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Posts Tagged ‘ኖቤል’

Ireland TD: Countless Appeals to The Governments Of Ethiopia & Eritrea Have Proven Useless

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 14, 2021

“በኢትዮጵያ የትግራይ ክልል አደጋን ለማጉላት የአየርላንድ መንግስት እርምጃ መውሰድ አለበት” – ጆን ብሬዲ

“ለኢትዮጵያ እና ለኤርትራ መንግስታት ስፍር ቁጥር የሌላቸው ይግባኞች ፋይዳ እንደሌላቸው አሁን አንድ ደረጃ ላይ ነን።” 👍

Government Must Take Action To Highlight Plight Of Tigray Region Of Ethiopia – John Brady TD

“We are at a stage now that countless appeals to the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea have proven useless.

Sinn Féin spokesperson on Foreign Affairs and Defence John Brady TD has called on the Irish government to take strong and vocal action to mobilise both the EU and the UN, in order to address the emerging threat of famine and bring to an end the violence in Ethiopia.

The Wicklow TD said:

“We are five months into an emergency in the Tigray area of Ethiopia, where the list of ongoing human rights abuses and atrocities reads like a catalogue of horror.

“The Irish government needs to show leadership, by using its position on the UN Security Council to bring the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia to the consciousness of the international community to the degree that they can no longer ignore the horror of what is occurring on the ground there.

“Having contended with five months of mass killings, mass rapes, and widespread abuses, the civilian population of the Tigray region are facing huge food shortages.

“The World Peace Foundation has issued a warning that the humanitarian situation has deteriorated to the point that the Tigray region is facing into a pending famine.

“Alongside mass rape, starvation crimes are being committed on a large scale.

“To date the cacophony of international criticism has achieved little other than prompting the primary antagonists in the conflict to intensify their military offensive – before the international community acts.

“We are at a stage now that countless appeals to the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea have proven useless.

“Ireland must use the international standing that secured our country a position on the UNSC to become the voice that it promised to be for those who suffer.

“The government must make the international community sit up, listen, and act to end the suffering of the people of the Tigray region of Ethiopia.”

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

#TigrayGenocide | More than 150,000 people Murdered by The Oromara Army of Ethiopia

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 14, 2021

✞✞✞ትግራይ የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል | ከ 150,000 በላይ ሰዎች በኢትዮጵያ የኦሮማራ ጦር ተገደሉ✞✞✞

የኢትዮጵያ እና የኤርትራ ወታደሮች እስካሁን ድረስ 10,500 የትግራይ ሴቶች እና ልጃገረዶችን ደፍረዋል። 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

More than 150,000 people have now died. Essential infrastructure – schools, hospitals, universities, factories – has been decimated. 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

💭 Ethiopia, Where The Past Is Threatening The Present

Every year for centuries, the festival of Mariam Tsion, Mary of Zion, has been held in Ackssum, the capital of an ancient kingdom of the same name. Worshippers, dressed in white robes, and accompanied by chanting and drumming, celebrate the saint day of the Holy Mother, the most important celebration of their faith, Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity.

On 28 November last year, over a thousand gathered inside the church of Mariam Tsion after spending the previous night in prayer. They were aware that conflict had broken out in their region, Tigray, on 4 November, but they gathered nevertheless – and their prayers were soon interrupted by gunshots. Eritrean troops drove them outside and, in chaotic scenes, shot over 700 of them dead. Relatives were forbidden to bury the bodies, many of which became food for hyenas.

The celebrations are usually broadcast live on Ethiopian Televistion E T V. But this time, unsurprisingly, a recording of the previous year’s celebrations was aired.

Civilians have borne the brunt of hostilities in this war against Tigray. The massacre in Ackssum is one of many that have gone largely unnoticed in this age of social media – because, in the very early hours of 4 November, the Ethiopian government severed Tigray’s communication networks, and electricity and water supplies, before launching a military offensive. Communications were restored to the region’s capital Mekelle some weeks later, but the rest of Tigray is still without telecoms and basic utilities. Banks are still closed, most ransacked and robbed.

The incidence of rape in Tigray, very often gang rape, is off the scale. According to estimates, Ethiopian and Eritrean troops have so far raped 10,500 Tigrayan women and girls, but the UNFPA is currently recruiting sexual health workers for what it estimates will be 52,500 victims in a region with a population of six million. On 8 April, the US awarded additional humanitarian assistance of $152 million to Tigray, a good portion of which is designated for “safe houses and psychosocial support” for women and girls, some as young as eight, who have been raped, mutilated or tortured. A video shows a surgeon removing nails and other metal objects from the vagina of one victim who was raped by 23 Eritrean soldiers. A mother saw soldiers shoot her 12-year-old boy and was then raped. Eritrean soldiers say their orders are to “kill all men and boys above seven years old”.

Why such visceral cruelty? We can guess at an answer from what the perpetrators tell their victims: “You are worthless.” “We are here for revenge.” And, in the case of the Amhara militia, from the region of the same name to the south, “We are purifying your bloodline.” When the abused women are not killed, the aim seems to be to Amharise their offspring.

Western Tigray has already been handed over to the Amhara region. When Anthony Blinken, US secretary of state, designated the violence as ethnic cleansing, the central Ethiopian government hotly denied it. The government had likely promised Amhara expansionists that western Tigray would be handed over to them, just as, along the northern border, swathes of land have been handed over to the Eritrean government. The latter is already issuing Eritrean ID cards to Tigrayans and other ethnic groups such as the Kunama and Irob in eastern Tigray.

These are old enmities. There is widespread conflict across Ethiopia, but it is at its most extreme in the Tigray region – where it is, in part, about the ancient rivalry between the Amhara and Tigrayans, who have both furnished Ethiopia with emperors throughout the country’s long history. The Amharic culture and language has long been dominant across Ethiopia, but excludes the majority of Ethiopians.

The Eritrean government to the north – led by the unelected president of 30 years, Isaias Afwerki, who despises the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) – creates an additional danger. The TPLF led the government of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which, with its then allies the Eritreans, ousted Ethiopia’s despotic Derg regime in 1991, facilitating independence from Ethiopia for Eritrea in 1994.

Hostilities erupted when Eritrean tanks invaded northern Tigray in May 1998, following a dispute over currencies. Around 100,000 people died in the resulting war. In the years since, training at Eritrea’s infamous Sawa Military Camp has brutalised recruits, breeding in them a deep hatred of Tigray.

Around the same time, Ethiopia, once a highly centralised state, became a federal democratic republic, with power devolved to the regions – a system highly suited to a vast country with religious, cultural, ethnic, linguistic and economic diversity. Multi-party elections were held in 1995, and the EPRDF won outright. The numerous nationalities were at last governed and taught in their own languages. This continued for 27 years.

What we are witnessing now is an attempt to reverse this process. The past is threatening the present.

During the EPRDF’s tenure, under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, the country achieved double-digit economic growth; massively increased access to health and education services; and expanded agricultural production, industrialisation and state infrastructure. The country was often mooted as a role model for the rest of Africa.

But from 2014, angered by political and economic marginalisation, students from the Oromo ethnic group launched protests that spread to other regions and eventually led to Abiy Ahmed becoming Prime Minister on 2 April 2018.

Abiy negotiated a peace agreement with Eritrea which was popular domestically and eventually earned him the Nobel Peace Prize. He launched a series of reforms and released political prisoners. Exiled leaders were invited to return. On a wave of popular support, on 1 December 2019, Abiy Ahmed dissolved the EPRDF coalition and merged its parties into the new Prosperity Party. The TPLF disapproved and withdrew to Tigray.

As prime minister, Abiy was a member of the Oromo section of the EPRDF. Oromos, who make up 40 per cent of the population, felt that they had at last found a champion. But the door was slammed in their face when the PM declared his intention to “return to the old glory of Ethiopia” – meaning Amhara domination and re-centralisation.

Abiy also began demonising Tigrayans, calling them “day-time hyenas”, scapegoating them for much that had gone wrong in Ethiopia. As a result, from mid-2018 many thousands of Tigrayans were attacked and even killed. Prominent Tigrayans were assassinated, as was the president of the Amhara region, who was then replaced by an ally of the prime minister. Hundreds of thousands of Tigrayans were dismissed from their jobs and the army and then placed in custody, many in camps.

In June 2020, the assassination of Hachalu Hundessa, a popular Oromo singer, triggered violent demonstrations. Officials from the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) were detained and its leader, Dawud Ibsa, is still in custody, along with most other opposition party leaders. A full military campaign began against the Oromo and, in Wollega and Guji provinces, the internet was cut off for six months to conceal the atrocities. People were burnt to death in their houses, their crops destroyed, women and children were raped – both Ethiopian and Eritrean troops were responsible, a precursor of what has happened since in Tigray.

And so it was that the governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea began their joint military assault on Tigray on 4 November. Their troops were already making their way to Tigray when, on 2 November, Josep Borrell, the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs and security policy, called for “de-escalation”. The TPLF’s taking over of an Ethiopian army headquarters in Mekelle, often cited as the catalyst for hostilities, was instead a pre-emptive strike when the region was already threatened by large-scale troop advancements. Armed drones bombed Tigray from the UAE’s military base in Assab, Eritrea, destroying much of the TPLF’s heavy artillery, and mercenaries from Farmajo’s Somalia also joined the conflict.

For its part, the African Union, the continental body that groups 55 countries, has been powerless to intervene. Its offer to chair peace talks was accepted by Sahle-Work Zewde, Ethiopia’s president, in November last year, only for the proposal to be rejected by Prime Minister Abiy.

The UN Security Council has only discussed the conflict as a footnote and, in any case, any effective action is likely to be thwarted, given that Russia and China will block any vote. The Security Council has not even activated its resolution “condemning the starving of civilians as a weapon of war”.

Of course, the Trump administration turned a blind eye to what was happening in Tigray, despite copious evidence of war crimes. The election of Joe Biden has brought a change in US policy and demands are now being made for Eritrean forces to be withdrawn and for humanitarian aid workers to be given access.

The EU, to its credit, has withheld aid until access to the starving is allowed, but unless firmer action is taken many more will perish. Famine is looming. Will the world stand by and facilitate a repeat of 1984?

More than 150,000 people have now died. Essential infrastructure – schools, hospitals, universities, factories – has been decimated. The government expected that the intervention in Tigray would take “a few days, two weeks at the most,” but Abiy recently had to admit that Ethiopian troops are now fighting on eight separate fronts in Tigray alone and that he is “grateful to Eritrea” for all the military assistance it has given. Ethiopia’s army has a significant casualty toll of its own, so it is difficult to see how Eritrea can leave.

Ethiopian elections are slated for 5 June this year. In the circumstances, with the Electoral Board saying that five out of ten regions are not ready, there seems little prospect of any contests being free and fair. The vote would be improved, of course, if opposition party leaders and members were released from prison, and if the tens of thousands of other prisoners were also released, but that still wouldn’t leave much time for proper campaigning. Another postponement of the election may be the best option.

Besides, a different type of national conversation is more necessary at this point: all parties should come together and decide the future not just of Tigray and Oromia, but of the whole country. One Oromo commentator suggests that a referendum could be a central part of that dialogue – to help bring about a clear outcome. The people must decide, as they did during the writing of Ethiopia’s constitution in the early 1990s, when 36,000 groups debated what they wanted to be included.

One Amhara region resident, considering the possibility of Tigray becoming independent last month, stated simply, “But it cannot, it is the beginning of Ethiopia.” This demonstrates the pride that many Ethiopians have in their history, but it is also counsel for those who defend the old ways of dominance and subjugation. Ethiopia flourished in recent decades when the potential of all its peoples was allowed to unfold.

In any case, Ethiopia cannot go back to the past. Even if one side now “wins”, it is a victory that will leave a country scarred and thousands of people angry and bereaved – which is to say, not a victory at all.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Warmonger Abiy Ahmed – Kriegstreiber – Belicista Abiy Ahmed | የጦርነት አቀንቃኝ አብይ አህመድ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 13, 2021

ዛሬ በአራት ቋንቋዎች ከቀጣዩ ቪዲዮ ጋር (ጃፓንኛ) አምስት ቋንቋዎች ሳቀርብ ከፍተኛ ጉልበት ነው የተሰማኝና፤ እግዚአብሔር የማቀርባቸውን መረጃዎች ሁሉ እንደ ጸሎት ይቁጠርልኝ። በግዕዝ ቋንቋ ቢሆንማ ምን ያህል ኃይለኛ በሆነ ነበር። ግዕዝ አልችልም ግን በግዕዝና በአማርኛ ጸሎት ሳደርስ ትልቅ ልዩነት እንዳለው ሁሌ ይታወቀኛል። የግዕዙ በጣም የተለየ ነው። ታዲያ አሁን ቢገባንም ባይገባንም በተለያዩ ቋንቋዎች፤ በተለይ በግዕዝ መስራትና ጸሎት ማድረስ ትልቅ ኃይል አለውና አረመኔውን የጦር ወንጀለኛ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድና ጭፍሮቹ በእሳት እንዲጠራረጉ አባታችን አቡነ ገብረ መንፈስ ቅዱስ ይርዱን። አሜን!

