት የቲ.ፒ.ኤል.ፍ የጦር ወንጀሎች ምሳሌ አድርገው ይጠቅሳሉ፡፡ ቀደም ሲል በወጣው በአምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል ዘገባ ላይ ተጠያቂዎቹ የትግራይ ተዋጊዎች ናቸው ይላል ፡፡

🔥 ግን በመቀሌ በሚገኝ አንድ ካምፕ ውስጥ ስምንት የማይ ካድራ ነዋሪዎች ግድያው በእውነቱ በጭካኔው ዝና ባሰፈረው የብሔር አማራ ሚሊሻ ቡድን ፋኖ የተፈጸመ ሲሆን አብዛኛው ተጎጂዎች የትግራይ ተወላጆች መሆናቸውን አጥብቀው ተናግረዋል።

🔥 የ ፳፰/28 ዓመቱ ሰለሞን ኃይለሥላሴ ጭፍጨፋውን ከተደበቀበት ከቆሻሻ መጣያ ውስጥ ሆኖ እንደተመለከተው ተናግሯል። የሰዎችን እግርና እጆችን በመጥረቢያ ሲቆርጡ አይቻለሁ ብለዋል።

👉 Courtesy: The New York Times

💭 “This is a war against the people of Tigray. Basically, we are under an existential threat.”

🔥 The young man who made the mistake of getting into a heated argument with a government soldier in a bar. Hours later, friends said, four soldiers followed him home and beat him to death with beer bottles.

🔥 Alefesha Hadusha lost her two brothers and parents last month after Eritrean and Ethiopian troops entered her home and opened fire on innocent civilians.

🔥 Schools house some of the 71,000 people who fled to the city, often bringing accounts of horrific abuses at the hands of pro-government forces.

🔥 But the majority of serious accusations have been aimed at government troops and their allies — the ethnic Amhara militias that moved into the western part of Tigray, and soldiers from Eritrea, Ethiopia’s northern neighbor and one-time enemy.

🔥 At the city’s main hospital, the Ayder Referral hospital, officials said they received the bodies of 250 men, ages 20 to 35, between Nov. 28, when Ethiopian soldiers seized Mekelle, and March 9. Four-fifths of the bodies had gunshot wounds, and the remainder had been injured with knives. Most of the attacks appeared to have been carried out by government soldiers.

🔥 Even more harrowing accounts came from outside the city. One 26-year-old man, Berhe, offered a similar account of that day, saying that his brother and seven other men were picked up and taken to a military camp and executed.

🔥 In western Tigray, American officials found evidence of ethnic cleansing led by ethnic Amhara officials and militia fighters, according to an internal United States government report obtained by The New York Times.

🔥 Tigray’s health services, once among the best in Ethiopia, have been ravaged. On Monday, Doctors Without Borders said that dozens of clinics across the region had been destroyed and plundered by soldiers, often deliberately.

👉 In such a fraught environment, even massacres are contested.

🔥 Mr. Abiy’s officials frequently cite a massacre in Mai Kadra, a town in western Tigray, on Nov. 9, as an example of T.P.L.F. war crimes. Witnesses cited in an Amnesty International report blamed the deaths on Tigrayan fighters.

But at a camp in Mekelle, eight residents of Mai Kadra said the killings had in fact been carried out by the Fano, an ethnic Amhara militia group with a reputation for brutality, and insisted that the majority of victims were Tigrayans.

Solomon Haileselassie, 28, said he watched the slaughter from his hiding place in a garbage dump. “I saw them cut off people’s legs and arms with axes,” he said.

Source

_____________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

ትግራዋያን ተርበዋል ምን ይላሉ? | ቀባጣሪው ታንቱ ከንቱ በካቲካላ በተጠበሱት የድምፅ አውታሮቹ፤ “ታዲያ ምን ይጠበስ?!”

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 17, 2021

ሁሌ ተለጣፊዎቹ የአማራ ልሂቃን ለዚህ ከንቱ ወላይታ መስማት የሚፈልጉትን ይቀባጥርላቸው ዘንድ ካቲካላ እየገዙለት ሁሌ ያስለፈልፉታል፤ አቤት ሰውየው ለትግሬ ያለው ጥላቻ! ትግሬ-ጠልነት እንደ ኮሮና የዘመኑ ቫይረስ ነው።

ለትግራዋይን ወገኖቼ ግን “ለምን?!” ብላችሁ እራሳችሁን አትጉዱ፤ ይህ ሁሉ መውጣት አለበት፤ በጉ ከፊዬሎች መለየት አለበት የምንለው ለዚህ ነው። ያው እንግዲህ ሁሉም የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ያለው ደቡባዊ ከድቷችኋል፤ ምንም ማድረግ አትችሉም ተፈጥሯዊ ነው፤ ወላይታውን ኃይለ ማርያም ደሳለኝን ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር አደረጋችሁት፤ ግን አላመሰጋንችሁም፤ ብዙም ሳይቆይ መንግስቱ ኃይለ ማርያም ዘመዱን ለማምጣት ወደ ዚምባብዌ አመራ። ለጋላው ለአብዮት አህመድ አሊ የጠቅላይ ሚንስትርነቱን ዙፋን ሰጣችሁት፤ ግን እርሱም አላመስገናችሁም ብዙም ሳይቆይ ከኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ እና አረብ ሞግዚቶቹ ጋር በማበር እንደ መንግስቱ ኃይለ ማርያም ሊጨፋጭፋችሁና ሊያስርባችሁ ወሰነ። ውለታ የዋላችሁለት እያንዳንዱ የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ያለው ደቡባዊ የአህዛብ የዋቄዮ-አላህ ልጅ ክዷችኋል በዚህ ከቀጠላችሁ ወደፊትም ይከዷችኋል። ምክኒያቱ ደግሞ እነዚህ የወደቁ ወገኖች የሚኖሩትና የሚመሩት የዓረብ ምድር ከተዘጋጀበት የሞትና ባርነት ህግ ነውና ነው። “ግብጻዊት” በሆነቸው የአጋር ማንነትና ምንነት የተመሰለው ይህ የምድር አፈር ህግ በአጋር የባርነት ስምና ክብር “ሞት” እንደሚባል እናስታውስ።

ቀባጣሪው አቶ ታንቱ ከንቱ በዚህ ቃለ መጠይቅ ስለ ጥላቻ፣ ግድያና ሞት ነው በወኔ የሚቀባጥረው (ሙሉውን ቪዲዮ ፈልጋችሁ ተመልከቱት) የተሰጡትንም አስተያየቶችም ለታሪክ መዝግቧቸው። አዎ! የሞትና ባርነት ህግ ማለት ይህ ነው።

👉 “በማንቸስተር ሕይወቱ ያለፈችው ሕፃን ‘ቅዱስ’+ የማርያም መቀነት የሚነግሩን ትልቅ ነገር አለ”

____________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, Infos | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Why Were 750 Christians Killed Protecting the Ark of the Covenant in Ethiopia?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 7, 2021

👉 በኢትዮጵያ የቃል ኪዳኑን ታቦት በመጠበቅ ላይ የነበሩ ፯፻፶/750 ክርስቲያኖች ለምን ተገደሉ?

ክርስቲያኗ እህታችንን ልክ እኔ እጠረጥረው ወደ ነበረው ዓይነት መንገድ ነው የመራት፤ ኢራቅ + ሶሪያ + ዩኔስኮ + ኢትዮጵያ...

______________________________

Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, Infos | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

 
%d bloggers like this: