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Posts Tagged ‘ትግራዋይ’

Imagine The Reaction Around The World if The Site of This Horrific Ethnic Cleansing Was in Ukraine

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 3, 2022

👉 The Ukraine war shows us:

😈 United by their Illuminist-Luciferian-Masonic-Satanist agendas The following Edomite-Ishmaelite entities and bodies are helping the genocidal fascist Oromo regime of evil Abiy Ahmed Ali:

☆ The United Nations

☆ The European Union

☆ The African Union

☆ The United States, Canada & Cuba

☆ Russia

☆ Ukraine

☆ China

☆ Israel

☆ Arab States

☆ Southern Ethiopians

☆ Amharas

☆ Eritrea

☆ Djibouti

☆ Kenya

☆ Sudan

☆ Somalia

☆ Egypt

☆ Iran

☆ Pakistan

☆ India

☆ Azerbaijan

☆ Amnesty International

☆ Human Rights Watch

☆ World Food Program (2020 Nobel Peace Laureate)

☆ The Nobel Prize Committee

☆ The Atheists and Animists

☆ The Muslims

☆ The Protestants

☆ The Sodomites


💭 Even those nations that are one another enemies, like: ‘Israel vs Iran’, ‘Russia + China vs Ukraine + The West’, ‘Egypt + Sudan vs Iran + Turkey’, ‘India vs Pakistan’ have now become friends – as they are all united in the anti-Christian, anti-Zionist-Ethiopia-Conspiracy. This has never ever happened before it is a very curios phenomenon – a strange unique appearance in world history.

✞ With the Zionist Tigray-Ethiopians are:

❖ The Almighty Egziabher God & His Saints

❖ St. Mary of Zion

❖ The Ark of The Covenant

💭 Due to the leftist and atheistic nature of the TPLF, because of its tiresome, foreign and satanic ideological games of: „Unitarianism vs Multiculturalism“, the Supernatural Force that always stood/stands with the Northern Ethiopian Christians is blocked – and These Celestial Powers are not yet being ‘activated’. Even the the above Edomite and Ishmaelite entities and bodies who in the beginning tried to help them have gradually abandoned them

✞✞✞[Isaiah 33:1]✞✞✞

Woe to you, O destroyer, While you were not destroyed; And he who is treacherous, while others did not deal treacherously with him. As soon as you finish destroying, you will be destroyed; As soon as you cease to deal treacherously, others will deal treacherously with you.

✞✞✞[ትንቢተ ኢሳይያስ ምዕራፍ ፴፫፥፩]✞✞✞

“አንተ ሳትጠፋ የምታጠፋ፥ በአንተም ላይ ወንጀል ሳይደረግ ወንጀል የምታደርግ ወዮልህ! ማጥፋትን በተውህ ጊዜ ትጠፋለህ፤ መወንጀልንም በተውህ ጊዜ ይወነጅሉሃል።”


Posted in Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

A. Ahmed’s Ethnic Cleansing Campaign Completed: Not a Single Tigrayan Left in West Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on March 3, 2022

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉ጊዮርጊስ ✞ ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

🛑 The ethnic cleansing is openly and clandestinely coordinated by:

😈 The Fascist Oromo Regime of Abiy Ahmed Ali

😈 The Fascist Arab stooge Iaias Afewerki in Eritrea

😈 The Fascist Amhara Fano Militia

😈 The Marxist TPLF

😈 The United Nations

😈 The Biden-Harris Administration of The U.S

😈 The European Union

Roughly a year ago, on Mar 10, 2021, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken described violence in Ethiopia’s Tigray region as “ethnic cleansing”. What has been done since then? Nothing! In fact, they continue encouraging and indirectly supporting those perpetrators of genocide, ethnic cleansing and war crimes.

🔥 Imagine the reaction around the world if the site of this horrific ethnic cleansing was in Ukraine!

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

አይ አማራ! ወደ ኦሮሚያ እና ቤኒሻንጉል ሲዖል ገብተህ “የኔ ናቸው” የምትላቸውን አማራዎች ነፃ እንዳታወጣ በኦሮሞው ቁራ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ ስትከለከል ጸጥ ለጥ ብለህ እንዳልነበር፡ ታዲያ ዛሬ ሆን ብሎ ከውንድምህ ጋር ሊያጣላህ “ወደ ትግራይ ግባና እርስትህን አስመልስ እኔ ድጋፍ እሰጥሃለሁ” ብሎ ካታለለህ በኋላ አሁን “በሬ ሆይ! ሳሩን አየህና ገደሉን ሳታይ” ብሎ ተርተብህ። ታዲያ በምዕራብ ትግራይ ባለፉት ስምንት ወራት በፈጸምከው ግፍ ተጸጽህተህና ንሰሐ ገብተህ፣ በሠራኸው ወደር የሌለው ግፍ ሳቢያ ምንም ዓይነት የግዛት ጥያቄ በትግራይ ወንድሞችህ ላይ ሳታነሳ (ይህ ሲያንስህ ነው፣ ግዴታህም ነው!) በመጠናከር ላይ ካለውና ሊረዳህ ከሚችል ብቸኛው የትግራይ ተዋሕዶ ሕዝብ ጎን ቆመህ የዋቄዮአላህ ወራሪዎችን መዋጋት ሲገባህ ለዓመታት ካለሟቸው ከተማዎች እናቾንና ሕፃናትን ታፈናቅላቸዋለህ፣ የኦሮሞውቹ እና የመሀመዳውያኑ ወኪል፣ ደጀንና ደጋፊ ሆነህ ምንም ያላደረግኽን የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ አስርቦ ለመጨረስ ወደ ትግራያ የምግብ እርዳታ እንዳያልፍ ትከለክላለህ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ታዲያ አማራ ዛሬ በዳይም ተበዳይም የመሆን መብት አለውን?! ይህ መርገም አይደለምን?! እንግዲህ ይህን ያህል የትንቢት መፈጸሚያ የሆነከው የትውልድ እርግማን ደርሶብህ ሳይሆን አይቀርምና መጥፊያህን ዛሬውኑ አመቻች።

እንደው፤ አንድ ክርስቲያን ነኝ፣ ተዋሕዶ ነኝ” የሚል ሕዝብ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያን የሆነውን ሕዝብ አስርቦ ለመፍጀት መንገድ ሲዘጋ የቤተ ክርስቲያን “አባቶች” ፣ መምህራን፣ ዲያቆናትና አገልጋዮች ለምንድን ነው ወጥተው የማይናገሩት፣ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍስ የማያደርጉት? ከዚህ የበለጠ አስከፊ ነገር ምን ሊኖር ይችላል? እንዴት ነው ኦሮዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ክርስትና ከኢትዮጵያ ምድር እንድትጠፋ እና ክርስቲያኖች እንዳይኖሩ ይፈልጋሉን? በተለይ በአዲስ አበባ እና በአማራ ክልል ያሉ የቤተክህነት አገልጋዮች እግዚአብሔርን በጣም የሚያስቆጣ ሁኔታ ላይ ነው ያሉት። በየትም ዓለም ታይቶ ተሰምቶ የማይታወቅ ዝምታ ነው እያሳዩ ያሉት። በእኔ በኩል፤ ይህን ያህል ምንም ሰብብ ወይም ምክኒያት ሊኖር ስለማይችል ከላይ እስከ ታች ሁሉንም የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚዎች፣ የተዋሕዶ ክርስትና እና የኢትዮጵያ ጠላቶች እንደሆኑ አድርጌ ነው የማያቸው።


Posted in Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Both Sides Could Lose in the Conflict in Ethiopia | በኢትዮጵያ በተፈጠረው ግጭት ሁለቱም ወገኖች ሊሸነፉ ይችላሉ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 3, 2022

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 😇 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

💭 My Note: A wonderful observation!

EXPERT OPINIONS: By Ivan Loshkarev

On a January day in 1900, Russian traveler and military officer Alexander Bulatovich was having a conversation with Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia, during which he laid out his thoughts concerning public governance, the army and defending Ethiopia’s northern and northwestern borders. Bulatovich expressed his thoughts in the blunt manner of a military man, making many openly critical remarks. Bulatovich eventually allowed himself one criticism too many, causing the emperor to exclaim: “Why are you telling me these frightening things? What kind of advice is that? Just give me some advice, and leave that aside.” “ETHIOPIA THROUGH RUSSIAN EYES” “Russia Needs To Embrace Ethiopia…Now!

This episode from the history of Ethiopia’s relations with the outside world is reminiscent of the current state of affairs. The conflict between Tigray national regional state (kilil) and the federal government continues unabated. The United States and Russia are calling on the parties to sit down and talk, citing the dire humanitarian consequences of the conflict. In its statement on the current situation, the UN Security Council also mentioned possible negative effects and risks, since the conflict directly or indirectly impacts Eritrea, Sudan, Djibouti and Somalia. However, the deafening calls by the leading powers and international organisations to strike a compromise (just like the “frightening things” above) remain unanswered by Tigray.

Everyone doubled down

The parties to the conflict were unmoved by the increase in external pressure, which was quite expected. The Tigray Defence Force (TDF) conducted major operations outside ​​the towns of Dese and Kombolcha in Amhara regional state, which were controlled by the Tigrayans from October 30 to December 6, 2021. Even though these towns are more than 400 kilometres away from Addis Ababa, the capital of the country, the strategic situation has changed dramatically. Much of Ethiopia’s overland export/import supply line passes through Dese and is part of the direct route to Djibouti. Although the road leading to the capital has an alternate route, the Mille-Awash highway, as a result of operations that have been carried out, the Tigray Defence Forces (the military wing of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front) managed to significantly limit the federal government’s ability to bring in foreign currency, not to mention the necessary imported supplies.