🔥 የጦርነት አቀንቃኝ አብይ አህመድ

🔥 Warmonger Abiy Ahmed

🔥 Kriegstreiber Abiy Ahmed

🔥 Belicista Abiy Ahmed

👉 የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐቢይ አህመድ አንድ ሰው የኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት ሊወሰድበት የሚገባበት ምሳሌ ነው፡፡

👉 “Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is an example of why someone should be deprived of the Nobel Peace Prize.”

👉 „Äthiopiens Premier Abiy Ahmed ist ein Beispiel, warum einem Menschen der Friedensnobelpreis aberkannt werden müsste.„

👉 El primer ministro de Etiopía, Abiy Ahmed, es un ejemplo de por qué alguien debería ser privado del Premio Nobel de la Paz.”

የአብይ አህመድ ፣ የኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ እና የአማሮች ጸረትግራይ ህብረት (ኦሮማራ + ኢሳያስ) የማይነገር ሰቆቃ ወደ ትግራይ ክልል አምጥቷል ፣ ይህንም አብይ አህመድ ስፍር ቁጥር በሌላቸው ውሸቶች ለመሸፈን ሞክሮ ነበር።”

👉 “The anti-igray alliance of Abiy Ahmed, Isias Afewerki and Amharas brought unspeakable misery to the region, which Abiy tried to cover up with innumerable lies”

👉 “Das anti-Tigray Bündnis von Abiy Ahmed, Isias Afewerki und Amharas brachte unsägliches Elend über die Region, das Abiy durch unzählige Lügen zu verschleiern suchte.„

👉 „La alianza anti-Tigray de Abiy Ahmed, Isias Afewerki y Amharas trajo una miseria indescriptible a la región, que Abiy trató de encubrir con innumerables mentiras.„

💭 ፈረንጆቹ ሳይቀሩ በደንብ ገብቷቸዋል። ተመስገን! በግልጽ የሚታይ እኮ ነው። የሚያሳዝነው ግን ይህ በጭራሽ ንጹሕ ኢትዮጵያዊ ያልሆነ ሰነፍና ደካማ ትውልድ ለሃገሩና ለልጆቹ ሲል ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊን ግንባሩን ብሎ እንደመድፋት ይህን ክፉ፣ ቀጣፊ፣ አረመኔና ደም መጣጭ የጦር ወንጀለኛ እሹሩሩ እያለና ሕዝቡን እያስጨረሰ የኢትዮጵያ እና ተዋሕዶ ክርስትና ጠላት በምትሆነው የኦሮሚያ እስላማዊት ሪፐብሊክ ግንባታ ላይ ዛሬም እስክክስታ እየወረደ ሲተባበር መታየቱ ነው።

አህመድ – ለውሸት የኖቤል ሽልማት

Ahmed – Nobel Prize for Lies

Ahmed – Nobelpreis für Lügen

Ahmed – Premio Nobel de las Mentiras

🔥 የጦርነት አቀንቃኝ አብይ አህመድየኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐቢይ አህመድ አንድ ሰው የኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት ሊወሰድበት የሚገባበት ምሳሌ ናቸው፡፡

💭 አስተያየት፦የኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት አሸናፊ ሽልማቱን የተነተቀበት ወቅት በጭራሽ አልተከሰተም፤ ምናልባትም ለወደፊቱ ይህ አይሆንም፡፡ በዚህ ላይ የሽልማት ኮሚቴው አንድ ስህተት አምኖ መቀበል ያለበት መሆኑ እና መውጣትም ከእውቅናው የበለጠ አወዛጋቢ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ከአንድ ዓመት ተኩል በፊት ሽልማቱ እንኳን አከራካሪ አልነበረም። የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዐብይ አሕመድ ጥሩ እጩ ለመሆን ሲበቃ፤ ጨቋኝ ስርዓትን አፍርሶና ከኤርትራ ጎረቤቱ ጋር ሰላም ፈጥሮ ለመኖር የሚሻ ሰላማዊ ሰው መስሏቸው ነበር፡፡ ገና በስልጣኑ መጀመሪያ ላይ መሆኑ ደግሞ ሌላ ጉርሻ ይመስል ነበር ፥ ተራማጅ የመሰለውን የመንግስት ሃላፊ በጀልባ ሸራዎች ላይ እንደተነፋ ነፋስ ነፉት / ፈንጂ አደረጉት፡፡ዛሬ ግን የከፋውን ነገር ተምረናል፡፡ ለካስ የቀድሞው ሚስጥራዊ አገልግሎት (ኢንሳ) መኮንን የነበረው አብይ አህመድ በግልፅ ጠላት ላይ ፥ በትግራይ ህዝብ ላይ ጦርነት በመክፈት እርምጃ ለመውሰድ ይቻለው ዘንድ ከአጎራባች አምባገነን መንግስት ከኤርትራ ጋር ሰላምን ሳይሆን የጦርነት ስምምነት ማድረጉ ነበር፡፡ ከኢሳያስ አፈወርቂና ከአማራዎች ጋር የፈጠረው የጦርነት ህብረት ሊቆጠር የማይችል መከራ ወደ ትግራይ አምጥቶለታል፤ ይህንም መከራ አብይ አህመድ ስፍር ቁጥር በሌላቸው ውሸቶች ለመሸፈን ሞክሮ ነበር ፡፡ ምንም እንኳን የኢትዮጵያ ሚስተር ሃይድ በታዋቂ ምክንያቶች ሽልማቱን መቼም መመለስ ባይኖርበትም በታሪክ መዝገብዎቻችን ውስጥ ግን እንደ የጦርነት አቀንቃኝ ይወርዳል እንጂ እንደ ኖቤል የሰላም ሽልማት ተሸላሚ አይሆንም፡፡

🔥 Deutsch – Kriegstreiber Abiy Ahmed

💭 Kommentar Von Frankfurter Rundschau

Äthiopiens Premier Abiy Ahmed ist ein Beispiel, warum einem Menschen der Friedensnobelpreis aberkannt werden müsste.

Es ist noch nie passiert und wird wohl auch künftig nicht vorkommen: Dass einem Friedensnobelpreisträger seine Auszeichnung aberkannt wird. Dagegen spricht schon, dass das Preiskomitee einen Fehler einräumen müsste – und dass die Aberkennung noch umstrittener als die Anerkennung werden könnte. Vor eineinhalb Jahren war die Auszeichnung nicht einmal umstritten. Äthiopiens Premier Abiy Ahmed schien ein ausgezeichneter Kandidat zu sein: Er hatte ein unterdrückerisches Regime zerlegt und mit den eritreischen Nachbarn Frieden geschlossen. Dass er gleich zu Beginn seiner Amtszeit ausgezeichnet wurde, schien ein weiterer Bonus zu sein: So wurde dem fortschrittlichen Regierungschef noch Wind in die Segel geblasen.

Inzwischen sind wir eines Schlechteren belehrt. Der Ex-Geheimdienstoffizier suchte den Frieden mit der benachbarten Diktatur offensichtlich nur, um besser gegen den gemeinsamen Erzfeind – die Bevölkerung der Tigrai-Provinz – vorgehen zu können. Das anti-Tigray Bündnis von Abiy Ahmed, Isias Afewerki und Amharas brachte unsägliches Elend über die Region, das Abiy durch unzählige Lügen zu verschleiern suchte. Auch wenn Äthiopiens Mr. Hyde seinen Preis aus den bekannten Gründen wohl nie zurückgeben muss: In unsere Annalen wird er als Kriegstreiber und nicht als Friedensnobelpreisträger eingehen.

Source

🔥 English – Warmonger Abiy Ahmed

💭 A comment by The German daily newspaper FrankfurterRundschau

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is an example of why someone should be deprived of the Nobel Peace Prize. The comment.

It has never happened and probably will not happen in the future: that a Nobel Peace Prize winner is stripped of his award. Against this, the fact that the award committee would have to admit a mistake – and that the withdrawal could become even more controversial than the recognition. A year and a half ago, the award wasn’t even controversial. Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed appeared to be an excellent candidate: he had dismantled an oppressive regime and made peace with his Eritrean neighbors. The fact that he was honored at the beginning of his term in office seemed to be another bonus: The progressive head of government was blown by the wind in the sails.

In the meantime we have learned worse. The ex-secret service officer was obviously only looking for peace with the neighboring dictatorship in order to be able to take better action against the common arch enemy the population of the Tigraii province. The alliance brought unspeakable misery to the region, which Abiy tried to cover up with innumerable lies. Even if Ethiopia’s Mr. Hyde never has to return his award for the well-known reasons: He will go down in our annals as a warmonger and not as a Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

🔥 Español Belicista Abiy Ahmed

💭 Comentario de Frankfurter Rundschau

El primer ministro de Etiopía, Abiy Ahmed, es un ejemplo de por qué alguien debería ser privado del Premio Nobel de la Paz. El comentario.

Nunca ha sucedido y probablemente no sucederá en el futuro: que un premio Nobel de la Paz sea despojado de su galardón. En contra de esto, el hecho de que el comité de adjudicación tendría que admitir un error y que el retiro podría volverse aún más controvertido que el reconocimiento. Hace año y medio, el premio ni siquiera era controvertido. El primer ministro de Etiopía, Abiy Ahmed, parecía ser un excelente candidato: había desmantelado un régimen opresivo y había hecho las paces con sus vecinos eritreos. El hecho de que se le honrara justo al comienzo de su mandato parecía ser otra ventaja: el jefe de gobierno progresista fue arrastrado por los aires.

Mientras tanto, hemos aprendido cosas peores. El ex oficial de inteligencia obviamente solo buscaba la paz con la dictadura vecina para poder tomar mejores medidas contra el archienemigo común: la población de la provincia de Tigraii. La alianza trajo una miseria indescriptible a la región, que Abiy trató de encubrir con innumerables mentiras. Incluso si Mr. Hyde de Etiopía nunca tiene que devolver su premio por las razones bien conocidas: pasará a nuestros anales como un belicista y no como un premio Nobel de la Paz.

👉 “አምና ሉሲፈራውያኑ ከኦሮሞዎች ጋር በማበር ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያን በረሃብ ቆሏት ዛሬም ሊደግሙት ነው ግን ተክልዬ”

👉 የሚከተለው ከዚህ ቪዲዮ ጋር በተያያዘ ባለፈው ጥቅምት ወር መግቢያ ላይ የቀረበ ጽሑፍ እና ቪዲዮ። ሁሉም ነገር ሲከሰት ዓይናችን እያየው ነው፦

የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት የጀነሳይድ ቀብድ ነው | ዘንድሮ ደግሞ በረሃብ ሊቀጡን ነው”

የተቋማቱን አርማዎች ልብ ብለን እንመልከታቸው!

👉 ድርቅ፣ ረሃብና በሽታ

Russia Today | ኖቤል ተሸላሚው ኢትዮጵያን አረሜናዊነት እና እብደት ወደ ነገሱባት ሃገር ቀይሯታል”

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Ethiopian Diplomat: Between 60,000 and 70,000 People Died in The Tigray War

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 19, 2021

፸/ ሰባ ሺህ የትግራይ ክርስትያኖች በጅሃዳዊው ግራኝ ዐብይ አህመድ አሊ ተጨፈጨፉ

70,000 Tigrayan Christians Massacred by Jihadist Gragn Abiy Ahmed Ali

🔥 Critical Ethiopian Diplomat urges peace talks in Tigray war

An Ethiopian diplomat who quit his post in the United States over concerns about atrocities in Tigray is calling for peace talks between the government and the embattled region’s fugitive leaders.

Berhane Kidanemariam served as the deputy chief of mission at the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington until early March. In an interview with The Associated Press late Thursday, he warned that a protracted war in Tigray is devastating the region’s 6 million people.

“We have to prioritize peaceful settlement and negotiation,” he said. “Without peaceful settlement and negotiation, peace couldn’t prevail. The only solution is peace talks.”

Between 60,000 and 70,000 people are now believed to have died in the war since November, he said, citing information gleaned from sources inside Ethiopia. Most of the victims are “civilians, especially the youngsters,” he said.

Ethiopian authorities have not given a death toll in the Tigray war.

Kidanemariam said that Tigrayan fighters “are getting better” in their defenses, increasing the likelihood of a long war in which reported abuses already include massacres, rapes, forced displacement, and the vandalism of priceless cultural sites.

“Anything which the human beings can use” has been destroyed in some way, he said, describing the looting of everything from banks to churches and mosques. “It’s horrible even to explain it.”

Kidanemariam hails from the Tigray region, the base of a party that dominated national politics for decades before the rise of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. But he said his background had not influenced his decision to call it “a genocidal war.”

“I don´t need to be Tigrayan,” Kidanemariam said, referring to his March 10 resignation. “Seeing this kind of horrible, catastrophic war, I couldn´t tolerate it.”

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NYTimes | Fear and Hostility Simmer as Ethiopia’s Military Keeps Hold on Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 19, 2021

😈 አቤት ጭካኔ! የ፱/ 9 ዓመቷን ሕፃን አርሴማን?

☆አይ አማራዎች!

☆አይ ኦሮሞዎች!

☆አይ ሙስሊሞች!

☆አይ ጴንጤዎች!

😈 እንኳን ደስ አላችሁ፤ ጂሃዲስቶችን፣ ናዚዎችንና ፋሺስቶችን አስንቃችኋል!

ተበቃዩ የኢትዮጵያና እስራኤል አምላክ ይበቀላችሁ!

💭 “ይህ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ የተከፈተ ጦርነት ነው፣ በመሰረታዊነት፣ እኛ በህልውና አደጋ ስር ነን።

🔥 በመጠጥ ቤት ውስጥ ከመንግስት ወታደር ጋር የጦፈ ክርክር ውስጥ በመግባቱ ስህተት የሰራው ወጣት፡፡ ጓደኛሞች እንዳሉት፤ “ከሰዓታት በኋላ አራት ወታደሮች ወደ ቤት ተከትለውት በቢራ ጠርሙሶች አርደው ገድለውታል።”

🔥 አለፈሻ ሀዱሻ እንዳለቸው፤ “ባለፈው ወር የኤርትራ እና የኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች ቤታቸው ገብተው በንፁሃን ዜጎች ላይ ተኩስ ከከፈቱ በኋላ ሁለት ወንድሞቿንና ወላጆቿን አጥታለች።

🔥 ትምህርት ቤቶች ወደ ከተማ ከተሰደዱት ከ 71,000 ሰዎች መካከል የተወሰኑትን ይይዛሉ ፣ ብዙውን ጊዜ በመንግስት ደጋፊ ኃይሎች እጅ ዘግናኝ የመብት ጥሰቶች ይፈጸምባቸዋል።

🔥 ግን አብዛኛዎቹ ከባድ ክሶች በመንግስት ወታደሮች እና አጋሮቻቸው ላይ ያነጣጠሩ ናቸው ፥ ወደ ምዕራብ ትግራይ ክፍል የገቡት የጎሳ አማራ ሚሊሻዎች እና ከኤርትራ የመጡ ወታደሮችም ግፍ እየፈጸሙ ነው።

🔥 በከተማዋ ዋና ሆስፒታል በአይደር ሪፈራል ሆስፒታል ባለስልጣናት እንዳሉት ከኖቬምበር ፳፰/28 የኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች መቀሌን ሲይዙ እና እስከ መጋቢት ፱/9 ቀን ድረስ ከ ፳/20 እስከ ፴፭/35 ዓመት እድሜ ያላቸው የ ፪፻፶/250 ወንዶች አስከሬኖችን ተቀብለዋል። አራት አምስተኛዎቹ አክሰሬኖቹ የተኩስ ቁስል ነበራቸው። ቀሪዎቹ በቢላዎች ተጎድተዋል። አብዛኛዎቹ ጥቃቶች በመንግስት ወታደሮች የተካሄዱ ይመስላሉ።

🔥 ይበልጥ አሳዛኝ የሆኑት መግለጫዎች ከከተማ ውጭ የመጡት ነበሩ። አንድ የ ፳፮/ 26 አመት ወጣት በርሄ ወንድሙንና ሌሎች ሰባት ሰዎችን አንስተው ወደ ወታደራዊ ካምፕ ተወስደው እንደተገደሉ በመግለጽ የዛን ቀን ተመሳሳይ ዘገባ አቅርቧል ፡፡

🔥 ከኒው ዮርክ ታይምስ በተገኘው የውስጥ የአሜሪካ መንግስት ሪፖርት እንዳመለከተው በምዕራብ ትግራይ የአሜሪካ ባለሥልጣናት በብሔረ አማራ ባለሥልጣናት እና በሚሊሻ ተዋጊዎች የሚመራ የዘር ማፅዳት ማስረጃ አግኝተዋል፡፡

🔥 በአንድ ወቅት በኢትዮጵያ ካሉ ምርጥ የጤና አገልግሎቶች መካከል የሆነው የትግራይ የጤና አገልግሎት ተደምስሷል። ሰኞ ዕለት ድንበር የለሽ ሐኪሞች እንዳሉት በክልሉ ውስጥ በደርዘን የሚቆጠሩ ክሊኒኮች በወታደሮች ተደምስሰው እና ተዘርፈዋል ፣ ብዙውን ጊዜ ሆን ተብሎ።

👉 በእንደዚህ ዓይነት የተራቆተ አከባቢ ውስጥ እንኳን እልቂቶች ይወዳደራሉ፡፡

🔥 የአቶ አብይ ባለሥልጣናት እ.ኤ.አ. ህዳር 9 በምዕራብ ትግራይ ማይ ካድራ ላይ የተፈጸመውን እልቂት የቲ.ፒ.ኤል.ፍ የጦር ወንጀሎች ምሳሌ አድርገው ይጠቅሳሉ፡፡ ቀደም ሲል በወጣው በአምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል ዘገባ ላይ ተጠያቂዎቹ የትግራይ ተዋጊዎች ናቸው ይላል ፡፡

🔥 ግን በመቀሌ በሚገኝ አንድ ካምፕ ውስጥ ስምንት የማይ ካድራ ነዋሪዎች ግድያው በእውነቱ በጭካኔው ዝና ባሰፈረው የብሔር አማራ ሚሊሻ ቡድን ፋኖ የተፈጸመ ሲሆን አብዛኛው ተጎጂዎች የትግራይ ተወላጆች መሆናቸውን አጥብቀው ተናግረዋል።

🔥 የ ፳፰/28 ዓመቱ ሰለሞን ኃይለሥላሴ ጭፍጨፋውን ከተደበቀበት ከቆሻሻ መጣያ ውስጥ ሆኖ እንደተመለከተው ተናግሯል። የሰዎችን እግርና እጆችን በመጥረቢያ ሲቆርጡ አይቻለሁ ብለዋል።

👉 Courtesy: The New York Times

💭 “This is a war against the people of Tigray. Basically, we are under an existential threat.”

🔥 The young man who made the mistake of getting into a heated argument with a government soldier in a bar. Hours later, friends said, four soldiers followed him home and beat him to death with beer bottles.

🔥 Alefesha Hadusha lost her two brothers and parents last month after Eritrean and Ethiopian troops entered her home and opened fire on innocent civilians.

🔥 Schools house some of the 71,000 people who fled to the city, often bringing accounts of horrific abuses at the hands of pro-government forces.

🔥 But the majority of serious accusations have been aimed at government troops and their allies — the ethnic Amhara militias that moved into the western part of Tigray, and soldiers from Eritrea, Ethiopia’s northern neighbor and one-time enemy.

🔥 At the city’s main hospital, the Ayder Referral hospital, officials said they received the bodies of 250 men, ages 20 to 35, between Nov. 28, when Ethiopian soldiers seized Mekelle, and March 9. Four-fifths of the bodies had gunshot wounds, and the remainder had been injured with knives. Most of the attacks appeared to have been carried out by government soldiers.

🔥 Even more harrowing accounts came from outside the city. One 26-year-old man, Berhe, offered a similar account of that day, saying that his brother and seven other men were picked up and taken to a military camp and executed.

🔥 In western Tigray, American officials found evidence of ethnic cleansing led by ethnic Amhara officials and militia fighters, according to an internal United States government report obtained by The New York Times.

🔥 Tigray’s health services, once among the best in Ethiopia, have been ravaged. On Monday, Doctors Without Borders said that dozens of clinics across the region had been destroyed and plundered by soldiers, often deliberately.

👉 In such a fraught environment, even massacres are contested.

🔥 Mr. Abiy’s officials frequently cite a massacre in Mai Kadra, a town in western Tigray, on Nov. 9, as an example of T.P.L.F. war crimes. Witnesses cited in an Amnesty International report blamed the deaths on Tigrayan fighters.

But at a camp in Mekelle, eight residents of Mai Kadra said the killings had in fact been carried out by the Fano, an ethnic Amhara militia group with a reputation for brutality, and insisted that the majority of victims were Tigrayans.

Solomon Haileselassie, 28, said he watched the slaughter from his hiding place in a garbage dump. “I saw them cut off people’s legs and arms with axes,” he said.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Health, Infos, Life | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

ትግራዋያን ተርበዋል ምን ይላሉ? | ቀባጣሪው ታንቱ ከንቱ በካቲካላ በተጠበሱት የድምፅ አውታሮቹ፤ “ታዲያ ምን ይጠበስ?!”

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 17, 2021

ሁሌ ተለጣፊዎቹ የአማራ ልሂቃን ለዚህ ከንቱ ወላይታ መስማት የሚፈልጉትን ይቀባጥርላቸው ዘንድ ካቲካላ እየገዙለት ሁሌ ያስለፈልፉታል፤ አቤት ሰውየው ለትግሬ ያለው ጥላቻ! ትግሬ-ጠልነት እንደ ኮሮና የዘመኑ ቫይረስ ነው።

ለትግራዋይን ወገኖቼ ግን “ለምን?!” ብላችሁ እራሳችሁን አትጉዱ፤ ይህ ሁሉ መውጣት አለበት፤ በጉ ከፊዬሎች መለየት አለበት የምንለው ለዚህ ነው። ያው እንግዲህ ሁሉም የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ያለው ደቡባዊ ከድቷችኋል፤ ምንም ማድረግ አትችሉም ተፈጥሯዊ ነው፤ ወላይታውን ኃይለ ማርያም ደሳለኝን ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር አደረጋችሁት፤ ግን አላመሰጋንችሁም፤ ብዙም ሳይቆይ መንግስቱ ኃይለ ማርያም ዘመዱን ለማምጣት ወደ ዚምባብዌ አመራ። ለጋላው ለአብዮት አህመድ አሊ የጠቅላይ ሚንስትርነቱን ዙፋን ሰጣችሁት፤ ግን እርሱም አላመስገናችሁም ብዙም ሳይቆይ ከኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ እና አረብ ሞግዚቶቹ ጋር በማበር እንደ መንግስቱ ኃይለ ማርያም ሊጨፋጭፋችሁና ሊያስርባችሁ ወሰነ። ውለታ የዋላችሁለት እያንዳንዱ የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ያለው ደቡባዊ የአህዛብ የዋቄዮ-አላህ ልጅ ክዷችኋል በዚህ ከቀጠላችሁ ወደፊትም ይከዷችኋል። ምክኒያቱ ደግሞ እነዚህ የወደቁ ወገኖች የሚኖሩትና የሚመሩት የዓረብ ምድር ከተዘጋጀበት የሞትና ባርነት ህግ ነውና ነው። “ግብጻዊት” በሆነቸው የአጋር ማንነትና ምንነት የተመሰለው ይህ የምድር አፈር ህግ በአጋር የባርነት ስምና ክብር “ሞት” እንደሚባል እናስታውስ።

ቀባጣሪው አቶ ታንቱ ከንቱ በዚህ ቃለ መጠይቅ ስለ ጥላቻ፣ ግድያና ሞት ነው በወኔ የሚቀባጥረው (ሙሉውን ቪዲዮ ፈልጋችሁ ተመልከቱት) የተሰጡትንም አስተያየቶችም ለታሪክ መዝግቧቸው። አዎ! የሞትና ባርነት ህግ ማለት ይህ ነው።

👉 “በማንቸስተር ሕይወቱ ያለፈችው ሕፃን ‘ቅዱስ’+ የማርያም መቀነት የሚነግሩን ትልቅ ነገር አለ”

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Why Were 750 Christians Killed Protecting the Ark of the Covenant in Ethiopia?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 7, 2021

👉 በኢትዮጵያ የቃል ኪዳኑን ታቦት በመጠበቅ ላይ የነበሩ ፯፻፶/750 ክርስቲያኖች ለምን ተገደሉ?

ክርስቲያኗ እህታችንን ልክ እኔ እጠረጥረው ወደ ነበረው ዓይነት መንገድ ነው የመራት፤ ኢራቅ + ሶሪያ + ዩኔስኮ + ኢትዮጵያ...

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Posted in Ethiopia, Faith, Infos | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

The war in Tigray: Abiy, Isaias, and The Amhara Elite | በትግራይ የተካሄደው ጦርነት፤ አብይ ፣ ኢሳያስ እና አማራው ኤሊት

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on January 30, 2021

Peace in the troubled Horn of Africa region supposedly made a spectacular arrival on 5 June 2018 when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia agreed to implement the peace accord between Ethiopia and Eritrea as specified in the Algiers Agreement.

TRIPARTITE’S WAR

Peace in the troubled Horn of Africa region supposedly made a spectacular arrival on 5 June 2018 when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia agreed to implement the peace accord between Ethiopia and Eritrea as specified in the Algiers Agreement

Two weeks later, President Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea formally reciprocated. Then he went further: he declared that his government’s primary goal would now be “Ethiopia’s stability,” deferring the actual demarcation on the ground to an unspecified time; a reversal of his approach for the previous 16 years.