The strategic situation has changed not only because of the takeover of these two towns, but also the imminent defeat of a significant portion of the federal forces and militia from southern and eastern regional states. On October 6, 2021, the federal authorities announced the start of the “last offensive” on Tigray. We know now that it failed. Instead of its “final retreat,” the Tigray Defence Force announced the formation of a political alliance with other ethnic rebel organisations (primarily the Oromo Liberation Front). On November 4, in an interview with the BBC, member of the Central Committee of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) Getachew Reda upped the stake considerably when he said they are not interested in taking the capital, though

Faced with these setbacks, the federal government introduced, on November 2, a six-month state of emergency. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took to social media to accuse the TPLF and its new allies of destroying the country and seeking to repeat the mistakes of Libya and Syria. Meanwhile, his posts on Facebook and Telegram revealed that he understands the complexity of the situation: “It would be foolish to expect the army which is all alone (without the active support of society – author’s note) to declare victory.” Clearly, for several days the federal government was at a loss of what to do next, limiting itself to thorny philippics against the TPLF and calls for more victims in the name of victory. In the following weeks, soldiers and officers were called up by the Ethiopian National Defence Force – the federal authorities were able to stop the offensive from the north. But the very fact that the TDF is taking strong action in key areas shows that the previous strategy to contain the Tigray issue within certain geographical boundaries has failed, and the federal government has yet come up with a new strategy.

But despite this series of setbacks, it remains determined to destroy the TPLF and its allies. Federal media liberally use epithets like “rats,” “terrorists,” or “forces of destruction” to describe the federal government’s opponents. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s call to “stop, reverse and bury the terrorist TPLF”, which was deleted by Facebook, was widely covered by national and international media. The country’s government is still capable of doing this since it enjoys absolute air and troop superiority.

Ghosts of 1991

After several defeats suffered by the federal government, many analysts recalled that in May 1991, the TPLF had already taken over Addis Ababa, which was also preceded by bloody clashes with the government. On the surface of it, the conflicts look similar: in the 1980s, the government of socialist Ethiopia bombed areas outside of its control, and the TPLF gradually liberated rural communities and recruited the war-weary rural poor into its ranks.

First, the TPFL enjoyed broad support among regional players, such as Somalia, Sudan and the Eritrean separatists. Political assistance was no less important than financial assistance and supplies. In 1991, the Eritrean and Sudanese leaders mediated contacts between the TPLF and the Oromo rebels in the first weeks of forming the new government in Ethiopia, when the sheer number of differences in the victors’ camp threatened to lead to a new round of clashes.

The current realities are starkly different, since Somalia and Sudan are preoccupied with internal problems and lack strong consolidated governments capable of taking any of the possible position on the conflict between Tigray and the federal government. Eritrea took the side of Addis Ababa, not the rebels, from day one of the conflict.

Second, in recent months, however, military luck has turned away from the Tigray Defence Force. Operation Sunrise failed in August 2021. Its goal was for the Tigray units to access Lake Tana (located to the west along the Weldiya-Wereta highway) and cut off direct transport links between the Amhara state and the central regions of the country. With great difficulty, the TDF units reached the town of Debre Tabor which is located 30-40 kilometres away from the final destination, but were then forced to retreat almost 100 kilometres to the east. The failure of Operation Sunrise had little to do with the federal troops’ actions. The expert resistance offered by the Amhara state security forces, the militias and youth brigades of the Amhara ethnic group was enough to get the job done.

Third, in 1991, the attitude towards the TPLF in Ethiopia was more neutral. Even though socialist Ethiopia’s state propaganda did quite a lot at that time to demonise this organisation, the population did not always trust information from official sources. Today, the TPLF is, in fact, a former ruling party, which has been leading the country towards a brighter future for 27 years.

A huge number of complaints against the TPLF have piled up over this period, especially in large cities in southern and southwestern Ethiopia. After Abiy Ahmed came to power in 2018, a new campaign to demonise the TPLF began, this time marked by broad-based social support.

Taken together, these factors make the federal government’s position more stable, despite military setbacks and greater diplomatic pressure from outside players.

Playing chicken?

Game theory offers a wonderful model called “chicken,” when players threaten to inflict maximum damage on each other until one eventually backs down. The point of “chicken” is to create extreme tension which causes one side to make a mistake. We can understand the situation in Ethiopia through this lens. On the one hand, the federal authorities have outlawed the TPLF, destroyed almost the entire business network operated by the Tigray party functionaries and are waging war with them to the bitter end. On the other hand, Tigray and its new allies are accusing its opponents of genocide, gradually cutting off the federal centre from international trade, and making statements about the need for a constitutional overhaul. Winning this game is possible only in the case of mutual concessions. Any other scenario will imminently lead to the defeat of one or both sides. Since the federal and Tigray governments are raising the stakes and rejecting compromise, only the worst-case scenarios remain on the table.

Three factors suggest that Tigray’s southward offensive is likely to fail.

First, the TPLF detachments are spread to the south from Tigrayan motorway towards the capital for tens of kilometres, which makes them extremely vulnerable to a possible attack from the west. Even if this attack is carried out by a contingent of the Amhara state security forces without the support of federal troops, it could stop the advance of the Tigray Defence Force and, provided favourable circumstances, cut off a significant portion of the units from the parent state in the north.

Second, the TPLF allies can be extremely unreliable. Among the nine organisations that formed the United Front of the Ethiopian Federalist and Confederalist Forces , there is no clear understanding of the ultimate goal of the confrontation – it can be either a transitional government or talks with the current government. Moreover, in addition to the TPLF, the new alliance includes the powerful Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which has a similarly long history of guerrilla warfare, including under TPLF rule.

In a bipolar structure like that, the ethnic organisations may well get distributed between two centres of gravity where political associations of the Agaw, Afar and Kemant ethnic groups will gravitate towards the TPLF, while those of the Somalis and Sidamas will gravitate towards the OLF. Given the uncertainty over goals, the emergence of dividing lines in a new anti-government alliance is all but unavoidable.

Third, resistance to TPLF operations will grow as they get closer to the densely populated highlands in central Ethiopia. One gets the impression that TDF is most effective in mountainous and rural areas, while operations within a radius of 200 kilometres from the capital will require completely different material and organisational resources that the Tigray forces simply do not possess yet.

There is a number reasons the federal government may fail. Following a series of resignations and dismissals of high-ranking supporters of the former regime, the military command of the Ethiopian National Defence Forces was essentially incapable of military planning, namely, to concentrate the forces and means necessary to eliminate clear threats, or to set and pursue several objectives at once. The current federal government’s situation is a direct outcome of failures in military planning, and prospects for improvement are slim, since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has no other staff to rely on.

The worsening socioeconomic situation in the country and weakening support for the current government are another reason. Amid the pandemic, GDP per capita dropped to 2014 levels, and inflation grew by 15 to 20 percent annually. [World Bank data. ]. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, droughts and locust infestations in eastern and southeastern Ethiopia in 2019-2021 put at least 12.9 million people on the brink of starvation, or, in UN terminology, “are expected to face high levels of acute food insecurity.” In addition, Ethiopia is home to 4 million internally displaced persons, concentrated in the country’s central and southwestern regions. Many forced migrants have been unable to return home for years now and remain in tent camps, upsetting the locals. Disturbances between them have been quite commonplace for a long time now. Add to that the numerous disagreements and clashes between ethnic groups, and it appears inevitable that the current federal government’s base of support will continue to shrink, making it harder to mobilise resources and maintain numerical supremacy over the Tigray Defenсe Force.

The loss of both sides after inflicting maximum damage on each other is the worst outcome in the “chicken” scenario. Since simultaneous mutual destruction is unlikely, developments in Ethiopia may unfold as follows. The land between the town of Weldiya and Debre Birhan will turn into a zone of instability with a patchwork of areas controlled by the TDF, OLF and forces loyal to Abiy Ahmed’s government (mainly from urban areas). This will create something of a buffer zone between direct parties to the conflict and keep it localised. However, local conflicts tend to spread, and that would aggravate numerous pockets of confrontation in the states of Afar, Somali, Oromia, and Benishangul-Gumuz. In the worst-case scenario, the federal government will be able to maintain effective control only over the central or even southwestern part of the state of Ethiopia.

An outcome in which both sides lose would set Ethiopia back decades in terms of socioeconomic development. Amid limited access to international trade and capital markets (with the route to Djibouti blocked, air travel and an unfinished transport corridor to the Berbera Port in Somaliland is what remains operational), the federal government will be forced to significantly reduce its social obligations and infrastructure plans. In its zone of control, the TPLF on its own will not be able to rebuild infrastructure and help the regions impacted by the war, droughts, and locust invasions.

In place of a conclusion

Based on the above, this much is clear.

First, the defeat of at least one party to the conflict (and worse yet, two) is fraught with serious political and economic consequences for the Horn of Africa’s largest country.
Second, the federal government and the Tigray authorities have so far continued to be uncompromising. In “chicken” game model, there is no pain-free way out. Much more perseverance, ingenuity and patience will be required from the international community and the African Union if they really want to influence the course of the conflict in Ethiopia. Space for compromise will have to be created where almost none existed prior. And this work cannot be postponed indefinitely.

More than a century ago, the Ethiopian emperor Menelik II turned away Bulatovich’s frank advice regarding war and territorial administration. But this does not mean that the emperor did not take similar ideas in. There was a Swiss man named Alfred Ilg at the Ethiopian court who was able to convey similar ideas in a softer and more convincing way. Perhaps all is not lost for Ethiopia today, either.



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In Ethiopia, Food is used by The Satanic Oromo Regime as a Weapon of War to Exterminate non-Oromos

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on February 3, 2022

💭 Unprecedented Crises Trigger Severe Hunger in Southern Ethiopia

💭 My Note: The Oromo / Galla settlers have already exterminated 27 ancient Southern Ethiopian tribes

The current state of Ethiopia is fully under the control of the Oromos/Gallas. During the last five centuries the Oromo/Galla settlers have already exterminated 27 ancient Southern Ethiopian tribes. History is repeating itself, now, they have extended their genocidal Jihad towards Northern Ethiopia. The war in Tigray, and the systematic extermination of Southern Ethiopian tribes are part of the never ending Oromo expansion. The Oromos are an existential threat to all indigenous Ethiopians. The survival of the precious Omo valley tribes, like the Mursi, Hamar, Ari, Turkana, Dassanach, Nyangatom, Karo, Kwegu, Bodi, and Me’en. The Oromos have already armed these tribes so that they wipe us each other, now like what they did in Tigray, they are attempting to starve them to death. This must be a matter of great concern to us Ethiopians and the wider world.