Within a month or so, the two leaders had visited each other’s capitals, to the delight of residents. In the Millennium Hall, thousands of Addis Ababa elites gathered to give Isaias the reception of his life, with thunderous cries of “Isu! Isu!” resonating in the hall.

Soon thereafter, when the border opened, emotional reunions took place all along the Eritrea-Tigray border. This enthusiasm infected the outside world.

The West welcomed the rapprochement, hoping that the region would now have enduring peace leading to sustainable growth. The EU also hoped the recalcitrant refugee problem that often reaches its shores might now find a lasting solution. Now that peace has been declared, it thought the indefinite national service that has been the main reason for the mass exodus of the Eritrean youth would come to an end. But if the West was pleased, they were not the key third parties.

Not only did Saudi Arabia initially facilitate the peace process between the two leaders, resulting in the Jeddah Peace Accord, it followed it up by giving them its highest medal, “the Order of the King Abdulaziz”, for ending war and bringing peace to the region. Next, Abiy was awarded the coveted Nobel Peace Prize. A year earlier, the UN had already joined the chorus by lifting the sanctions it had imposed on Eritrea after the U.S. dropped its half-hearted protestation.

This seemingly sincere, joyous and hopeful reception of peace in the region, however, had all the makings of what was to unfold into a full-blown war two and a half years after its announcement:

👉 The two leaders and the Amhara elite ecstatically welcomed the ‘peace pact’ they understood to remain confined in between themselves only with the sole purpose of creating a tripartite alliance against Tigray (with ‘Ethiopia’s stability’ in their minds);

👉 the Gulf States mediators worked hard to promote and maintain ‘peace in the Horn’, primarily with an eye on keeping rivals (Qatar, Iran and Turkey) out of what they have come to increasingly consider their turf of influence (later to be defended with, it seems, United Arab Emirates drones), with the full blessing of the US, who outsourced that job to them, with China as its rival in mind;

👉 a clueless Norwegian Nobel Committee facilitated this march to war by providing a sorely needed cover to Abiy;

👉 the UN witlessly provided the most vital component for the preparations of war by prematurely lifting the arms embargo on Eritrea;

👉 the masses on the ground, the only ones interested in genuine peace, who had no clue of what was coming soon to devastate them—scorched earth war and deliberate mass starvation in what is a genocide in the making.

Below, the three sides of this tragedy will be discussed: first, the structure of the tripartite alliance against Tigray as kept together by the ‘peace pact’; second, the timeline of the war preparations made possible by the ‘years of peace’; and, third, the emerging genocide, with famine used as a war strategy to subdue the people of Tigray.

Towards the end, the Eritrean role will be revisited, with the emphasis on its critical role in the alliance and the surprising absence of retribution from the rest of the world.

Anti-Tigray alliance

There were three entities that saw the ‘peace pact’ for what it really was on day one: as a very rare opportunity – one that has taken place only once in almost 50 years – wherein they could form a strategic alliance to sandwich Tigray between two mortal enemies (Eritrea and Amhara) and then finish it off, with total war in their minds: a war that aims to:

👉 wipe out the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and its army;

👉 destroy Tigray’s developmental structure;

👉 obliterate much of its cultural heritage;

👉 dismember its domain.

The three entities were Abiy of Ethiopia, Isaias of Eritrea and the Amhara nationalists. They rightly understood this peace as meant to hold between them only, and that it had nothing to do with the main stakeholders, namely, the Eritrean and Tigrayan masses.

When Abiy rushed to Asmara right after he came to power, it may well have been with this particular hostile goal in mind. So when the Addis Ababa elite gave Isaias a raucous reception fit for a national hero, all they saw in him was a dependable ally in this hostile bid, not a peacemaker. And Isaias responded with a belligerent language all three perfectly understood, “Game over”.

Obviously, this was not the peace an ignorant, distracted, naive world had in mind.

The Amhara nationalists were ahead of the game: they had already done their part in sandwiching Tigray. It has been almost three years since they blocked all the main direct roads that lead to Tigray, effectively separating it from the rest of Ethiopia. It has to be added that they would have never attempted this had they not been reassured that Tigray would never get access through Eritrea, thereby rendering the ‘sandwiching Tigray’ strategy not only desirable but also doable.

In those ‘years of peace’, they have also prepared their people for the final showdown, both mentally and physically. They have done a successful job of depicting Tigray as enemy number one in the minds of Amhara masses, a campaign that paved the way for today’s all-out assault on Tigray.

They had already started ethnic cleansing of Tigreans from their kilil (region), with tens of thousands forced to eventually reach Tigray, among others, through the Sudan, long before the final assault. Besides the ethnic hate they have carefully nurtured for years (which they accuse the TLF and other ethno-nationalists of harbouring towards them because of the anti-imperial foundations of their ideology), they have also provided the masses with tangible causes they can easily identify with: anti-federalism or centralization (ahudawinet) at the national level and land reclaim at kilil (regional) level.

And, last, as helpfully explained by Amhara’s police commissioner, they have done all the preparations for a military assault, with Special Forces and tens of thousands more militia, all trained, armed and mobilized to move against Tigray, which, while well-prepared itself, was overwhelmed.

The ethnic cleansing that we are witnessing now in West Tigray by Amhara militias is, in part, the result of years of hard work done by the Amhara elite on the ground. In this, they are only matched by the Asmara regime, which has been preparing its troops for this day for more than two decades.

Abiy understood that the almost genocidal hatred of these two factions could be fully harnessed to unleash a very destructive force against Tigray.

Aside from the personal antipathy for Tigray’s elites they happen to share, the two leaders too have had tangible goals they aim to achieve on the graveyard of the TPLF – they have identified Tigray as the sole obstacle to their ambitions as undisputed leaders in their respective domains for years to come.

After moving against the Oromo opposition, Abiy knew Tigray was the only region hindering his project of abolishing multinational federalism and creating a centralized state in Ethiopia. His dream is not unlike that of President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda where he will conduct sham elections to endlessly extend his position in power. In that sense, his primary victim is not federalism per se, but democracy.

Similarly, Isaias’ goal is to extend his totalitarian rule in Eritrea as long as he remains breathing. For his autocratic grip over the population to hold, he needs a nation that is sealed off from the rest of the world – that is, both physically and economically. By now, he has found out that he cannot do this on his own; he needs neighbouring nations’ leaders that accommodate him in this critical regard. He found one in Abiy.

Eritrea’s perennial problem has been an extremely porous border and a refugee-welcoming neighbour (Tigray) that made it impossible to retain its young population, depleting its overall population at a rapid rate.

A continuous mass exodus of the young population – so far more than half a million – for more than two decades has resulted in a demographic meltdown, limiting its population to around three million (almost half of what it should have been when compared with the population growth of the neighbourhood).

In addition, if any armed opposition to his totalitarian rule is to materialize, the despot’s fear is that it would come from the refugee camps in Tigray where his opponents congregate. The border dispute comes last in his list of grievances; in fact, a lasting solution to that problem would have expedited the demise of his regime, denying him the excuse he needs for his bloated army and sealed-off state. Thus, a relatively thriving, stable, peaceful neighbour was identified by the Asmara regime as an existential threat.

On the surface, it seems that Isaias, Abiy, and the Amhara elite are against federalism, but that comes from an erroneous understanding of what really motivates them to hold that stand. Isaias is not afraid of federalism in his domain simply because he is twice distanced from it.

Federalism becomes possible only under democracy, and democracy becomes possible only when, at the barest minimum, a nation is considered normal (even by dictatorial standards). Isaias’ primary worry is that the abnormal conditions in Eritrea necessary for the totalitarian system to function would be threatened if the nation is forced to open itself to the outside world. And when it comes to Ethiopia, he is against federalism so far as it allows democracy to hold in the neighbourhood, making it impossible for a totalitarian state to ‘function’ for long.

Abiy, too, is against multinational federalism simply because it helps him to do away with democracy; his alliance with the Amhara elite hinges on that particular understanding: that centralization in Ethiopia cannot be achieved under genuine democracy, given that it would inevitably lead to federalism.

The Amhara elite does not mind federal privileges when confined to their region; their expansionist agenda takes the federalist premise as given. They have a problem with federalism only when those privileges are extended to other regions, making the assimilation project impossible.

Thus, the root problem of the federal arrangement in Ethiopia is a linguistic one, the cartographic problem is secondary to this. If linguistic dominance of one language comes to an end – say, as in South Africa – the centralizing project, with assimilation as its central core, falls apart for lack of a cause. The world is naively pushing for peace through persuasion, failing to grasp that these three partners have entered a suicide pact.

Take, for instance, the hypothetical scenario wherein Abiy is forced to accept peace either because of stiff resistance from Tigray or increasing pressure from the outside world, or both. On that very day, both Isaias and the Amhara nationalists would turn against him, resulting in immediate withdrawals of their troops.

For the Eritrean leader, an unfinished job in Tigray would be the beginning of his end; a wounded but surviving Tigray is the last thing he wants. Not only would he have to explain his recklessness, with another round of ‘martyrs’ soon to be announced, to his ever-traumatized population, he would also have to face the wrath of Tigray for years to come.

More so in the Amhara case, since much of the ‘sacrifice’ – in terms of casualties – has so far been theirs. With the loss of the areas they profess to have reclaimed, the Amhara elite would have a hard time explaining that sacrifice they exacted from their people. And for Abiy, losing the support of Eritrea and Amhara would end up in quick disaster, given that the bulk of his army comes from these two areas.

That is why the peace pact between the three should be understood as structured to result in either the complete conquest of Tigray or the mutual suicide of the three partners – with no alternative in between.

And that is precisely why the peace the world seeks in this region will never be achieved through persuasion only. Tougher measures should be taken; nothing less than economic, diplomatic and arms sanctions and drastic aid cuts against Ethiopia and Eritrea will do. And if genocide – that is, the making of another Rwanda – is to be averted, these measures have to be taken now.

Let’s take one example, the case of Eritrean refugees, to see the tangled nature of this unholy tripartite pact. Lately, we have been looking at the assault on the Eritrean refugees stationed in refugee camps across Tigray: deliberate blockage of food from reaching the camps, forced conscription of refugees by Eritrean forces, abduction of many more that ended up in Eritrea, the scattering of many others all over the place (in Tigray, Ethiopia and even the Sudan), and all kinds of traumas: starvation, disease, torture, killings, separation, exhaustion, terror, etc.

And lately, we have seen the forced return of refugees that had made it all the way to Addis Ababa back to the very camps in war-torn Tigray from which they had escaped in the first place.

The world is understandably outraged and seems at a loss to why Ethiopia would be willing to undertake such a blatant humanitarian crime even as the world’s eyes are focused on it. Taking a closer look at the structure of the tripartite pact though explains why Ethiopia cannot but commit this egregious act even as it ponders its consequences: at this point in time, it cannot afford to say no to Eritrea.

If the world lets it – and, so far, it has – the Asmara regime intends to bring all the refugees in Ethiopia back to Eritrea; for Isaias, this is a one-time bonanza not to be easily bypassed. This happens to be part of the plan to stem the ongoing mass exodus that has been threatening the viability of the nation in general, and that of its army in particular – and, to reiterate the point, that being one of the main reasons why Eritrea decided to go to war against Tigray in the first place.

If Ethiopia doesn’t accommodate Eritrea on this critical demand, nothing less than the peace pact among them would be threatened. So, for Abiy, the threat is crystal clear: if he follows international norms in regard to refugees, he might end up antagonizing Eritrea, with the possibility of losing the war, given that the Eritrean army happens to be the backbone of this alliance, initially reportedly with at least 12 divisions deployed deep inside Tigray, later to be augmented with more divisions.

That Abiy has so far chosen victory over Tigray no matter what shouldn’t come as a surprise. After all, the refugee crisis is the least of his sins, since he is employing nothing less than total war to achieve his goal.

Besides the ongoing ethnic profiling of Tigrayans throughout Ethiopia, a thorough ethnic cleansing in West Tigray and various massacres along the paths the tripartite armies have passed through, right now the Abiy regime is undertaking widespread bombing of Tigray, targeting villages and towns indiscriminately, all under a complete information blackout.

Above all, denying food and other basic needs – electricity, water, medicine, banking services, etc. – to the needy population has become his primary weapon to subdue Tigray, that is why he is preventing humanitarian aid from reaching the millions that direly need it now.

War path

The main goal of the tripartite alliance – crushing Tigray – is reflected not only in the war itself but also in the martial preparations that took place in the last two years of ‘peace’, unwittingly facilitated by prestigious organizations like the UN and the Norwegian Nobel Committee.

Noble ignorance, or duplicity?

The Norwegian Nobel Committee has developed a lazy habit, at best, and, at worst, displayed dubious motives when it awards its Peace Prize to distant third-world countries like Myanmar and Ethiopia.

It never adequately does its homework when it throws prizes at leaders who promote their perverted version of ‘peace’ – always couched in words amenable to Western ears, but always with ulterior priorities in their minds.

This is especially so when the committee adds other factors than unadulterated peace in its calculation, such as ‘the indispensability of Ethiopia’s stability to the region’ or ‘promoting democracy in the region’ that the West has been peddling with for decades, to the detriment of minor actors in the region. A little bit of vetting would have provided the committee with a complex picture of Abiy, enough to put doubts even on the biased minds, however implicit, of its members.

From the outset, the Prime Minister, as was very clear to those following his speeches and actions, despite some superficially warm rhetoric, demonized the people of Tigray in general, and blamed the TPLF for everything that went wrong in the nation, even under his watch.

But even putting aside his apparent dislike for Tigrayans, he has so many other character flaws that raise doubts about his sincerity and competence.

He readily fulfils all the elements displayed in the toxic cocktail of modern-day despots. He is a shallow thinker, prone to plagiarism. Like other crackpot despots obsessed with his own importance, he has come up with an incoherent ‘bible’ for the nation to follow, with a vaguely articulated ‘philosophy’ of medemer (‘synergy’) devoid of tangible content, a clear mark of a charlatan. Like a Rorschach inkblot, he could make his book say anything he wants to say, depending on the ever-changing context.

Second, this delusion of grandeur has fundamentalist elements in it – messianic and transactional Evangelicalism. He unabashedly believes he was destined to be the “seventh king”, as prophesized by none other than his own mother. The ‘Prosperity’ in the new party he created – Prosperity Party – comes from the controversial Prosperity Church, one that equates riches with virtues, with its apocalyptic aspirations having no room for peace of any kind.

Despite Isaias’ horrendous persecution of Evangelical Christians (their religion prohibited, their churches closed, all members disenfranchised and thousands imprisoned), Abiy, supposedly a devout Pentecostal, has developed a close relationship with him purely for transactional reasons – yet, rationalized as acceptable in his belief system.

Third, he is naively impressed by Arab modernity, a material-obsessed modernity devoid of its liberating aspects. Obsessed with the kitsch architecture in Dubai, he openly flaunts his gaudy taste for the nation to admire and follow. His nonchalant attempt to remake Addis Ababa in that imitative image amidst a humanitarian crisis of millions internally displaced comes from that understanding of modernity detached from its human utility. It took him a year to visit a single camp of Internally Displaced Persons, but even then he displayed no empathy for the victims.

And, last, the man is a pathological liar of the Trumpian mould. As in the case of Trump, one could count a number of lies of various statures within a single speech he delivers any time.

Let me provide one example of Abiy’s delusional grandeur on display. In a speech he gave in what seems to be the parliament building, he claims: “By 2050 the world will have two superpowers and one of them will be Ethiopia.”

And this is according to 30 years plan he has drawn, he tells us. Delusional grandeur and a lie big enough to match that grandeur that he has convinced himself to be true, with some nutty religious prophecy sprinkled in it (where you could literally make things/facts happen through your wishes/words, the so-called Law of Attraction), lead to this statement.

This is a man that may need psychiatric help, not someone to be encouraged with a Nobel Peace Prize, which only ended up pushing his delusional grandeur to a stratospheric level.

The clownish character depicted above shouldn’t fool us when it comes to the horrendous damage Abiy is inflicting on the region. Some observers have attributed some high-profile assassinations to his regime: Simegnew Bekele – the chief engineer of the Renaissance Dam, General Se’are Mekonenen – the Army Chief of Staff, Hachalu Hundessa – a popular singer and civil rights activist, etc. But even if the allegations are off the mark, there is little doubt that Abiy has exploited them to serve his own agenda.

In each case, a drama was staged around the assassination to further consolidate the Prime Minister’s power. In the last case, after implausibly attributing the assassination to various opposition groups, he used it as a pretext to detain more around 10,000 – almost every person he imagined would go against his consolidation of power – from opposition party leaders to street protesters to independent journalists.

True to his ability to create ‘facts’, it also sometimes appears he tolerates ethnic clashes, just to prove that federalism is at its root cause, paving the way for the centralization that he craves. And now, we are looking at how he is one of the three main architects of the total war waged against Tigray.

The world also needs to be reminded that Abiy remains an unelected leader, originally put in a position to see the government through transition. Instead, he has used the COVID-19 pandemic as a cover to extend term limits.

One would have given him the benefit of the doubt had it not been that it is within that period of extension that he has been consolidating his power by sidelining, silencing and eliminating his competitors. After imprisoning many opposition leaders, disqualifying many parties and waging war with Tigray, now he is ready to run a sham election where the only serious party will be his own Prosperity Party.

Ignoring all the information that was available then, the Norwegian Nobel Committee nevertheless went ahead to award him their Peace Prize for a cause it had absolutely no understanding of, simply impressed by a headline that announced “peace” between two long-antagonistic nations, not realizing that in this region alliances shift not only by national interests but also by personal and sub-national ones.

Alliances are made within and across borders, making the notion of ‘nationhood’ in this region suspect. A peace pact that doesn’t take account of this elemental fact can never succeed; in this case, a peace pact that didn’t take Tigray as a serious partner. And it was not as if the Committee was caught off guard; its members had a year and a half to figure out their ‘man of peace’.

By then, Ethiopia had had a number of well-publicized ethnic clashes, dubious assassinations, horrendous massacres, and massive displacements. And more relevantly to the issue at hand, more than a year after the peace pact was made, there were no signs at all of its success on the ground – the alarm bells the committee ought to have heeded were already ringing loudly.

Despite all of these facts, this image of a youthful Ethiopian leader working for reform, peace and prosperity in the Horn wouldn’t have been bought by all the relevant players to the degree it was without the Norwegian Nobel Committee endorsing it.

The damage that the award incurred on the region was thus monumental. And when it comes to the ongoing war in Tigray, it provided a perfect cover for the war preparations that were already underway. After all, who would have thought a Nobel Peace Prize-winning leader would use the peace years to secretly create an unholy tripartite alliance with sub-national and outside forces to terrorize his own subjects?

It all started with the rehabilitation of the pariah of the region, none other than President Isaias, in the eyes of the world – a task Abiy undertook from day one with almost religious zeal.

Rehabilitating Isaias Afwerki

Abiy, in a very short time, did a lot more to normalize the Asmara regime than all the others who tried to do so in the last two decades combined – be it its supporters in the diaspora or foreign mining companies with self-interests.

At every opportunity, he hailed the pariah of the region, Isaias, as a great leader who genuinely seeks and works for peace in the neighbourhood and unabashedly romanticized the ghost city of Asmara and the traumatized Eritrean nation (sometimes referred as “the North Korea of Africa”). He sold this sanitized image so successfully to his people that when Isaias arrived in Addis Ababa, he was met with euphoric adulation that he had not found among his own people for a long time now.

And worse yet, Abiy’s normalizing task was not confined to Ethiopia, he has taken this mission with irrepressible zeal to the outside world. He has been selling Eritrea to the neighbourhood, IGAD, AU, UN, EU, US, etc. All of this was being done without the Isaias regime undertaking the slightest bit of humanitarian gesture on its side.

Instead, it coordinated a clever Potemkin show with the Abiy government to convince the world in general, and the UN in particular, that it is genuinely embracing peace: it opened the border with Tigray for few months, allowing emotional reunions with peoples across the border. These carefully managed optics did it. Once the regime got the recognition it wanted which, in turn, allowed the sanctions against it to be lifted, it unceremoniously closed the border for good – with the full intention of trapping Tigray in between two mortal enemies.

When it comes to war preparations, the most important goal in the rehabilitating mission was to convince the UN to lift the sanctions it had imposed on Eritrea, specifically the arms embargo. Abiy successfully convinced the UN, after rallying the neighbourhood. There is no doubt that ever since then the Asmara regime has been on a shopping spree for all kinds of armaments.

Much of its sophisticated armaments (such as fighter jets), which were idle for a long time for lack of spare parts, were reactivated and new weapons were added. Abiy helped Eritrea rearm to the brim, so much so that when the war started it even managed to rearm the Ethiopian soldiers that landed on its side of the border.

Thus, Abiy’s first mission in the preparations for war against Tigray – heavily arming Eritrea – was paradoxically accomplished with the helping hands of the UN. The UN though cannot feign the same innocence as the Norwegian Nobel Committee. It should have known better since it has been dealing with the Isaias regime for more than two decades. Every year, it has been providing the world with a long list of its atrocities. In 2012, with the problem not going away, it even assigned a Special Rapporteur to examine and report annually on human rights in Eritrea.

The US’ half-hearted effort to link the lifting of the sanctions to human rights improvement was dropped quickly, with the ‘regional peace’ mantra getting the upper hand. Besides, in most of the sanctions that the UN lifted before, it took overcoming years of bureaucratic hurdles to materialize. Not so in the case of Eritrea thanks to Abiy’s charm offensive.

Closing the border

Lifting the arms embargo addressed only half of the problem Eritrea was facing with regards to its bloated army. The relentless effort to seal off Eritrea from the rest of the world in the last two decades has been conducted through two means that all totalitarian systems use – physical isolation and self-reliance – which have respectively caused the mass exodus of young people and economic meltdown.

Hundreds of thousands of young people that have left the country in the last two decades are either army deserters or conscription evaders, making it very hard to maintain an army of the magnitude that Eritrea wants to have without draining the manpower of the country. Abiy is again being asked to come to the rescue on how to stem this ongoing mass exodus.

As pointed out above, Tigray has been the main attraction for this mass exodus. Not only has it been accommodating hundreds of thousands of Eritrean refugees in camps and cities, but most of the refugees that eventually landed in foreign lands have also passed through it. Abiy started to work on this problem long before the war started.

First, he tried to close two refugee camps, by crowding them in other camps and even moving them to Ethiopian towns, with eventually phasing out the refugee camps in mind. When there was stiff resistance to this, the Prime Minister drastically curtailed the acceptance of asylum seekers, forcing most newcomers to skip the camps and settle in towns and cities across Tigray instead.

What Abiy failed to accomplish during peacetime is now being openly conducted on the ground: the overall emerging picture is that of Ethiopia actively involved in handing over the refugees to Eritrea, be it by providing Eritrean troops free access to the camps to do whatever they want or returning refugees from as far as Addis Ababa for the same purpose.

If so, imagine what would happen if Abiy succeeds in winning this war: Ethiopia would not only stop being a haven for Eritrean refugees, it would actively work with the Isaias regime in apprehending and sending them back to the very nation they have escaped from. That would go a long way to stem, if not to entirely stop, the mass exodus.

And then there is the national economy, if one can call it that, given that it is the ruling party, Shaebia (the popular name for the ruling Eritrean People’s Liberation Front), that monopolizes it.

It is this monopolization that was terminally threatened by opening the border to free trade, rendering the two advantages it had over the civilian sector obsolete: the total control it had over hard currency and the rest of the economy. With cross border trade flourishing, the artificially manipulated Nakfa was about to have a meltdown. With the hard currency Eritrean families receive from the diaspora fetching more in Tigray (when exchanged in Birr), the downward spiral of the Nakfa was inevitable.

Shaebia’s control over the rest of the economy (ownership of commercial farms, factories, businesses, banks, shops, etc.) was achieved by fiat: eliminating competition through expropriation, manipulated bankruptcies, forced closures and unfair competition (such as using free slave labour and having exclusive access to hard currency). With the opening of the border, competition was coming from outside, something it was unable to control. Left on its own, Shaebia as a competitor in an open market wouldn’t have lasted for long.

We can now easily see wherein comes this picture of ‘Tigray as an enemy’ if we focus on that brief time of a few months when the border was opened to allow free movement of people and goods.

First, tens of thousands stampeded to get out of the hellhole called Eritrea, with tens of thousands more readying themselves to leave the nation for good. If the border had remained open for a year or so, the nation would have been entirely emptied of its young population, and the inevitable collapse would have followed.

Second, when thousands of those who visited Tigray returned to Eritrea, they came back with ‘dangerous ideas’ in their heads. They have seen a Tigray that was relatively free, somewhat democratic, peaceful, developing at a good pace and its people living the kind of normal lives that Eritreans crave. Not only did this add to the tension within the country, but it also became a further reason for the exodus.

And, third, Shaebia’s monopoly over the economy was about to come to an abrupt end, and since it was the only economy that mattered, the nation was about to experience economic disaster. By not objecting when Isaias quickly closed the border, Abiy was trying to preserve these three essential components of the war preparations: manpower, ideology (anti-Tigray), and resources.

Pandemic pretext

The biggest clue that the two leaders were preparing for war long before the triggering event that Abiy mentions (‘the attack on the Northern Command’) or that Debretsion Gebremichael mentions (the elections) is how Eritrea used the COVID-19 pandemic to cover its war preparations.

Here is how this puzzle goes: why is Eritrea, an impoverished nation that has had the fewest number of cases in the region, having the longest lockdown in the world (ten months and counting)? This puzzle is compounded by the fact that it was not only the longest but also the strictest lockdown: no vehicles except for government-owned ones were allowed to move through the duration of this extended lockdown, only when the massive looting of Tigray started were trucks allowed to move. In its latest version, there were even days it has totally prevented residents of Asmara from going out of their homes.