New evidence from Oxford’s in-depth Young Lives survey:

· More than 40% of families in drought-affected region ran out of food in 2021

· One in three young people said they or their family went to sleep hungry

· 75% are worried about running out of food – a near 100% increase on 2020 figures

More than 4 out of 10 families living in communities across the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR) of Ethiopia ran out of food during 2021 because of severe drought exacerbated by high inflation, according to the latest survey from the long-running University of Oxford project Young Lives.

75% of families were concerned about running out of food…one in three young people said they, or other household members, went to sleep hungry because there was not enough food

In December 2021, Young Lives’ researchers interviewed 326 young people and their families from Ethiopia’s hard-hit south-western region. They found 75% of families were concerned about running out of food (see table below). And some one in three young people said they, or other household members, went to sleep hungry because there was not enough food.

Young Lives Director, Dr Catherine Porter says, ‘These alarming figures represent a staggering increase in food insecurity compared to when we contacted the same families at the end of 2020, before the drought set in.’

She adds, ‘Efforts to support those in need are already under tremendous strain, compounded by the ongoing conflict, notably in Tigray and continuing economic and social impacts of COVID-19, with services disrupted, insufficient social protection and a humanitarian system already overwhelmed.’

These alarming figures represent a staggering increase in food insecurity

Dr Catherine Porter, Young Lives Director

Dr Alula Pankhurst, Young Lives Country Director in Ethiopia adds, ‘We are deeply concerned for the vulnerable families who are part of our survey as they grapple with the immediate, unprecedented and devastating effects of climate change, conflict and COVID-19.

‘We are equally worried about the potential negative long-term impacts of severe malnutrition on children’s growing bodies and minds, as witnessed by our long-running study.’

UNICEF estimates almost 850,000 children are at risk of severe malnutrition in Ethiopia this year, with urgent humanitarian assistance needed for more than 6.8 million people by mid-2022.

Young Lives is a 20-year study following the same children across four countries, Ethiopia, India, Peru and Vietnam. The team in Ethiopia has been was unable to contact study participants in the entire region of Tigray and at sites in Amhara as communication is all but impossible in the north of the country because of the more than year-long conflict.

We are deeply concerned for the vulnerable families…as they grapple with the immediate, unprecedented and devastating effects of climate change, conflict and COVID-19

Dr Alula Pankhurst, Young Lives Country Director in Ethiopia

Findings from Young Lives’ unparalleled longitudinal research show early childhood stunting due to under-nutrition, especially amongst the poorest children, has a significant negative impact on the development of important cognitive skills, such as vocabulary and basic mathematics, as well as socio-emotional skills such as self-esteem, self-efficacy and agency, right through into adolescence. This impact may even occur during pregnancy or as a result of malnutrition experienced by adolescent girls even before they became pregnant, underlining the critical importance of targeting support to girls and young women.

Young Lives Surveys 2020, 2021

In late 2021, Young Lives contacted 326 study participants in the SNNPR region as part of the 4-country phone survey. On average, the households of our participants in the SNNP region comprise 9.9 people. So, because our food insecurity measures are based at the household level, around 3,227 people have potentially been affected.

We interviewed young people in 2020 and 2021 about food insecurity in the past year (so, during 2020 and 2021 respectively). This table gives rates and percentage increases in mild and severe food insecurity between 2020 and

The Young Lives team is currently analysing new data from an ongoing phone survey to investigate further deteriorating changes in food security, alongside impacts on the education, employment and mental health of young people. We will deliver our full findings in early March 2022.

Young Lives is a unique longitudinal study of poverty and inequality that has been following the lives of 12,000 children in Ethiopia, India (Andhra Pradesh and Telangana), Peru and Vietnam since 2001. The study is led by the University of Oxford and conducted in Ethiopia in partnership with Pankhurst Development and Research Consulting (PDRC), and the Policy Studies Institute (PSI).


💭 History repeats itself:

🔥 Amhara & Oromos bombing Tigray, Using Rape, Hunger & forced resettlement (Mengistu did it back then, Ahmed will do the same now) as a Weapon against People in Tigrayfor the past 130 years:-

😈 Menelik ll: Half Oromo + Half Amhara = Oromo (Crypto-Muslim / Man of the flesh)

😈 Haile Selassie: Half Oromo + Half Amhara = Oromo (Crypto-Muslim / Man of the flesh)

😈 Mengistu Hailemariam: Half Oromo + Half Amhara = Oromo (Crypto-Muslim / Man of the flesh)

😈 Abiy Ahmed Ali ´= Half Oromo + Half Amhara = Oromo (Crypto-Muslim / Man of the flesh)

[Galatians 5:19-21]

Now the deeds of the flesh are evident, which are: immorality, impurity, sensuality, idolatry, sorcery, enmities, strife, jealousy, outbursts of anger, disputes, dissensions, factions, envying, drunkenness, carousing, and things like these, of which I forewarn you, just as I have forewarned you, that those who practice such things will not inherit the kingdom of God.

🔥 Amhara & Oromos bombing Tigray, Using Rape, Hunger & Forced Resettlement (Mengistu did it back then, Abiy Ahmed is doing the same now) as a Weapon against People in Tigray for the past 130 years:-

👉 1. Menelik II. (1844 – 1913)

The Great Ethiopian Famine of 1888-1892

The great famine is estimated to have caused 3.5 million deaths. During Emperor Menelik’s Reign, Tigray’s split into two regions, one of which he sold to the Italians who later named it Eritrea. Only two months after the death of Emperor Yohaness lV , Menelik signed the Wuchale treaty of 2 May 1889 conceding Eritrea to the Italians. It was not only Eritrea that Menelik gave away, he also had a hand in letting Djibouti be part of the French protectorate when he agreed the border demarcation with the French in 1887. Some huge parts of Tigraywere put under Gonder. The Southern part, places like present day Alamata, Kobo etc were put under Wello Amhara administration.

👉 2. Haile Selassie (1892 – 1975)

In 1943, at the request of the Emperor Haile Selassie, the Royal British Airforce bombed two towns – Mekelle and Corbetta. Thousands of defenseless civilians lost their lives as a result of aerial bombardment. It is recorded that ‘on 14th October [1943] 54 bombs dropped in Mekelle, 6th October 14 bombs followed by another 16 bombs on 9thOctober in Hintalo, 7th/9th October 32 bombs in Corbetta’.

Between 2 and 5 million’ people died between 1958 and 1977 as a cumulative result. Haile Selassie, who was emperor at the time, refused to send any significant basic emergency food aid to the province of Tigray,

👉 3. Mengistu Hailemariam (1937 – )

1979 – 1985 + 1987

Due to organized government policies that deliberately multiplied the effects of the famine, around 1.2 million people died from this famine. Mengistu & his Children still alive & ‘well’ while Tigrayans starving again.

👉 4. Abiy Ahmed Ali (1976 – )

2018 – Until today: probably up to 500.000 already dead. 😠😠😠 😢😢😢 Unlike the past famine there is no natural or man-made drought, rather, Abiy simply uses war and hunger as a weapon. Abiy Ahmed sent his kids to America for safety, while bombing & starving Tigrayan kids!


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ወንድም ወንድሙን አያድንም ፥ ሰውም አያድንም፤ ቤዛውን ለእግዚአብሔር አይሰጥም ፥ ሰው እንደሚጠፉ እንስሶች መሰለ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 19, 2021

💭 ከክፉው እንደ ነበረ ወንድሙንም እንደ ገደለ እንደ ቃየል አይደለም፤ ስለ ምንስ ገደለው? የገዛ ሥራው ክፉ፥ የወንድሙም ሥራ ጽድቅ ስለ ነበረ ነው።

❖❖❖[ኦሪት ዘፍጥረት ምዕራፍ ፬፥፰፡፲፩]❖❖❖

ቃየልም ወንድሙን አቤልን። ና ወደ ሜዳ እንሂድ አለው። በሜዳም ሳሉ ቃየል በወንድሙ በአቤል ላይ ተነሣበት፥ ገደለውም። እግዚአብሔርም ቃየልን አለው። ወንድምህ አቤል ወዴት ነው? እርሱም አለ። አላውቅም፤ የወንድሜ ጠባቂው እኔ ነኝን? አለውም። ምን አደረግህ? የወንድምህ የደሙ ድምፅ ከምድር ወደ እኔ ይጮኻል። አሁንም የወንድምህን ደም ከእጅህ ለመቀበል አፍዋን በከፈተች በምድር ላይ አንተ የተረገምህ ነህ።

የግራኝ አህዛብ ኦሮሞ ከቱርክና አረቦች ጋር አብሮ አማራውን ገደለው፥ አማራው ከግራኝ አህዛብ ኦሮሞ ፣ ከቱርክና አረቦች ጋር አብሮ ተዋሕዶ ትግራዋይ ወንድሙን ገደለው። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

እግዚአብሔርም ቃየልን አለው። ወንድምህ አቤል ወዴት ነው?”

እያየነው እኮ ነው! የአቤል ደም ይጮኻል ቃኤልም ይቅበዘበዛል!የቃኤል፣ የእስማኤል፣ የዔሳው፣ የሳኦል፣ የኤልዛቤል፣ የሄሮድስ፣ የይሁዳ መንፈስ እንዲህ ያቅበዘብዛል። በየሜዲያው ይህን ያህል ከተቅበዘበዙ በየቤታቸውና በቤተሰቦቻቸው ዘንድ ሕሊናቸው ምን ያህል ይገርፋቸው ይሆን? ምን ያህልስ እንቅልፍ ይነሳቸው ይሆን? እኛንስ ደግመው ደጋግመው ለማታለል የማይሄዱበት እርቀት የለም፤ ግን እግዚአብሔርን እንዴት መፍራት ተሳናቸው? ምን/ማን አደፋፈራቸው? ለምን? ምክኒያቱም፤ ከክፉው እንደ ነበረ ወንድሙንም እንደ ገደለ እንደ ቃየል አይደለም፤ ስለ ምንስ ገደለው? የገዛ ሥራው ክፉ፥ የወንድሙም ሥራ ጽድቅ ስለ ነበረ ነው። በዲያብሎስ ተታልሎ ከክርስቶስ ፍቅር፣ ከወንድሙ ፍቅር ይልቅ ለራሱ ጠላት ባሪያ ለመሆን በመምረጡ ነው። እንግዲህ ለጊዜውም ቢሆን አለመታደል ህኖ፤ ኢትዮጵያን በዚህ ወቅት እያስተዳደሯት ያሉት የሰይጣን ጭፍሮች የሆኑት የዋቄዮአላህዲያብሎስ ነገስታትጠላቶቿ ናቸውና ነው!

አዎ! ዛሬ ወንድሞች በኅብረት ሊቀመጡ አልቻሉም፤ እንዲያውም ቃኤል ከእግዚአብሔር ጠላቶች ጋር አብሮ አቤልን በማሳደድና በመግደል ላይ መገኘቱ እግዚአብሔርን ብቻ ሳይሆን መላው ዓለምን የሥራ ባልደረቦቼንና በዙሪያዬ ያሉትን ባዕዳውያን ሁሉ ነው ያስገረማቸው።

❖❖❖[፩ኛ የዮሐንስ መልእክት ምዕራፍ ፫]❖❖❖

፩ የእግዚአብሔር ልጆች ተብለን ልንጠራ አብ እንዴት ያለውን ፍቅር እንደ ሰጠን እዩ፥ እንዲሁም ነን። ስለዚህ ምክንያት ዓለም እርሱን ስላላወቀው እኛን አያውቀንም።

፪ ወዳጆች ሆይ፥ አሁን የእግዚአብሔር ልጆች ነን፥ ምንም እንደምንሆን ገና አልተገለጠም። ዳሩ ግን ቢገለጥ እርሱ እንዳለ እናየዋለንና እርሱን እንድንመስል እናውቃለን።

፫ በእርሱም ይህን ተስፋ የሚያደርግ ሁሉ እርሱ ንጹሕ እንደ ሆነ ራሱን ያነጻል።

፬ ኃጢአትን የሚያደርግ ሁሉ ዓመፅን ደግሞ ያደርጋል፥ ኃጢአትም ዓመፅ ነው።

፭ እርሱም ኃጢአትን ሊያስወግድ እንደ ተገለጠ ታውቃላችሁ፥ በእርሱም ኃጢአት የለም።

፮ በእርሱ የሚኖር ሁሉ ኃጢአትን አያደርግም፤ ኃጢአትን የሚያደርግ ሁሉ አላየውም አላወቀውምም።

፯ ልጆች ሆይ፥ ማንም አያስታችሁ፤ እርሱ ጻድቅ እንደ ሆነ ጽድቅን የሚያደርግ ጻድቅ ነው።

፰ ኃጢአትን የሚያደርግ ከዲያብሎስ ነው፥ ዲያብሎስ ከመጀመሪያ ኃጢአትን ያደርጋልና።

፱ ስለዚህ የዲያብሎስን ሥራ እንዲያፈርስ የእግዚአብሔር ልጅ ተገለጠ። ከእግዚአብሔር የተወለደ ሁሉ ኃጢአትን አያደርግም፥ ዘሩ በእርሱ ይኖራልና፤ ከእግዚአብሔርም ተወልዶአልና ኃጢአትን ሊያደርግ አይችልም።

፲ የእግዚአብሔር ልጆችና የዲያብሎስ ልጆች በዚህ የተገለጡ ናቸው፤ ጽድቅን የማያደርግና ወንድሙን የማይወድ ሁሉ ከእግዚአብሔር አይደለም።

፲፩ ከመጀመሪያ የሰማችኋት መልእክት። እርስ በርሳችን እንዋደድ የምትል ይህች ናትና፤

፲፪ ከክፉው እንደ ነበረ ወንድሙንም እንደ ገደለ እንደ ቃየል አይደለም፤ ስለ ምንስ ገደለው? የገዛ ሥራው ክፉ፥ የወንድሙም ሥራ ጽድቅ ስለ ነበረ ነው።

፲፫ ወንድሞች ሆይ፥ ዓለም ቢጠላችሁ አትደነቁ።

፲፬ እኛ ወንድሞችን የምንወድ ስለ ሆንን ከሞት ወደ ሕይወት እንደ ተሻገርን እናውቃለን፤ ወንድሙን የማይወድ በሞት ይኖራል።

፲፭ ወንድሙን የሚጠላ ሁሉ ነፍሰ ገዳይ ነው፥ ነፍሰ ገዳይም የሆነ ሁሉ የዘላለም ሕይወት በእርሱ እንዳይኖር ታውቃላችሁ።

፲፮ እርሱ ስለ እኛ ነፍሱን አሳልፎ ሰጥቶአልና በዚህ ፍቅርን አውቀናል፤ እኛም ስለ ወንድሞቻችን ነፍሳችንን አሳልፈን እንድንሰጥ ይገባናል።

፲፯ ነገር ግን የዚህ ዓለም ገንዘብ ያለው፥ ወንድሙም የሚያስፈልገው ሲያጣ አይቶ ያልራራለት ማንም ቢሆን፥ የእግዚአብሔር ፍቅር በእርሱ እንዴት ይኖራል?

፲፰ ልጆቼ ሆይ፥ በሥራና በእውነት እንጂ በቃልና በአንደበት አንዋደድ።

፲፱ ልባችንም በእኛ ላይ በሚፈርድበት ሁሉ፥ ከእውነት እንደ ሆንን በዚህ እናውቃለን በፊቱም ልባችንን እናሳርፋለን፥ እግዚአብሔር ከልባችን ይልቅ ታላቅ ነውና ሁሉንም ያውቃል።

❖❖❖ በምዕራብ ትግራይ በወንድሞቻቸው አቤላውያን ላይ ከባድ ግፍ በመፈጸም ላይ ላሉትና ከአህዛብ ጋር ለተደመሩት አማራ ቃኤላውያን፤ ወዮላችሁ! የአቤል ደም እየጮኸ ነው!

👉 ወንድም ወንድሙን አያድንም፥ ሰውም አያድንም፤ ቤዛውን ለእግዚአብሔር አይሰጥም፥ ለዘላለም እንዲኖር፥ ጥፋትንም እንዳያይ፤ የነፍሳቸው ለውጥ ከብሮአልና፥ ለዘላለምም ቀርቶአልና። በልባቸውም ቤታቸው ለዘላለም የሚኖር፥ ማደሪያቸውም ለልጆች ልጅ የሚሆን ይመስላቸዋል፤ በየአገራቸውም ስማቸው ይጠራል። ሰው ግን ክቡር ሆኖ ሳለ አያውቅም፤ እንደሚጠፉ እንስሶች መሰለ። ይህች መንገዳቸው መሰናክላቸው ናት፥ ከእነርሱም በኋላ የሚመጡ በአፋቸው እሺ ይላሉ።

❖❖❖[መዝሙረ ዳዊት ምዕራፍ ፵፱]❖❖❖

፩ አሕዛብ ሁላችሁ፥ ይህን ስሙ፤ በዓለም የምትኖሩትም ሁላችሁ፥ አድምጡ፤

፪ ዝቅተኞችና ከፍተኞች፥ ባለጠጎችና ድሆች በአንድነት።

፫ አፌ ጥበብን ይናገራል፥ የልቤም አሳብ ማስተዋልን።

፬ ጆሮዬን ወደ ምሳሌ አዘነብላለሁ፥ በበገናም ምሥጢሬን እገልጣለሁ።

፭ ኃጢአት ተረከዜን በከበበኝ ጊዜ በክፉ ቀን ለምን እፈራለሁ?

፮ በኃይላቸው የሚታመኑ፥ በባለጠግነታቸውም ብዛት የሚመኩ፤

፯ ወንድም ወንድሙን አያድንም፥ ሰውም አያድንም፤ ቤዛውን ለእግዚአብሔር አይሰጥም፥

፰-፱ ለዘላለም እንዲኖር፥ ጥፋትንም እንዳያይ፤ የነፍሳቸው ለውጥ ከብሮአልና፥ ለዘላለምም ቀርቶአልና።

፲ ብልሃተኞች እንዲሞቱ፥ ሰነፎችችና ደንቆሮች በአንድነት እንዲጠፉ፥ ገንዘባቸውንም ለሌሎች እንዲተዉ አይቶአል።

፲፩ በልባቸውም ቤታቸው ለዘላለም የሚኖር፥ ማደሪያቸውም ለልጆች ልጅ የሚሆን ይመስላቸዋል፤ በየአገራቸውም ስማቸው ይጠራል።

፲፪ ሰው ግን ክቡር ሆኖ ሳለ አያውቅም፤ እንደሚጠፉ እንስሶች መሰለ።

፲፫ ይህች መንገዳቸው መሰናክላቸው ናት፥ ከእነርሱም በኋላ የሚመጡ በአፋቸው እሺ ይላሉ።

፲፬ እንደ በጎች ወደ ሲኦል የሚሄዱ ናቸው፥ እረኛቸውም ሞት ነው፤ ቅኖችንም በማለዳ ይገዙአቸዋል፥ ውበታቸውም ከመኖሪያቸው ተለይታ በሲኦል ታረጃለች።