All of this has been ruthlessly undertaken despite the fact that most of the people have been enduring it at almost semi-starvation level, with desperate robberies reaching an epidemic level. (It is believed that only when the regime rounded up the young men of Asmara and sent them to the Tigray war did the robberies subside.) Besides, this seemingly overcautious approach doesn’t comport with the recklessness in which tens of thousands of soldiers are exposed to the virus in the Tigray war they have been forced to join. In fact, the latest spike in COVID-19 cases is attributed to the war.

Nor does it comport with the way the city residents have replaced car transportation: horse-driven carriages that take much longer time to reach destination points, hence greater exposure. Thus, this cannot be explained by looking at it either epidemiologically or economically, but it can be readily explained as a military tactic.

What the Asmara regime actually did was to use COVID-19 pandemic as a cover to conduct its final preparations for the war: massive troop buildups and irregular troop movements (both its own and Ethiopia’s), hasty deployment of reserves and Sawa-graduates, and massive armament hauls from the seaports and airport – all done in a total information blackout. Given that the regime is still denying its involvement in the war, it was necessary that all the preparations be done in the dark – that is, besides the military surprise element.

Mesfin Hagos, the former Defense Minister of Eritrea, provides us with an additional piece of information in this regard: that specially trained Ethiopian troops were being stealthily stationed (incrementally) in a totally secluded area in Eritrea (known as Gergera) long before the elections were conducted and the Northern Command was neutered. Their presence was in fact reported as early as June, although nobody figured out that they were being readied for war.

Thus, the regime’s main concern was the spread of information if people are allowed to freely move around. It was no wonder then that the strictest version of the lockdown took place soon after the start of the war when a large number of Ethiopian soldiers were brought to Eritrea through the Asmara airport and the seaports (through Massawa, via Assab).

In addition, this cover was used to prevent the movement of young people, who are prone to desert the army and evade conscription at times of war. As the war continued, and the death of beloved ones began to filter its way to Eritrea, this lockdown would be further used to monitor and prevent any open grievances or any form of dissent.

Above, we have seen how Eritrea was preparing for war for the last two years, with and without the helping hands of Abiy. Now let’s look at what the Prime Minister did on his own turf to prepare for this war.

Alienating Tigray

Abiy’s first move in his war against Tigray was how to alienate it from the rest of Ethiopia. First, he made sure that Tigrayans and the TPLF became interchangeable in people’s minds, for example through the documentary about state abuses that framed “Tigrinya speakers”. Second, he blamed TPLF for every imaginable ill that afflicts the nation, including all those that have been taking place under his watch: corruption, murky assassinations, ethnic conflicts, economic downturn, etc.

Similarly, he refused to give any credit to the TPLF for any positive developments that had occurred in the country, including the solid economic growth, partly from critical public investments the nation registered during the latter half of EPRDF’s rule.

Even the fact that Tigray was the only kilil in Ethiopia that had no internal strife was eventually spun as some kind of nefarious plot to preserve peace in its own turf at the expense of others. Somehow Abiy was trying to convince the rest of Ethiopia that peace and prosperity in Tigray were inversely related to their peace and prosperity.

And now, this perverse logic is extended to include life itself: that the death of Tigray would mean life for the rest of Ethiopia – a logic that is now interpreted on the ground by the tripartite armies in their systematic destruction of Tigray (factories, companies, farms, banks, hospitals, schools and all other types of institution and infrastructure) and, of course, accompanied by ongoing massacres.

As a result of Abiy’s sustained campaign, the image of Tigrayans that gradually evolved among Ethiopians in general, and the Amhara in particular, was that of an alien and treasonous people, undeserving to be considered fully Ethiopian. Thus, the frame of mind necessary to conduct genocide was accomplished.

Power consolidation

While President Isaias, having finished his war preparations, was ready and waiting, Abiy had one particular problem to resolve before he would make his final move.

After two years in power, his political and physical hold over Ethiopia remained tenuous: many opposition groups were actively against him, and various parts of Ethiopia were out of his orbit of control. He needed to consolidate his power first before he could embark on such a major adventure as the Tigray war.

It is not that he had not been using force before. In fact, he had used his army to quell dissents in various regions before in Amhara, Metekel, Oromia, Somali, Sidama, Wolayta, etc. It is only that he didn’t need the kind of massive firepower and unconventional alliances that he ended up using against Tigray.

The one problem that he was unable to quickly resolve was the political dissent of many parties. The creation of the Prosperity Party went halfway to resolving that problem. It required a more draconian move to eliminate it. This came with the assassination of Hachalu Hundesa, the perfect excuse Abiy needed to make this last move: he detained more than ten thousand in the opposition, including top leaders.

It is surprising and disappointing that the world never focused on that egregious crime, given that it marks the time the Abiy regime went fully authoritarian, openly shedding its democratic pretensions. Besides, this move has all the hallmarks of Isaias’ tactics: an assassination, the search for ‘assassins’ that fit the agenda, the search for a ‘crime’ big enough to include many of the opposition, and the totality of it all, in that it marks a point of no return. With one masterstroke, the mentee was catching up with the mentor; it was the first significant step to shape Ethiopia in the image of Isaias’ craven autocracy.

Once the Prime Minister consolidated his power, his next move was to remove the only obstacle remaining to his complete control: Tigray.

With that in mind, he was ready to move much of the national army to the north in coordination with his two allies. Both Eritrea and Amhara were waiting ready for him to catch up: Eritrea has mobilized its entire population and Amhara has amassed a large force made up of Special Forces and various types of militias on its northwestern border with Tigray.

Again, all of these were ready long before the so-called trigger events – the neutralization of the Northern Command or the Tigray elections. What the former actually did was to set back the preparations on Abiy’s side, and made him more dependent on Eritrea and Amhara for the success of the mission, further cementing the tripartite alliance.

Electoral cover

Another of Isaias’ signature tactics has also been used in the preparations for this war: timing. In 2001, Isaias used the terrorist attack on 9/11 as cover to make his lethal move to crush all opposition in the land: former comrades, generals, senior officials, journalists, religious groups and many others who were perceived as dissenters were imprisoned. As in Hachalu’s case, it marked Eritrea’s totalitarian turn.

The war was set to start at the time of the US elections for three reasons:

First, as in the case of 9/11, all the eyes of the world were focused on the US elections, especially since this one was unusual given the consequences it carried not only for the US but also for the world at large.

Second, the two leaders figured out that if Joe Biden comes to power, they would likely face an administration opposing their war, or at minimum how it is conducted. With total war planned to subdue Tigray and its people, no wonder they dreaded the arrival of a Democrat president. They felt that the Trump administration was more sympathetic to their cause and unwilling to take punitive measures against them (it is also possible that Abiy was counting on his Evangelical connections in the White House), and more so if it is preoccupied in its election. Looking at the initial reactions of the US – it was supporting the Abiy government, and with the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and the US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Tibor Nagy, both using similar terms to attack the TPLF for “internationalizing” the war – I don’t think the two leaders were wrong in their assessments.

And, third, they believed that the three months long interregnum – in between the elections and handing over power – would give them enough time to finish the war. After that, they believed that the Biden administration would have no choice but to take the situation as fait accompli and start from the default position of the US under any administration: the indispensability of Ethiopia’s stability to the neighbourhood.

Thus, the timing of the war as set by Isaias and Abiy provides additional evidence that the preparations for it were long in the making. Triggering points are excuses that they were looking for, if not those, others would have been invented. But the timing of the war could not be changed, it was what had to remain constant.

Moreover, those who believe that the so-called triggering events are the cause of the war always fail to include Isaias’ role, as if he arrived late to supplement Abiy’s war. They seem to miss that all the preparations he had made were with a certainty of war coming. Anything short of delivering that war would be considered as Abiy’s betrayal of him.

If we cannot say, had Hachalu not been assassinated, Abiy wouldn’t have turned authoritarian, we cannot also say that had the triggering events not taken place, this war could have been avoided. In both instances, other events (manufactured or not) would have been found to fill in the role within the already set timeframe.

But it is not just a regular war that they are conducting, as pointed out before, it is total war with genocide the result of total subjugation.

Genocide in the making

People who commit genocide not only think in totality, they also do it in unanimity, as if they share a single mind. This is something that peasants are incapable of doing on their own. The total mind is the invention of the elite. The idea of ethnically cleansing an area to match a map is an alien concept to a peasant’s mind. That is why almost all forms of genocide are elite-driven.

Having done all the preparations – both physical and mental – by the Ethiopian elite (especially the Amhara elite), the nation is now on the verge of committing a massive genocide in Tigray. To prepare a people to commit genocide means that you present genocide to them as an acceptable solution for a given problem; the elimination of the other becomes not only desirable but also pragmatically doable.

Tigrayans have been rendered the other by Ethiopians in general, and by the Amhara in particular. Mentally, they have been pushed out of the borders of Ethiopia, and almost every Tigrayan is now experiencing this strange feeling of alienation, of being the other, i.e. of being unceremoniously evicted from the Ethiopian body. This strangeness comes precisely because for much of their lives they had felt like the core of what makes Ethiopia throughout history.

Even if we confine ourselves to recent history, they had valiantly fought against Egyptians, Sudanese and Italian forces in the latter half of the 19th century. Now, they find themselves outside of the very entity they helped to secure for centuries. Whatever happens in this war, Ethiopia will never find a place in the heart of Tigrayans again, in no small measure thanks to the Amhara elite, who have failed dismally in their nation’s hour of need.

Right now, even with the scattered information coming out of Tigray, we are witnessing genocide in the making in real-time, partly thanks to social media. Famine is emerging as the biggest weapon the Abiy government is willing to wield in the process of subjugating Tigray. Tigray has always been prone to extensive droughts and millions need partial or full aid even in good times. This year the food problem has been exacerbated by multiple invasions of locusts in the south. The war has added millions more to this figure. In addition, UNICEF claims that there are more than two million children in need of help.

The first step taken by the government in its systematic famine policy against Tigray is to let the famine run its course, that is, not to intervene in any way, other than to block access.

That includes outside intervention – the UN, UNICEF, USAID, NGOs, etc. Its refusal to let any of these humanitarian organizations have free access comes directly from this policy. The Amhara elite has been the primary sponsors of this policy, reminding the government that a well-fed population breeds resistance. Their reference point has been the global aid in the 1984 famine, which they claim helped the Woyane win the war against the Derg. The government has been scrupulously listening to their advice.

Second, not only is the Abiy regime letting the famine run its course unhindered, but it is also actively inducing it. With the war, it has successfully displaced more than two million people within Tigray, mainly peasants who have been forced to flee their homes, leaving behind their farm animals and harvests. Some of that has also been burned by troops on the ground and by drones and fighter jets from above. In one satellite image, experts have identified thousands of burned homes and plots.

In the western part of Tigray, where half of the internally displaced people have fled from, the assault by Amhara militias is more systematic: massive ethnic cleansing accompanied with the expropriation of homes, farm plots, harvests and livestock, with the explicit intention of settling the land with Amhara peasants. The displaced Tigrayan peasants and those who have stayed but have lost their crops and livestock are living on borrowed time, with the certainty of famine around the corner.

And this policy to starve the Tigrayan masses to submission is not limited to peasants; the urban population too is facing the same fate. First, the government has deliberately frozen bank accounts of the entire population across Tigray. Second, hundreds of thousands of livelihoods have been made to disappear by the relentless and vicious destruction that is being carried out by the tripartite armies.

In Adwa alone, more than 5,300 mostly low-income women have lost their jobs because Eritrean troops completely destroyed the Almeda Textile Factory. In some towns, the entire food supply of the residents has been looted. The insecurity in the villages has added to this plight, in that the regular supply of food products is being interrupted. In Mekelle, for instance, the prices of food have shot up. All of this has created a precarious condition, not unlike the beginning of famine.

And, last, the information blackout over Tigray is meant to provide this unfolding genocide through famine and war a necessary cover.

Abiy’s government has adamantly refused almost any independent media from the outside world to enter Tigray. And, second, it has cut off telephone and Internet services.

Recently, limited telephone service has started in Mekelle and in the west and south, and that is because Abiy feels he can control it. He is dreading the Internet though, for obvious reasons: the images of the carnage taking place all over Tigray – abandoned villages, burned-out buildings, looted universities and factories, the widespread presence of Eritrean troops, etc. But the last thing that Abiy wants is the image of emaciated starving people making the headlines of the media in the world; he knows what the consequences of such exposures have been to his predecessors Haile Selassie and Mengistu Hailemariam.

The three odd partners of the tripartite alliance against Tigray are actively working their way to what amounts to genocide. Recently, famine as an additional weapon to subdue Tigray has gained urgency among these three partners because their goal to finish the war quickly has failed.

The longer the war, the more the world would discover what is really going on inside Tigray. The looting army of Eritrea would find it hard to explain its extended presence. The ethnic cleansing that Amhara forces are conducting cannot continue in stealth given that, sooner or later, the armed conflict will likely revisit those areas. But, above all, there is fear among the three partners that time could only benefit the TPLF; the fact that outraged Tigrayan youth are flocking to the mountains to join the resistance is an ominous indicator of what is coming. That is why famine is now emerging as a war strategy.