፲፭ ነገር ግን እግዚአብሔር ይቀበለኛልና ነፍሴን ከሲኦል እጅ ይቤዣታል።

፲፮ የሰው ባለጠግነት የቤቱም ክብር በበዛ ጊዜ አትፍራ፥

፲፯ በሞተ ጊዜ ከእርሱ ጋር ምንም አይወስድምና፥ ክብሩም ከእርሱ በኋላ አይወርድምና።

፲፰ በሕይወቱ ሳለ ነፍሱን ባርኮአልና ለሰውነቱ መልካም ብታደርግለት ያመሰግንሃል።

፲፱ ሆኖም ወደ አባቶቹ ትውልድ ይወርዳል፤ ለዘላለም ብርሃንን አያይም።

፳ አእምሮ የሌለው ክቡር ሰው እንደሚጠፋ እንስሶች መሰለ።

❖❖❖[መዝሙረ ዳዊት ምዕራፍ ፵፯]❖❖❖

፩ እግዚአብሔር ትልቅ ነው፤ በአምላካችን ከተማ በተቀደሰ ተራራ ምስጋናው ብዙ ነው።

፪ በሰሜን ወገን በመልካም ስፍራ የቆመ የምድር ሁሉ ደስታ የጽዮን ተራራ ነው፤ እርሱም የትልቁ ንጉሥ ከተማ ነው።

፫ እግዚአብሔር በአዳራሾችዋ መጠጊያ ሆኖ ይታወቃል።

፬ እነሆ፥ ነገሥታት ተከማችተው በአንድነት መጥተዋል።

፭ እነርሱስ አይተው ተደነቁ፥ ደነገጡ፥ ታወኩ።

፮ መንቀጥቀጥ እንደ ወላድ ምጥ በዚያ ያዛቸው።

፯ በኃይለኛ ነፋስ የተርሴስን መርከቦች ትሰብራለህ።

፰ እንደ ሰማን እንዲሁ አየን በሠራዊት ጌታ ከተማ፥ በአምላካችን ከተማ፤ እግዚአብሔር ለዘላለም ያጸናታል።

፱ አምላክ ሆይ፥ በሕዝብህ መካከል ምሕረትህን ተቀበልን።

፲ አምላክ ሆይ፥ እንደ ስምህ እንዲሁም እስከ ምድር ዳርቻ ድረስ ምስጋናህ ነው፤ ቀኝህ ጽድቅን የተሞላች ናት።

፲፩ አቤቱ፥ ስለ ፍርድህ የጽዮን ተራራ ደስ ይበለው፥ የአይሁድም ሴት ልጆች ሐሤት ያድርጉ።

፲፪ ጽዮንን ክበቡአት፥ በዙሪያዋም ተመላለሱ፥ ግንቦችዋንም ቍጠሩ፤

፲፫ በብርታትዋ ልባችሁን አኑሩ፤ አዳራሽዋን አስቡ፤ ለሚመጣው ትውልድ ትነግሩ ዘንድ።

፲፬ ለዓለምና ለዘላለም ይህ አምላካችን ነው፥ እርሱም ለዘላለም ይመራናል።


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CNN on HUMERA MASSACRE | Men Are Marched Out of Prison Camps. Then Corpses Float Down The River

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 5, 2021

The ghostly outlines of limbs emerge through the mist along the Setit River in eastern Sudan. As the river’s path narrows, the drifting bodies become wedged on the silty clay bank and their forms appear more clearly; men, women, teenagers and even children. 

The marks of torture are easily visible on some, their arms held tightly behind their backs.

On a trip to Wad El Hilou, a Sudanese town near the border with Ethiopia, a CNN team counted three bodies in one day. Witnesses and local authorities in Sudan confirmed that in the days after the team’s departure, 11 more bodies arrived downstream.

Evidence indicates the dead are Tigrayans. Witnesses on the ground say the bodies tell a dark story of mass detentions and mass executions across the border in Humera, a town in Ethiopia’s Tigray region.

CNN has spoken with dozens of witnesses collecting the bodies in Sudan, as well as international and local forensic experts and people trapped and hiding in Humera, to reveal what appears to be a new phase of ethnic cleansing in Ethiopia’s war.

Humera is one of many towns involved in the conflict that has ravaged the 112 million-strong east African country since the Ethiopian government launched an offensive in the country’s northern Tigray region in November 2020. Despite Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s initial declaration of victory in late November, the region is still wracked by fighting and CNN has previously reported on the many atrocities including torture, extrajudicial killings, and the use of rape as a weapon of war.

At the end of June this year, the balance of power shifted suddenly as Tigrayan forces recaptured the regional capital, Mekelle, and the Ethiopian government began withdrawing troops from the region. The fighting continued, however. In mid-July, Tigrayan forces announced a new offensive to recapture areas taken by the Ethiopian government.

This new offensive, witnesses told CNN, was what prompted the government forces and militia groups holding the northern town of Humera, close to the border with Eritrea and Sudan, to launch a new phase of mass incarcerations of resident Tigrayans.

CNN’s investigations indicate that the ethnic profiling, detention and killing of Tigrayans bears the hallmarks of genocide as defined by international law.

‘We’re told to look out for the bodies’

In recent weeks, a community of Tigrayans living in the Sudanese town of Wad El Hilou, 65 kilometers (40 miles) downstream from Humera, has assumed the role of excavators and grave diggers for the bodies drifting down the river known in Sudan as the Setit and in Ethiopia as the Tekeze. 

It is arduous and distressing work. The stench from the bodies fills the air as they first extract each corpse from the riverbed and then dig new graves for them, before performing the burial rites.

Tigrayan community leader Gebretensae Gebrekristos, also known as Gerri, helps coordinate and document the recovery of the bodies in Sudan.

Tigrayan community leader Gebretensae Gebrekristos, also known as Gerri, helps coordinate and document the recovery of the bodies in Sudan.

Gebretensae Gebrekristos, known as “Gerri,” is one of the community’s leaders; he helps coordinate the grim task with a solemn determination. In total the community estimates at least 60 bodies have been found so far. He explained how the group is certain the bodies are Tigrayans from Humera. 

“We get calls from people in Humera that witnesses — often escaped detainees — saw people marched down to the river in one of the facilities and heard gunshots, or that a number of people were taken by soldiers from the detention facilities and never returned.  We’re told to look out for their bodies coming down the river.”

The bodies first appeared in Sudan in July when the river was at its highest volume due to the rainy season. Sudanese water engineers told CNN the speed of its flow then would enable the bodies to drift from Humera to Wad El Hilou in approximately two to three hours. Wad El Hilou is a natural pinch-point in the river’s path — and so, when the bodies arrived, they floated towards the banks.

According to Gerri, his community usually finds the exact number of bodies it has been told to expect.

Sixteen-year-old Natay and 17-year-old Gebrey, whose names have been changed for their safety, are among the Tigrayans who said they fled prison camps in Humera. Now in Wad El Hilou, they confirmed to CNN that they heard reports of men, with their hands tied, being marched in single file towards the Humera riverfront, to the area between St. Mary’s and St. Michael’s Church. The boys both say they heard shots ring out and the men did not return.

Natay said he remembered feeling paralyzed: “I was so fearful, thinking that they would kill me and throw me [in] too.”

Sudanese authorities in Wad El Hilou have filed police and coroner reports for each body found in their territory, documenting evidence of the extensive torture and “execution-style” bullet entry wounds found on many of the bodies, the authorities told CNN. Both local Sudanese authorities and forensic experts say all the bodies retrieved so far were likely dead before they hit the water.

In a statement issued via US public relations firm Mercury, the Ethiopian government said it was investigating the allegations. “In light of several inconsistencies in the allegations, we are working with the relevant authorities to gather evidence and will prosecute any individuals found to have committed crimes to the fullest extent of the law,” a spokesperson said.

“The government is keen to reiterate our desire to ensure a peaceful resolution to the conflict in Tigray and is actively working to secure a ceasefire.”

‘Everyone was sick’

For so many of the Tigrayans in Sudan, these bodies could have been people they knew. Many have fled from Humera and still have families there.

Temesgen, 24, and Yonas, 25, say they escaped together from a warehouse in Humera, called Enda Yitbarek, which they describe as being used as a makeshift mass detention camp for thousands of Tigrayans. CNN has changed their names for their safety. They were both imprisoned for just over two weeks.

“I was playing around my house, then they collected me and took me because I am Tigrayan,” Temesgen recalled. “We didn’t do anything, they just collected me and detained me.”

Ethiopia is at war with itself. Here’s what you need to know about the conflict

Inside the warehouse, people were crammed together on the floor without rooms or partitions to create privacy, he said.

“They weren’t providing us food and we didn’t even have access to the toilet,” Yonas said. “Some people were toileting inside the warehouse.”

For Temesgen the real horror was the lack of medical assistance. “Everyone was sick with flu and not getting medical help. They weren’t sending us to hospital,” he said.

Former detainees described to CNN prisoners of all ages squeezed tightly together — from mothers with young children to teenagers to men in their 70s.

Temesgen and Yonas say they escaped while on a rare toilet break permitted by the guards, and made the journey to Sudan. They both talked of multiple prison camps dotted around the city of Humera.

CNN spoke to dozens of other escapees from these camps and, based on their accounts, estimates there are up to nine locations where it is thought thousands of Tigrayans are being detained.

Ethnic profiling

Tigrayans still inside Humera told CNN that they live in constant fear of being detained or killed. They spoke of brazen ethnic profiling whereby residents of Tigrayan ethnicity are targeted and those of other ethnicities are safe, particularly those of the Amhara ethnicity;  militia from Amhara have fought alongside Ethiopian government forces in Tigray.

People of mixed ethnicity face an uncertain fate; residents told CNN that an Amhara ID card can suffice but to be seen socializing with Tigrayans will put someone at risk nonetheless. 

Alem, whose name has also been changed for security reasons, is half-Tigrayan but has a non-Tigrayan ID card and has been helping Tigrayans hide in his home in Humera while the arrests continue. Relatives abroad have urged him to flee, but he insists it’s his duty to stay and help those who are targeted.

Rahel, not her real name, is also Tigrayan but has a non-Tigrayan ID card and says she has been visiting friends and relatives in the prison camps despite the questions posed by guards. She is horrified by the conditions for those detained.

“They can’t move, they are not getting enough sanitation, no food, no water and no medicine. If they feel sick and die, no one cares. They are hungry and thirsty. How could they feel good thinking it’s their turn the next day, knowing their friends were killed yesterday? The guards don’t care about life,” she said.

People in Humera who spoke to CNN repeatedly mentioned the disappearances of members of the Tigrayan community. Those still free assumed they were detained in the camps, but those who escaped from the prisons told CNN that people were frequently summoned by guards and would never return. Others spoke of rare sightings of bodies being dumped into the river.

Across the water in Sudan, Yonas recalled the disappearances from the Enda Yitbarek warehouse.

“They weren’t torturing us but they were taking prisoners often at night and they never came back,” Yonas said. “We don’t know whether they killed them or not, but after they took them they never came back, and their families reported their disappearances.”

Residents of Humera with whom CNN spoke firmly believe the bodies arriving in Wad El Hilou are from their town. Several are in regular touch with those who escaped across the border to Sudan and when the bodies began arriving, news spread fast.

One man has been identified locally as Misganawu, a well-known barber in Humera. ”He had two nicknames, Totit and Gundi,” Alem recalled. “I knew Totit very well when he was working in Humera in that hairdressing shop. He was born and raised in Humera.”

Signs of torture

 Ongoing independent investigations by international and local forensic experts found no evidence that the victims had drowned. The experts, who asked not to be identified due to security concerns, told CNN that the bodies had all been exposed to some form of chemical agent after death, leading to a process which had effectively preserved them before entering the water.

The fact all the bodies were in a similar state indicated they had been stored in a similar environment, possibly a storage facility or a mass grave, before being dumped into the river, the experts said.

This state of preservation makes it easier to identify the marks on the bodies and what could have caused them, the experts said.

Some of those found had their arms bound tightly behind their backs, in keeping with a torture technique called “tabay.”  Several had their hands tied with small gauge yellow electrical wire and bone breakages and dislocations further indicate additional pressure was placed on their bodies before death. 

The experts say they are in a race against time to preserve evidence, in case it is needed for potential war crimes prosecutions in the future. They also confirmed the signs of torture apparent to the group in Sudan who’ve been collecting the corpses.

While investigators in Sudan continue to examine the bodies, Tigrayans and those helping them in Humera face a daily struggle to remain free from arrest and abuse.

And Tigrayans like Gerri, on the other side of the border, mourn and dig shallow graves for the bodies that drift downstream.

Speaking by the first riverside grave he dug, marked with a makeshift wooden cross, Gerri said it pained him to be unable to give them a proper burial.



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Ethiopia’s Tigrayans Rounded Up, Mutilated & Dismembered In Civil War Ethnic Purge

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 5, 2021

Sources said that after a series of victories by Tigrayan Defence Forces, the occupying forces in Humera started to purge ethnic Tigrayans.

Courtesy: The Tlegraph

By Lucy Kassa

Forces occupying a major city in Ethiopia are throwing thousands of men, women and children into makeshift “concentration camps”, cutting off limbs and dumping mutilated bodies into mass graves as part of an orchestrated ethnic purge, a dozen separate witnesses told The Telegraph.

Ethnic Amhara forces have been going “door-to-door” to round up anyone who is ethnic Tigrayan in the latest harrowing evidence of population cleansing in Ethiopia’s blood-drenched civil war.

“Feven Berhe was an innocent resident who owned a small shop. They took her to Tekeze river and shot her,” said one resident, who knew the 40-year-old victim well.

“Before they killed her, they removed her eyes and cut off her legs. They did not let anyone pick her body up and bury her.”

Humera is a city of about 50,000 near Ethiopia’s border with Eritrea and Sudan. Because of its strategic location, it was one of the first places to be attacked when Ethiopia’s Nobel Peace Prize-winning Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrea’s dictator launched a devastating pincer attack to crush Tigray’s regional government in November.

For the last year, ethnic Amhara forces, who hail from a neighbouring region and are allied to the Nobel laureate, have controlled the city, along with swathes of western Tigray.

Sources said that after a stunning series of victories by the Tigrayan Defence Forces in late June, the occupying forces in Humera started to purge ethnic Tigrayans in the city.

The Telegraph understands that on 15 July, Amhara forces held a public meeting in the main municipality hall in Humera to decide the fate of Tigrayans in the areas they controlled.

“They said this; ‘We should exterminate all Tigrayan residents in the city. We must cleanse them all,” said one man who claims he attended the public meeting.

Multiple residents said that a massive campaign of arrests started soon after the meeting.

“They have been going from house to house arresting everyone. No Tigrayan is left except those who fled to Sudan or found a hiding place in the city. They have a list of Tigrayan residents from the administrative offices,” said another man.

“If it is written in your identity card that you are Tigrayan, there is no mercy,” said another.

Children displaced by fighting in northern Ethiopia play among sacks of clothes at the Addis Fana School where they are temporarily sheltered,

At the beginning of August, 43 bloated and bloodied bodies were found floating down the Tekeze River, which separates the region from Sudan.

The Telegraph understands that these were some of the original victims of the purge. Residents say that when the floating bodies attracted huge international attention, Amhara forces started dumping bodies elsewhere.

Elderly people, children and pregnant women have all been taken to several detention centres and three different warehouses across the city, which have been turned into makeshift “concentration camps”, survivors said.

The Telegraph could not confirm these accounts because of major reporting restrictions in Tigray.

However, imagery analysis by Vigil Monitor (previously DX Open Network), an atrocity early warning and detection research organisation based in the UK, shows that ethnic Amhara forces and allied Ethiopian troops have been stationed at ‘numerous’ centres for the past few months.

One man the Telegraph spoke to called Gizau claimed that he had escaped one of the centres by convincing militiamen he was not fully ethnic Tigrayan.

“We were 250 detainees. The Amhara forces take detainees every night and bring new ones. The ones they take never come back,” he said.

Gizau and ten other witnesses said that people were being killed and dumped in pits around the three warehouses and in craters outside the city.

Satellite imagery partially corroborates the sources. It shows a pit roughly the size of a swimming pool outside one of the warehouses, which has been gradually filled up since mid-July.

There is a similar pattern of suspicious pits being filled up slowly over the same time period at the other locations.

“There are very suspicious holes in the ground next to the camps, in an area where no other hole gets filled with earth,” say analysts at Vigil Monitor.

The state president for Ethiopia’s Amhara region Agegnuh Teshager and the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s Office were both approached for comment on The Telegraph’s findings bit neither responded.

*Names have been changed in this article to protect identities.


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አማራው ለዋቄዮ-አላህ ደሙን ሊገብር በአክሱም ጽዮን ላይ ለ፪ኛ ጊዜ ክተት አወጀ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 28, 2021

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

ሠራዊታችን የት ገባ? ላለፉት ዘጠኝ ወራት ለዋቄዮአላህ ደማቸውን እንዲገብሩ የተደረጉት አምስት መቶ ሺህ የሚሆኑት አማራዎችና ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያውያን የት ገቡ?” ብሎ የሚጠይቅ አባት፣ እናት፣ ወንድም፣ እኅት፣ ወገን የለም። ምክኒያቱ? ዛሬ በውጭም በውስጥም ያሉትን ግማሽ ኢትዮጵያውያንየተቆጣጠራቸው የአህዛብ ዋቄዮአላህዲያብሎስ እርኩስ መንፈስ ነውና ነው።

አዎ! በኦሮሚያ ሲዖል የሚቃጠሉትን ወገኖቻችንን አይደለም ነፃ ለማውጣት ክተት ያወጁት፣ በቤኒሻንጉል እና ወለጋ እንደ አሳማ በጅምላ ተገድለው በጅምላ የሚቀበሩትን አባቶች፣ እናቶች፣ ወንድሞችና እኅቶችና ሕፃናቱን እንዲሁም እነ ጄነራል አሳምነውን፣ ኢንጂነር ስመኘውን እና የደምቢዶሎ ተማሪ ሰዎች ለመበቀል አይደለም አካኪ ዘራፍ እያሉ በመጮኽ ለቀጣዩ ጦርነት የሚዘጋጁት፤ ይህ ሁሉ ክተት ምንም ባላደረጋቸው፤ ምንም ነገር ሳይዘርፍና ሳያወድም ለሃያ ዓመታት በትጋት ያሳመራትን አዲስ አበባን በሰላም አስረክቧቸው ወደ ትንሽየዋ ቅድስት ምድር ትግራይ በገባው ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያን ወንድማቸውን ተከትለውት በመሄድ ለመግደል ከፍተኛ ዲያብሎሳዊ ወኔ ስላላቸው ነው።

ወንድማማቾችን እርስበርስ የሚያባሏቸው ኦሮሞዎቹ፣ እስማኤላውያኑ እና ኤዶማውያኑ ምን ያህል እየተደሰቱ እንደሆነ እያየናቸው ነው። አዎ! ከአረብ መሀመዳውያን እና ከአውሮፓ ፕሮቴስታንቶች ትምህርት ቀስመው መንፈሳዊ ድጋፍ እየተደረገላቸው የመስፋፋት ሕልማቸውን ዕውን ለማድረግ ቆርጠው የተነሱት ወራሪዎቹ ኦሮሞዎች መላው የኢትዮጵያን ግዛቶች ለመቆጣጠር ቀደም ሲል እንደ ጥንታውያኑ ሃያ ሰባት፣ ዛሬም እንደ ጌዲኦ ያሉትን የኢትዮጵያ ነገዶች በቀጥታ ማጥፋት ያልቻሏቸውንና የማይችሏቸውን ታላላቅ ብሔሮችና ጎሳዎች እርበርስ ይባሉ ዘንድ የዋቄዮአላህአቴቴ አጋንንታቸውን አሰራጭተው እርስበር እያባሏቸው። በአሁን ሰዓት ትግራዋያንን ከአማራ ጋር፣ አፋሩን ከሶማሊያው ጋር፣ በደቡብም ወላይታውን ከጋሞ ጋር፣ በጉራጌም መሰንቃን ከማረቆ ጋር፣ በጋምቤላም ንዌርን ከአኝዋክ ጋር፣ ጌዲዮውንም ከሲዳማ ጋር ወዘተ አንድ በአንድ እርስበርስ እያባሉት ነው። እኔን እጅጉን የሚያሳዝነኝ የሦስት ሺህ ዓመት ሥልጣኔ አለን” የሚሉት ሰሜናውያኑ ይህን የኦሮሞዎች ፋሺስታዊ ተንኮል ለይተው በማጋለጥ ለመዋጋት ፈቃደኞች አለመሆናቸው ነው።