Massacres

Ironically, the Maikadra massacre has played a disproportionate role in minimizing the overall massacres that have been going on all over Tigray.

Given that Maikadra is to be found near the border with Sudan, with many of its inhabitants now living in refugee camps, it is understandable that it is getting the publicity other massacres deep inside Tigray are not getting.

It also used to be inhabited by a sizeable population from both ethnic groups (Tigrayans and Amharas), which is not the case in most Tigrayan villages and towns, which has provided conflicting narratives that the Abiy regime is exploiting. It is notable that Abiy has so far not attributed any civilian massacre in Tigray, except for Maikadra, to the TPLF. All that he is attempting to do is prevent the news of those massacres from reaching the outside world; the information blackout is meant to help in that process.

Despite all the efforts, the information is slowly but steadily filtering out of Tigray. Through words of mouth of witnesses, family members, relatives and images through pictures and videos, the true picture is emerging. So far, here are some of the villages, towns, cities and districts (in alphabetical order) where massacres, ranging from few individuals to dozens to over a hundred, have happened. I have compiled from social media:

Abiadi, Abraha-Atsbaha, Adiabun, Adidaero, Adigrat, Adihageray, Adihano, Adikeyih, Adinebried, Adiqeweylo, Adiaweshi Adwa, Agula’e, Ahferom, Ala’isa Alitena, Axum, Ba’eker, Beles, Bizet, Chercher, Dahwan, Dibdibo, Digum, Edagahamus, Endabaguna, Finariwa, Gebezya, Gijet, Guya, Halah, Hawzien, Hiwane, Hitsats, Humera, Koraro, Maikadra, Maitsebri, Mariam-Dengelat, Mekelle, Menji, Mekhoni, Nebelet, Negash, Rawyani, Raya, Seharti, Semema, Shire, Tembien, Tashi, Welkait, Werkamba, Wukro, Wushti-Gulti, Zalambesa, Zara, etc.

In all these areas, the massacres are being conducted by the Ethiopian army, Amhara forces, and Eritrean troops. The most horrendous massacres are being conducted by the latter two. Yet the world remains focused on Maikadra, where the consensus of the media seems to be that both parties are involved. But the latest one points the finger at Ethiopia: the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights suggests that evidence is pointing that Fano and Amhara militias conducted the massacre while the army stood by, allowing it.

But even if the former happens to be true, the narrative that ‘both sides are to be blamed’ by the media is very deceptive, given that all the massacres in the rest of Tigray – amounting to thousands killed, at a minimum, and still counting – are being done by the tripartite partners. There is no sense of proportion in such reporting.

Yet, in the end, these massacres will be only a small part of the emerging genocide. What is needed is a means that would deliver in huge numbers and in a short time, one that is not as messy as these ongoing massacres and one that could also be blamed on nature. That means is famine, that the protagonists have not only decided to let run its course by denying any help from reaching the starving millions, but are also actively inducing it through massive displacements and relentless war.

While from above (the government), the overarching famine policy is to deny, obstruct and prevent any aid from reaching Tigray accompanied with information blackout, from below (the tripartite armies), the facilitation of the famine is accomplished by the total destruction of Tigray.

The relevance factor

Let me end this essay by focusing on Eritrea’s involvement in this war. If there is anything surprising in this war, it is the way the outside world has reacted to Eritrea’s involvement: from silence, to doubting it, to minimizing it, to ignoring it or even to supporting it. The US has been the worst: from notoriously praising Eritrea for its patience to reluctantly admitting its presence in Tigray, with no desire to restrain the Isaias regime.

But even the EU, which is the only body that has somewhat reacted to the crisis in a substantive way by withholding $109 million of aid to Ethiopia, has so far remained unresponsive to Eritrea’s involvement. Given that the Eritrean army is the backbone of the tripartite army, it remains a puzzle why the EU is unwilling to punish the nation, especially since it is well cognizant of the horrendous crimes the regime has been committing against its own people.

Besides, from the news that has been coming out from Tigray, the Eritrean soldiers happen to be involved in the most gruesome way: massive lootings, gang-raping, burning harvests and homes, dismantling of factories, destruction of public buildings, attacks on refugee camps, and, above all, killing civilians wherever they pass through or are stationed.

If Eritrea deserves the name “the North Korea of Africa”, then its troops should be called “the Khmer Rouge of Africa” for the sheer brutality and cruelty they have displayed in Tigray. In the span of less than two months, they have already massacred thousands of Tigrayans (more than Ethiopia had killed in the entire 30 years long of the liberation war in Eritrea). What is the world waiting for? In fact, the world ought to have focused more on Eritrea than Ethiopia for various reasons.

First, the huge humanitarian crisis the Eritrean occupation has generated – from massive lootings to wanton destruction to mass killings – would come to an abrupt end. Second, the presence of Eritrea everywhere in Tigray has become a further reason why the Addis Ababa government doesn’t want to allow foreign entities – from humanitarian organizations to journalists – into Tigray. Third, if Eritrea is forced to withdraw from Ethiopia, there is little chance that the war campaign will succeed and its end, and that of the terror it has unleashed, might come sooner than later.

These are all reasons that would immediately benefit the terrorized people of Tigray, and by extension, Ethiopians. But Eritreans too would be beneficiaries. First, the terrorizing of the Eritrean refugees by Eritrean troops would come to an end. And, second, the needless loss of lives in the Eritrean army engaged in Tigray would also come to an end.

This focus on Eritrea should also have a long-range aspect to it since much of the problem in the region is instigated by its vindictive leader. In this war – his latest among the many confrontations he had ignited – what remains constant is his perennial quest to remain the most relevant player in the region. Eritrea has neither resource nor soft power by which it could stay relevant, let alone the most relevant, in the region. It is a tiny, impoverished nation known for its brutal administration that no nation wants to be associated with, let alone emulate.

In light of this, Isaias’ great fear has always been that he would remain irrelevant in the region. For a long time now, he has found out the only way he could remain relevant is by involving the nation in multiple confrontations. He happens to be the main architect of this war, and you cannot help but admire in the way he has made himself (or Eritrea) indispensable, and hence the most relevant, in this war game. In this arrangement, he has made the Eritrean army the most indispensable element upon which the tripartite alliance rests; if you remove it, the rest starts to crumble.

The tentacles of this alliance go even further, in that the proxy beneficiaries are made to pass through Asmara in order to strengthen that indispensability phenomenon. The presumed United Arab Emirates drones that many suspect have been so effective in determining the course of the war and in terrorizing the people of Tigray happened to fly from Eritrean soil, namely Assab.

Even the US seems to acknowledge that: “Cameron Hudson, a former director of African affairs at the U.S. National Security Council, stated that there is division in the US government on speaking publicly about Eritrea’s involvement in Tigray, due to strategic and tactical considerations.”

In layman’s language, it means Eritrea’s involvement has been found indispensable to the stability of Ethiopia, which has always been the US’ priority in the region.

The US was willing to let this go on so far as the allies were able to wrap their campaign as soon as possible. Only when the war seemed to drag on, and the involvement of Eritrea could no longer remain hidden, did the US government issue a half-hearted warning to Eritrea to withdraw its troops. But the critical point here is how Isaias positioned himself as indispensable to the self-interest not only of Ethiopia, but also the US, through the war he architected.

If the above makes sense, then it is essential the evil man of Asmara be denied the relevance he actively seeks through endless confrontations – against Djibouti, Sudan, Yemen, Ethiopia, and now, Tigray – in the neighbourhood. It would be the beginning of his downfall. And with that, Eritrea would also be delivered from decades of totalitarian horror.

With that, the possibility of sandwiching Tigray, a phenomenon that has been tempting genocidal elements from Ethiopia, would come to an end. It has to be made clear that Abiy would have never attempted to conduct total war against Tigray without having Eritrea on his side. Thus, removing Eritrea from this unholy alliance is the beginning of the return to peace in the region.

We have seen how the world at large has been wittingly or unwittingly complicit in this unfolding tragedy. What should be done now? Let’s start with the redressing part.

There are already people calling out the Norwegian Nobel Committee to revoke Abiy’s prize – precedence shouldn’t be in the way of preventing genocide. The UN should reimpose sanctions on Eritrea, this time one that targets the economy too. The EU should also cut the aid it provides to Eritrea. Similarly, the West should drastically cut the aid it provides to Ethiopia, and whatever it provides should be done on the condition that it opens a humanitarian corridor to Tigray.

Another rogue party in this war seems to be the United Arab Emirates, which reportedly has been devastating Tigray with its drones. Neither the EU nor the US is saying much on this new phenomenon that has already devastated Yemen and Libya. It would be of tremendous relief to the region if the Biden administration acts on this as soon as he occupies the White House.

Above all, the world should come together in providing relief to needy Tigrayans before they are eliminated as part of the tripartite alliance’s total war on Tigray.

Source

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ጽላተ ሙሴ? | የትግራይ ወገኖቼ እንባ በዓለም ዙሪያ ባሉ ሰማያት ላይ መታየት ጀምሯል

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on January 14, 2021

👉 በዓለም ዙሪያ ባሉ ሰማያት ላይ ያልተለመዱ ብርሃናት ወይም ብልጭታዎች ብዙ ሰዎችን በማስደንገጥ ላይ ናቸው።

❖[የዮሐንስ ራእይ ምዕራፍ ፲፩፥፲፱]

በሰማይም ያለው የእግዚአብሔር መቅደስ ተከፈተ፥ የኪዳኑም ታቦት በመቅደሱ ታየ፥ መብረቅና ድምፅም ነጐድጓድም የምድርም መናወጥ ታላቅም በረዶ ሆነ።

❖ በቪዲዮው የተካተተ ነው፤ ታዋቂው የሩሲያ ኦርቶዶክስ ቄስ ጎብኚ ፍዮዶር ኮንኙኮቭ በአክሱም ጽዮን፦

🔥 “እንደ ጽላተ ሙሴ ጠባቂ ኢትዮጵያዊ ዓይኖች ዓይነት የሚያበሩ ሌሎች ዓይኖች አይቼ አላውቅም”

ሰማይን ተመልከት አንድ መጥፎ ነገር ሊከሰት ይመስላል! በአክሱም ስለተካሄደው ጭፍጨፋ ዝም ማለት ተገቢ አይደለም፤ እኛ ዝም ብንል የሠራዊት ጌታ ልዑል እግዚአብሔር ግን ዝም አይልም።

በአክሱም ጽዮን ላይ ተደርጎ የነበረው ጥቃትና ጭፍጨፋ የታየኝ እንደሚከተለው ነው፤

በቄሮ እና ፋኖ ፋሺስቶች እንዲሁም በኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ የሚደገፈው የግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ አህዛብ ሠራዊት ወደ አክሱም ጽዮን ቤተ ክርስቲያን በማምራት ጽላተ ሙሴን ማውጣት/መስረቅ ፈለገ፤ ሌቦቹ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ውስጥ ልክ ሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ ኢየሩሳሌም በሚገኘው የኢትዮጵያ ገዳም ከእነ ጫማው እንደገባውና አባታቸው ግራኝ አህመድ ቀዳማዊ “አላህ ዋክብረ!” እያለ አክሱም ጽዮንን እንዳፈራረሰው፤ እነዚህ የመንፈስ ወንድሞቹ “እስኪ አምላካችሁ ያድናችሁ እንደሆነ እናያለን፣ እስኪ የጽላቱን ኃይል እናየዋለን!” በምል የትዕቢት፣ እብሪትና ጥላቻ መንፈስ ወደ ቤተ መቅደሱ ዘው ብለው ገቡ። ከዚያም እነዚህ ማንነታቸውንና ምንነታቸውን የሸጡት አህዛብ ወታደሮች ወዲያና ወዲህ እያሉ መበርበር ሲጀምሩ ጨረር እንደተለቀቀባቸው ዝንቦች እየተቃጠሉ ረገፉ፤ ይህን ያዩ ሌሎች የአጥፊው ሠራዊት አባላት በቤተ ክርስቲያን ውስጥ የነበሩትን ቀሳውስታና ምዕመናንን ወደ ውጭ አውጥተው ረሸኗቸው።

🔥 በግብጽ፣ ሶርያ፣ ኢራቅና ሌባኖን  ክርስቲያኖችን  የሚገድሉና ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናትን  የሚያቃጥሉ  የሙስሊም  ወንድማማቾችና አይሲስና ኢዝቡላ ሽብር ፈጣሪዎች ናቸው፣ 

🔥 በኬኒያና ሞዛምቢክ ክርስቲያኖችን የሚገድሉ እና ዓብያተ ክርስትያናትን  የሚያቃጥሉት አል-ሸእባቦች ናቸው፣ 

🔥 በናይጄሪያና ካሜሩን ክርስቲያኖችን የሚገድሉና ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናትን የሚያቃጥሉ ቦኮ ሃራም እና ፉላኒ  መሀመዳውያን ሽብር ፈጣሪዎች ናቸው፣

🔥 በአውሮፓ እና አሜሪካ ክርስቲያኖችን የሚገድሉና ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናትን የሚያቃጥሉት መሀመዳውያን፣ ግብረ-ሰዶማውያን፣ ፌሚንስቶች፣ ኮሙኒስቶች፣ ጣዖት አምላኪዎች ናቸው፣

🔥 በሃገረ ኢትዮጵያ ግን ክርስቲያኖችን የሚያሳድደው፣ የሚገድለውና ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናቱንና የድኾችን መኖሪያዎች የሚያፈርሰውና የሚያቃጥለው “መንግስት” ነው። የራስ መንግስት?

👉 ይህ በየትኛውም ዓለም ታይቶና ተሰምቶ የማይታወቅ ነው

❖❖❖የወገኖቻችንን ነፍስ በቅዱሳኑ እቅፍ ያኑርልን ከማህበረ ፃድቃን ይደምርልን!❖❖❖

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Axum Christian Massacre | የአክሱም ጽዮን ጭፍጨፋን የሚያሳይ የመጀመሪያ ቪዲዮ | ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on January 14, 2021

በዚህ የቪዲዮ ቀረፃ ላይ ነዋሪዎች ከ ፯፻/700 በላይ ከተጨፈጨፉት ቀሳውስት እና ምዕመናን መካከል የአንዱን አስከሬን ሲያንቀሳቅሱ ይታያሉ፡፡ ነዋሪዎቹ “በአኩሱም ላይ እንዲህ ያለ ጭካኔና ውድመት ደርሷል?” ሲሉ ተደምጠዋል፡፡ ሰዎቹ የጥቃቱ ሰለባ ከሆኑት አንዱ በመታወቂያ ካርዱ ሲለዩ ታይተዋል-የኢትዮጵያ ንግድ ባንክ ሰራተኛ ገብረህይወት ገብረኪዳን ይላል መታወቂያው፡፡

👉 First Video Apparently Showing Axum Massacre Outside St. Mariam of Zion Church

The video is very disturbing, showing the dead, with one of those who were killed identifief. It is so close up that the area that is being filmed cannot easily be seen.

I believe that the Tigrinya that is spoken is from the area and that the stones shown appear to be the same as in the square outside the Mariam of Zion church complex.

The allegation that 750 civilians were massacred by Ethiopian forces and Amhara militia is so serious that we must be cautious about making it. It would be a war crime.

A gruesome massacre was committed by the invading forces at Axum’s Maryam Tsion church. The massacre took place when the people who were taking refuge in the church tried to defend the lotting of The Ark of the Covenant. Some say it is committed by the Ethiopian troops and others by the Eritrean troops.

In this video footage, residents are seen moving the body of one of the more than 700 massacred people. The residents are heard saying “what a devastation, this has happened to Axum?”. The people are also seen identifying the victim by his id card: Gebrehiwot Gebrekidan, CBE employee.

Banks are the first targets for Eritrean soldiers to loot. People who are bank employees are therefore shot first. This particular victim might have been killed in a branch of a commercial bank, not part of the ones massacred in the church.

Source

የወገኖቻችንን ነፍስ በቅዱሳኑ እቅፍ ያኑርልን ከማህበረ ፃድቃን ይደምርልን!

🔥 ደሜ ፈላ! ልቤ ቆሰለ! ወገኖቼ!

🔥 “የግራኝ ሠራዊት ጄነራል | አክሱም ጽዮንን ነጥለን እንመታታለን”

ጄነራል” አሉት ቁራውን?! ፀረኢትዮጵያው እና የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚው የጋላ ሠራዊት ጄነራል ጂኒ ጁላ አራት ቁልፍ ነገሮች ላይ እንዲናዘዘ እፉን ይከፈት ዘንድ ግድ ነበር፤ ገና አንጎሉ ይሰነጣጠቃል!

ቁራው እንዲህ ይለናል፦

👉 ፩ኛ. እኛ የጋላ ሠራዊት ነን

👉 ፪ኛ. እኛ ደርግ 2.0 ነን

👉 ፫ኛ. እኛ ግራኝ አህመድ 2.0 ነን

👉 ፬ኛ. እኛ አክሱም ጽዮንን ልናጠፋ የመጣን የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚዎች ነን

ዓለም ከኮሮና ወረርሽኝ ጋር በምትፋለምበት በዚህ ዘመን የግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ፋሺስታዊ የጋላ ሠራዊት በጋላማራ ውዳቂዎቹ እና በመሀመዳውያኑ አረቦች እየተደገፈ የኢትዮጵያን ሥልጣኔ ማዕከል፣ የኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ክርስትናን የጀርባ አጥንት፣ የጽላታትን ሁሉ ማረፊያ አክሱም ጽዮንን ለማጥፋት ዘምቷል። በደርግ፣ በግራኝ አህመድ ቀዳማዊ እና በክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚው አውሬ ስም የጽዮንን ልጆች ክትግራይ ተጠራርገው እንዲወጡና አፋቸውን ከፍተው በጉጉት ለሚጠብቋቸው ለ፪ሺ፳ ዓ.ም የሰላም ኖቤል ተሸላሚ ለሉሲፈራዊው ተቋም የተባበሩት መንግሥታት ድርጅት የምግብ ፐሮግራም (World Food Program) ለሱዳን የአቴቴ መተት ዋሻዎች አሳልፎ በመስጠት ላይ ነው። መንፈሳቸውን በምግቡም፣ በመርፌውም በመተቱም በማድከም “ጽዮንን አጠፋን” ብለው ያስባሉ። እናስታውሳለን ቤተ እስራኤሎችንም” ምናልባት የሙሴው ጽላት በደማቸው ውስጥ ሊገኝ ይችላል በሚል ሰበብ ነበር ወደ እስራኤል እንዲወሰዱ የተደረጉት። አብዛኛዎቹ በሱዳን በኩል። አሁንም ተመሳሳይ ድርጊት እየተፈጸመ ነው። ሰሞኑን እንኳን እስራኤል “፪ሺ ቤተ እስራኤላውያንን ወደ እስራኤል ለማምጣት ወስኛለሁ” የሚል ዜና አውጥታለች። https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-54501546

ይህን ሁሉ እጅግ በጣም አሳዛኝ የሆነ ድራማ በጥልቁ ማየት ያልቻለ ወገን ለብዙ ሺህ ዓመታት ጽዮንን ጠብቀው ባቆዩለት በትግሬ ኢትዮጵያውያን ላይ ካለው ጥላቻ የተነሳ ኢትዮጵያዊ የሆነውን የመንፈስ ማንነቱን እና ምንነቱን የተጠነቀው ወገን ብቻ ነው። ሀቁ ይህ ነው!“ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ!”፣ “ክርስቲያን ነኝ”፣ “የተዋሕዶ ልጅ ነኝ!” የሚል ሁሉ የአራት ሺህ ዓመታት የአባቶቹ እና የእናቶቹ እርስት ክፉኛ እየተደፈረበት እንደሆነ ህሊናው እስኪናጋ ድርስ ሊገባው ይገባል፤ ትግሬ ወገኖቻችንን ከዚያች ምድር ለማጥፋት ከተነሳው የጋላ ሠራዊት ጎን ተሰልፎ አክሱም ጽዮንን ለመውረስ የቋመጠ ሁሉ ጽዮንን የካደ የዲያብሎስ ልጅ ነው፤ በዚህም በሥጋዊው ዓለም : በወዲያኛውም በመንፈሳዊው ዓለም በሁለቱም ዓለማት ውስጥ ነፍሱ ረክሳ እና ተዋርዳ የምትኖርበት ተስፋቢስ ነው።

ለመሆኑ በኢትዮጵያ ሃገራችን ዛሬ የሚታየው እያንዳንዱ ችግር ባብዛኛው ከጋሎች ጋር የተያያዘ እንደሆነ እያየነው ነውን?

👉 France24 | አብዮት አህመድ ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያውያንን እንደ አፄ ኃይለ ሥላሴ በርሃብ ሊቀጣ ነው

👉 የሚከተለው አምና ልክ በዚህ ሳምንት የቀረበ ጽሑፍ ነው፦

“ግራኝ ዐቢይ ከሜንጫ ወደ ሚሳኤል ተሸጋገረ | ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያን ለመደብደብ ተዋጊ አውሮፕላኖችን ሊሸምት ነው”

ርኩሱ ግራኝ ዐቢይ አህመድ ድኻውን ህዝባችንን ማስራብ፣ ማፈናቀል፣ ማቃጠልና ማረድ አልበቃውም። ይህ ሰይጣን በዓለም ታይቶ የማይታወቅ በጣም እርኩስ የሆነ ፋሺስታዊ ምኞትና ዕቅድ እንዳለው ሆኖ ነው የሚሰማኝ። በኢትዮጵያና ተዋሕዶ ላይ ያለው ጥላቻ በጣም ከፍተኛ ነው፤ ይህ ስሜቱ ከዚህ በፊት ያልተሠራ ታሪክ ለመስራት ከፍተኛ ጉጉት እንዲኖረው ይገፋፈዋል። እኔ በእርሱ ቦታ ብሆን የሚሰማኝ፤ “ሌላ ማንም ኃያል ጠላት ያቃተውን እኔ አደርገዋለሁ፤ ከሁሉ እበልጣለሁ! ይህች አጋጣሚ አትገኝም፣ ታሪክ ከእኔ ጋር ናት፣ ጀብደኛ አቋም መያዝ አለብኝ” ብሎ እንደሚያስብ ነው።

ህወሃቶች ከአጠራቀሙት አሮጌ የጦር መሳሪያ ጋር በትግራይ ተኝተዋል። ሳይተኩሱ እንደሸሹ ሳይተኩሱ ይሞታሉ። በሚቀጥሉት ዓመታት ጦርነት ቢቀሰቀስ እንኳን በቂ ጥይትና መለዋወጫ የማያገኙበት በርና መስኮት ሁሉ ዝግ ስለሆነ መሳሪያ ሁሉ ዝጎ ይወድቃል። በዙሪያቸው ሁሉም አዋሻኝ ድንበር ዝግ ስለሆነም አዳዲስ መሳሪያዎችን ለማግኘት አይችሉም። ገንዘቡስ ከየት ይገኛል? በሌላ በኩል ግን ያው እየቀለቡ ያሳደጉት አዞ፡ ዐቢይ አህመድ ለሕዳሴው ግድብ መዋል ከሚገባውና ከድኻው አፍ ተነጥቆ በተገኘው፤ እንዲሁም አረብ ሞግዚቶቹ ባጎረሱት ገንዘብ ዘመናዊ የጦር መሣሪዎችን ከግብረ-ሰዶማዊው ፍቅረኛው ማክሮን ለመግዛት በመዘጋጀት ላይ ነው። ምክኒያት ፈጥሮና ተዋጊ አውሮፕላን አብራሪዎችን ከግብጽ በማስመጣት ሰሜን ኢትዮጵያውያንን በአየር ለመጨፍጨፍ እየተዘጋጀ ነው፤ አዎ! እየመጣላችሁ ነው። የኖቤል ሽልማቱ የጭፍጨፋ ዋስትናው ነው!

ጂቡቲን የሰረቀችን አልበቃትም፡ ዛሬ ደግሞ ፈረንሳይ የሰሜኑን ሕዝበ ለማስጨፍጨፍ ተዋጊ አውሮፕላኖችንና ሚሳየሎችን ታቀብላለች። የራሱን ሃገር ታሪካዊ ካቴድራል ለማቃጠል የደፈረው የፈረንሳይ ፕሬዚደንት ማክሮን ያለምኪኒያት ወደ ላሊበላ አልተጓዘም።

ሆኖም ዕቅዳቸው ሁሉ ይከሽፋል፤ ዐቢይ፣ ለማ፣ ጃዋር፣ ሽመልስ,ታከለ፣ ማክሮን እና መሀመድ ሁሉም በኤርታ አሌ እሳተ ገሞራ ይቀቀላሉ።

አባ ዘ-ወንጌል ይህን ነግረውናል፦

“በአራቱም አቅጣጫ ኢትዮጵያ ትወረራለች። ሰላም በማስከበር በሚል ሰበብም በ2 ሃያላን ሀገራት የሚመሩ ሰባት የሙስሊም ሀገራት በኢትዮጵያ ምድር ላይ እሳት ያዘንባሉ። በአሰብ ወደብ ላይ በልዩ ሁኔታ የተከማቸው የጦር መሣሪያ በኢትዮጵያ ምድር ላይ እንደበረዶ ይዘንባል። ብዙ ፍጅትም ይሆናል። ኦርቶዶክሳውያን በያሉበት፣ በየተገኙበት እንደከብት ይታረዳሉ። የኢትዮጵያ ምድር በደም ትጨቀያለች። የደም ጎርፍ፣ የደም አበላ በምድሪቱ ላይ ይፈሳል።”

ዒላማዎች፦

👉 አክሱም

👉 ላሊበላ

👉 ጎንደር

👉 ባሕር ዳር / ጣና ገዳማት

👉 ዋልድባ

👉 ደብረ ዳሞ

👉 አስመራ

👉 መቀሌ

👉 ግሸን ማርያም

👉 ሕዳሴ ግድብ

____________________________

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