በተለይም ኦሮሞው አፄ ምኒልክ ከኤዶማውያኑ እና እስማኤላውያኑ ጋር አብረውና በእነርሱም ተመርተው ከመቶ ሠላሳ ዓመታት በፊት በፈጠትሩት የከፋፍሎ ግዛ ሥርዓት ላልተፈጠሩበት የሁለተኛ ዜጋ ሰለባነት ተጋልጠው የቆዩት የሆኑት የጽዮን ልጆች ይህን የኦሮሞዎች ተንኮል እንደ አባቶቻቸው እንደ እነ አፄ ዮሐንስ አርቀው በማሰብ ለይተው በመጠቆም ኦሮሞዎችንና በእነርሱ እጅ የገቡትን አማራዎች (ኦሮማራዎች) በቆራጥነት ሊያንበረክኳቸው ይገባል። ቆርጠው ከተነሱ ደግሞ ማንም እንደማያቆማቸው እያየነው ነው። የማንንም እርዳታ ሳይዙ! በትንሹ ከምጽዋ እስከ ሐረር ቁልቢ ገብርኤል፣ ከጎንደር እስከ አዲስ አበባ/የረር ድረስ ያሉት ግዛቶች ሁሉ የአክሱማውያኑ ኢትዮጵያውያን ግዛቶች መሆናቸው በይፋ መነገርና በጽዮን ልጆች አመራርም ሥር መዋል ይኖርባቸዋል። በኢትዮጵያ ሌሎች ነገዶች፣ ብሔረሰቦችና ጎሣዎች እንዳይጠፉ የምንሻ ከሆነና ኢትዮጵያዊ የሆኑትን ሁሉንም ሕዝቦች ለማዳን ያለው አማራጭ ይህ ብቻ ነው፤ አለበለዚያ ሁሉም እርስበርስ ተላልቆ አገራችንን ልናጣት ነው።

ኦሮሞዎች/ጋላዎች ፳፯/27 የኢትዮጵያ ነገዶችን ከመቶ ዓመታት በፊት ሙሉ በሙሉ ማጥፋታቸውን እና ዛሬ ደግሞ የኢሮብና ጌዲኦ በሔረሰቦች በሦስት ዓመት የኦሮሞዎች አገዛዝ ብቻ በመጥፋት ላይ መሆናቸውን ከግንዛቤ እናስገባው! ይህ ከባድ የማንቂያ ደወል ነው! 

💭 እግዚአብሔር የሚጠላቸው ስድስት ነገሮች ናቸው፥ ሰባትንም ነፍሱ አጥብቃ ትጸየፈዋለች፤

በወንድማማች መካከልም ጠብን የሚዘራ❖

❖❖❖[መጽሐፈ ምሳሌ ምዕራፍ ፮]❖❖❖

፲፮ እግዚአብሔር የሚጠላቸው ስድስት ነገሮች ናቸው፥ ሰባትንም ነፍሱ አጥብቃ ትጸየፈዋለች፤ በሐሰት የሚናገር ሐሰተኛ ምስክር በወንድማማች መካከልም ጠብን የሚዘራ

፲፯ ትዕቢተኛ ዓይን፥ ሐሰተኛ ምላስ፥ ንጹሕን ደም የምታፈስስ እጅ፥

፲፰ ክፉ አሳብን የሚያበቅል ልብ፥ ወደ ክፉ የምትሮጥ እግር፥

፲፱ በሐሰት የሚናገር ሐሰተኛ ምስክር በወንድማማች መካከልም ጠብን የሚዘራ።

ባሕርዳር እና ደሴ ትናንትና ዛሬ☆

በአክሱም ጽዮን ላይ ክተት!

ልብ በሉ፦ የስጋ ማንነት እና ምንነት ያላቸውን ዲቃላዎችን እነ ምኒልከን + አባ ጂፋርን ነው የሚጠሩት፤ በመተማ ላይ ደማቸውን ስላፈሰሱላቸው ስለ ክርስቲያኑ ጀግና ስለ አፄ ዮሐንስ ትንፍሽ የለም! አይ ቃኤላውያን ኦሮማራዎች!

☆ባሕርዳር እና ደሴ ከሦስት ወራት በፊት

“አብይ አህመድ ገዳይ፣ አታላይ ሌባ!”

👉 አህዛብን እና መናፍቃንን ሳይቀር የሳበ ድንቅ የግሪክ ኦርቶዶክስ የውዳሴ ማርያም ዝማሬ

💭 አስተያየቶቹን እዚህ ገብቶ ማንበብ ይቻላል፦

✞✞✞ ነቢዩ ሕዝቅኤል ስለ እርሷ መሰከረ ድንቅ በሆኑ ታላቅ ቁልፍ የተዘጋች ደጅ ከወደ ምሥራቅ አየሁ አለ፤ ከኃያላን ጌታ በቀር ወደ እርሷ ገብቶ የወጣ የለም ቅድስት ሆይ ለምኝልን። ኖኀትም ደጅም መድኃኒታችንን የወለደች ድንግል ናት እርሱን ከውለደች በኋላ እንደ ቀድሞው በድንግልና ኑራለችና መጥቶ ምሕረት ከሌለው ጠላት እጅ ያዳነን ጌታን የወለድሽ ሆይ የማኅፀንሽ ፍሬ የተባረከ ነው፤ አንድቺ ፍጽምትና የተባረክሽ ነሽ የእውነተ አምላክ በሆነ በክብር ባለቤት ዘንድ ባለሟልነትን አግኝተናልና። በምድር ላይ ከሚኖሩ ሁሉ ይልቅ ገናንተና ክብር ላንቺ ይገባል የአብ ቃል መጥቶ በአንቺ ሰው ሆነ ከሰው ጋራም ተመላለሰ መሐሪ ይቅር ባይና ሰውን ወዳጅ ነውና በልዩ አመጣጡ አዳነን ቅድስት ሆይ ለምኝልን። ✞✞✞


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ፋሺስት ፋኖ ፉን ፉን እያለ ከአላማጣ ወጣ | አይ አማራ ለብስኩት ብለህ እንዲህ የኦሮሞ መጫወቻ አሻንጉሊት ትሆን?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 12, 2021

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

አቅምን አውቆ መኖር ጥሩ ነው ታላቅ ችሎታ ነው!

አሁንም ወልቃይትን እና ሑመራን ባፋጣኝ ለቅቃችሁ ብትወጡ ይሻላችኋል። በአኖሌ የደምቢዶሎ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ሴት ተማሪ እኅቶቻችንን ጡት ቆርጠው የጨረሷቸው የግራኝ ኦሮሞዎች እንጂ የጽዮን ልጆች አይደሉም፤ አያደርጉትምም! ስለዚህ አሁን ወደ አዲስ አበባ አምርታችሁ አፈ ሙዙን ወደ አራት ኪሎ ቤተ ፒኮክ ብታዞሩት በይበልጥ ትጠቀማላችሁ፤ የብዙ ወገኖቻችን ሕይወት ታድናላችሁ! ግራኝ ገና ያኔ እነ ጄነራል አሳምነውንና እነ ኢንጂነር ስመኘውን እንደገደላቸው ከትግራይ ወንድሞቻችሁ ጋር ለመተባበር እጃችሁን ብትዘረጉ ኖሮ የስንት ወገኖች ሕይወት ባዳናችሁ፣ ላለፉት ስምንት ወራት ከአህዛብ ጠላት ጋር አብራችሁ በጽዮን ልጆች ላይ በፈጸማችሁት ወደር የለሽ ግፍ ለብዙ ትውልድ ከሚቆይ ዕዳና ለሺህ ዓመታት ከማይወርድ ከባድ ሸክም እራሳችሁን እና ኦሮሞዎችን ነፃ ባወጣችሁ! አሁን የፍርድ ቀን ተቃርቧልና ጉዳዩ በእናነተ እና በእግዚአብሔር መካከል ብቻ ነው!


Posted in Curiosity, Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

How Local Guerrilla Fighters Routed Ethiopia’s Powerful Army

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on July 11, 2021

By The New York Times

A scrappy force of local Tigrayan recruits scored a cascade of battlefield victories against the Ethiopian military, one of Africa’s strongest. Times journalists witnessed the decisive week in an eight-month civil war.

SAMRE, Ethiopia — The Tigrayan fighters whooped, whistled and pointed excitedly to a puff of smoke in the sky, where an Ethiopian military cargo plane trundling over the village minutes earlier had been struck by a missile.

Smoke turned to flames as the stricken aircraft broke in two and hurtled toward the ground. Later, in a stony field strewn with smoking wreckage, villagers picked through twisted metal and body parts. For the Tigrayan fighters, it was a sign.

“Soon we’re going to win,” said Azeb Desalgne, a 20-year-old with an AK-47 over her shoulder.

The downing of the plane on June 22 offered bracing evidence that the conflict in the Tigray region in northern Ethiopia was about to take a seismic turn. A Tigrayan guerrilla army had been fighting to drive out the Ethiopian military for eight months in a civil war marked by atrocities and starvation. Now the fight seemed to be turning in their favor.

The war erupted in November, when a simmering feud between Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Tigrayan leaders, members of a small ethnic minority who had dominated Ethiopia for much of the three previous decades, exploded into violence.

Since then, the fighting has been largely hidden from view, obscured by communications blackouts and overshadowed by international outrage over an escalating humanitarian crisis. But during a pivotal week, I went behind the front lines with a photographer, Finbarr O’Reilly, and witnessed a cascade of Tigrayan victories that culminated in their retaking the region’s capital, and altered the course of the war.

We saw how a scrappy Tigrayan force overcame one of the largest armies in Africa through force of arms, but also by exploiting a wave of popular rage. Going into the war, Tigrayans were themselves divided, with many distrustful of a governing Tigrayan party seen as tired, authoritarian and corrupt.

But the catalog of horrors that has defined the war — massacres, ethnic cleansing and extensive sexual violence — united Tigrayans against Mr. Abiy’s government, drawing highly motivated young recruits to a cause that now enjoys widespread support.

“It’s like a flood,” said Hailemariam Berhane, a commander, as several thousand young men and women, many in jeans and sneakers, marched past en route to a camp for new recruits. “Everyone’s coming here.”

A column of thousands of Tigrayans who joined the rebels. Many said they were motivated by atrocities perpetrated against civilians by the Ethiopian military and its allies.

Mr. Abiy, who won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 and has staked his prestige on the Tigray campaign, has downplayed his losses. In a self-assured address to Parliament on Tuesday, of a kind that once dazzled admiring Westerners, Mr. Abiy insisted that his military’s retreat from Tigray was planned — the latest phase of a fight the government was on course to win.

Seen from the ground, though, Tigray has been slipping through his fingers.

In the past three weeks, Tigrayan fighters have captured a wide swath of territory; retaken the regional capital, Mekelle; imprisoned at least 6,600 Ethiopian soldiers — and claimed to have killed about three times as many.

In recent days, Tigrayan leaders have expanded the offensive to new parts of the region, vowing to stop only when all outside forces have been expelled from their land: Ethiopians, allied troops from the neighboring country of Eritrea and ethnic militias from the next-door Amhara region of Ethiopia.

“If we have to go to hell and back, we’ll do it,” said Getachew Reda, a senior Tigrayan leader.

Press officers for Mr. Abiy and the Ethiopian military did not respond to questions for this article.

We flew into Mekelle on June 22, a day after national elections in Ethiopia which had been heralded as major step toward the country’s transition to democracy.

In Tigray, though, there was no voting and the Ethiopian military had just launched a sweeping offensive intended to crush for good the Tigrayan resistance, now known as the Tigray Defense Forces, commanders on both sides said.

An Ethiopian airstrike had struck a crowded village market that day, killing dozens. We watched as the first casualties arrived at Mekelle’s largest hospital.

Days later, three aid workers from Doctors Without Borders were brutally murdered by unknown assailants.

In the countryside, the war was moving at a furious pace. Ethiopian military positions fell like dominoes. Hours after the Tigrayans shot down the military cargo plane, we reached a camp holding several thousand newly captured Ethiopian soldiers, about 30 miles south of Mekelle.

Clustered behind a barbed wire fence, the prisoners erupted into applause when we stepped from our vehicle — hoping, they later explained, that we were Red Cross workers.

Some were wounded, others barefoot — Tigrayans confiscated their boots as well as their guns, they said — and many pleaded for help. “We have badly wounded soldiers here,” said Meseret Asratu, 29, a platoon commander.

An estimated 3,000 Ethiopian soldiers captured by the Tigrayans were being held at a makeshift prison camp about 30 miles south of Mekelle on June 29. Many were wounded, others barefoot.

Further along the road was the battlefield where others had died. The bodies of Ethiopian soldiers were scattered across a rocky field, untouched since a fight four days earlier, now swelling in the afternoon sun.

Personal items cast aside nearby, amid empty ammunition boxes and abandoned uniforms, hinted at young lives interrupted: dog-eared photos of loved ones, but also university certificates, chemistry textbooks and sanitary pads — a reminder that women fight on both sides of the conflict.

Stragglers were still being rounded up. The next day, Tigrayan fighters marched five just-captured prisoners up a hill, where they slumped to the ground, exhausted.

Dawit Toba, a glum 20-year-old from the Oromia region of Ethiopia, said he had surrendered without firing a shot. War in Tigray was not like he had imagined it. “We were told there would be fighting,” he said. “But when we got here it was looting, robbery, attacks on women.”

“This war was not necessary,” he added. “Mistakes have been made.”

Driving off, we came across a figure sprawled on the roadside — an Ethiopian, stripped of his uniform, with several bullet wounds to his leg. He groaned softly.

The wounded soldier appeared to have been dumped there, although it wasn’t clear by whom. We drove him back to the prisoner camp, where Ethiopian medics did some basic treatment on the ground outside a school. Nobody was sure if he would survive.

Artillery boomed in the distance. The Tigrayan offensive was continuing to the north, using captured heavy guns against the Ethiopian troops who had brought them in. A platoon of fighters walked through, bearing a wounded man on a stretcher. Teklay Tsegay, 20, watched them pass.

Before the war, Mr. Teklay was a mechanic in Adigrat, 70 miles north. Then, last February, Eritrean soldiers fired into his aunt’s house, killing her 5-year-old daughter, he said. The following day, Mr. Teklay slipped out of Adigrat to join the resistance.

“I never thought I would be a soldier,” he said. “But here I am.”

As Tigrayans quietly mustered a guerrilla army this year, they drew on their experience of fighting a brutal Marxist dictatorship in Ethiopia in the 1970s and 1980s, under the flag of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

Then, Tigrayan intellectuals used Marxist ideology to bind peasant fighters to their cause, much like the Viet Cong or rebels in Angola and Mozambique.

But this time, the Tigrayan fighters are largely educated and hail from the towns and cities. And it is anger at atrocities, not Marxism, that drew them to the cause.

The wave of recruits has included doctors, university professors, white-collar professionals and diaspora Tigrayans from the United States and Europe, colleagues and friends said. Even in government-held Mekelle, recruitment grew increasingly brazen.

Two weeks ago, a T.D.F. poster appeared on a wall beside St. Gabriel’s, the city’s largest church. “Those who fail to join are as good as the walking dead,” it read. Hours later, Ethiopian soldiers arrived and tore it down.

Mulugeta Gebrehiwot Berhe, 61, a senior fellow at the World Peace Foundation at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, in Massachusetts, was visiting Mekelle when war erupted in November. I found him near the town of Samre, a leather-holstered pistol on his hip.

“I joined the resistance,” said the academic, who once helped broker a peace deal for the United Nations in Darfur. “I felt I had no other option.”

Even some Ethiopian commanders felt alienated by Mr. Abiy’s approach to the conflict.

Until late June, Col. Hussein Mohamed, a tall man with a gold-tooth smile, commanded the 11th Infantry Division in Tigray. Now he was a prisoner, held with other Ethiopian officers in a closely guarded farmhouse.

Of the 3,700 troops under his command, at least half were probably dead, said Colonel Hussein, confirming that he was speaking voluntarily. “The course of this war is political madness, to my mind,” he said.

He always had serious reservations about Mr. Abiy’s military alliance with Eritrea, Ethiopia’s old foe, he said: “They ransack properties, they rape women, they commit atrocities. The whole army is unhappy about this marriage.”

Still, Ethiopian soldiers have been accused of much the same crimes. I met Colonel Hussein in a stone-walled room, with a tin roof, as rain splattered outside. When the room’s owner, Tsehaye Berhe, arrived with a tray of coffee cups, her face clouded over.

“Take it!” she snapped at the Ethiopian officer. “I’m not serving you.”

Moments later Ms. Tsehaye returned to apologize. “I’m sorry for being emotional,” she said. “But your soldiers burned my house and stole my crops.”

Colonel Hussein nodded quietly. Col. Hussein Mohamed, who commanded an Ethiopian army division, was captured with his troops and held in a closely guarded farmhouse. He called the war “political madness.”

Even before Ethiopian forces abandoned Mekelle on June 28, there were hints that something was afoot. The internet went down, and at the regional headquarters where Mr. Abiy had installed an interim government, I found deserted corridors and locked offices. Outside, federal police officers were slinging backpacks into a bus.

Smoke rose from the Ethiopian National Defense Forces’ headquarters in Mekelle — a pyre of burning documents, it turned out, piled high by detainees accused of supporting the T.D.F.

Weeks earlier, Ethiopian intelligence officers had tortured one of them, Yohannes Haftom, with a cattle prod. “We will burn you,” Mr. Yohannes recalled them saying. “We will bury you alive.”

But after he followed their orders to cart their confidential documents to the burn pit on June 28, the Ethiopians set Mr. Yohannes free. Hours later, the first T.D.F. fighters entered Mekelle, setting off days of raucous celebration.

Residents filled streets where young fighters paraded on vehicles like beauty queens, or leaned from speeding tuktuks spraying gunfire into the air. Nightclubs and cafes filled up, and an older woman prostrated herself at the feet of a just-arrived fighter, shouting thanks to God.

A woman in Mekelle fell to the ground and shouted thanks to God on June 29, as it became clear that Tigrayan forces had taken control of Mekelle.

On the fourth day, fighters paraded thousands of Ethiopian prisoners through the city center, in a show of triumphalism that was a pointed rebuke to the leader of Ethiopia. “Abiy is a thief!” people chanted as dejected soldiers marched past.

The celebrations eventually reached the house where Mr. Getachew, the Tigrayan leader and T.D.F. spokesman, now descended from his mountain base, was staying.

As the whiskey flowed, Mr. Getachew juggled calls on his satellite phone while a generator rattled in the background. Mr. Abiy had once been his political ally, even his friend, he said. Now the Ethiopian leader had cut the power and phone lines to Mekelle and issued a warrant for his arrest.

Buoyed by victory, the guests excitedly discussed the next phase of their war in Tigray. One produced a cake with the Tigrayan flag that Mr. Getachew, sharing a knife with a senior commander, cut to loud cheers.

For much of his career, he had been a staunch defender of the Ethiopian state. But the war made that position untenable, he said. Now he was planning a referendum on Tigrayan independence.

“Nothing can save the Ethiopian state as we know it, except a miracle,” he said. “And I don’t usually believe in them.”



Posted in Ethiopia, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

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