አረመኔዎቹ ኦሮማራ ገዳዮች በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ሲሳለቁበት

😈 ለባርነትና ሞት የቆሙት አረመኔዎቹ የጦር ወንጀለኞች ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ፣ አጋሩ አቴቴ ዝናሽ እና ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን። አዎ! እንዲህ ተገስላችሁ ተሳለቁ፣ በሕዝብ ላይ የምታሳዩት ቆሻሻና ኋላቀር ከሆነው የስነ ልቦና ጨዋታ ሌላ ምንም የምታውቁት ነገር የለም፤ በናንተ ጭቃ አንጎል አጀንዳ መስጠታችሁ ነው። በምስራቅ አፍሪካ ወደር የማይገኝለት ባሪያ ነጋዴ የነበረው አባ ጅፋር እንዲህ አስተምሯችኋልና ዛሬ ከፍታችሁ ይህ ነው። ጊዜአችሁ አሁን ነው፤ ግን እጅግ በጣም አጭር ነው፤ እናንት እርኩሶች ስለሆናችሁ የስጋዊ ማንነታችሁና ምንነታችሁ የት እንደሚያደርሳችሁ በቅርብ እናያለን! መጣን!ከእንግዲህ ምህረት የለም አንድ በአንድ በእሳት ሰይፉ እንፈጃችኋለን!😈

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U.S. Department of State: Secure a Ceasefire in Tigray | የተኩስ አቁም ስምምነት በትግራይ

U.S. Department of State: The Atrocities Being Perpetrated in Tigray And The Scale of The Humanitarian Emergency are Unacceptable.

U.S. Concerned About Increasing Political, Ethnic Polarization in Ethiopia

Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffrey Feltman has just completed his first visit to the region as U.S. Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa, traveling to Egypt, Eritrea, Sudan, and Ethiopia from May 4 to 13, 2021.

The Horn of Africa is at an inflection point, and the decisions that are made in the weeks and months ahead will have significant implications for the people of the region as well as for U.S. interests. The United States is committed to addressing the interlinked regional crises and to supporting a prosperous and stable Horn of Africa in which its citizens have a voice in their governance and governments are accountable to their citizens.

A sovereign and united Ethiopia is integral to this vision. Yet we are deeply concerned about increasing political and ethnic polarization throughout the country. The atrocities being perpetrated in Tigray and the scale of the humanitarian emergency are unacceptable. The United States will work with our international allies and partners to secure a ceasefire, end this brutal conflict, provide the life-saving assistance that is so urgently needed, and hold those responsible for human rights abuses and violations accountable. The crisis in Tigray is also symptomatic of a broader set of national challenges that have imperiled meaningful reforms. As Special Envoy Feltman discussed with Prime Minister Abiy and other Ethiopian leaders, these challenges can most effectively be addressed through an inclusive effort to build national consensus on the country’s future that is based on respect for the human and political rights of all Ethiopians. The presence of Eritrean forces in Ethiopia is antithetical to these goals. In Asmara, Special Envoy Feltman underscored to President Isaias Afwerki the imperative that Eritrean troops withdraw from Ethiopia immediately.

The Special Envoy will return to the region in short order to continue an intensive diplomatic effort on behalf of President Biden and Secretary Blinken.

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ልዩነቱ ይህ ነው | ትግራዋያን እኝህን አባት “ለምን ለአማራ ብቻ?” ሲሏቸው በጭራሽ አልሰማንም

👉 ንስሐ ገብቶ በመመለስ ለመዳን በመትጋት ፋንታ እራሱንና አጋሮችን ያለማቋረጥ እያታለለ መኖሩን የመረጠው የአህዛብ ጠበቃ እና’ዲያቆን’ ሃብታሙ አያሌው ይህን የአቡነ ቂርሎስን መልዕክት በአንድ ወር ውስጥ ሁለት ጊዜ አቀረበው…

❖❖❖“እግዚኦ መሐረነ ክርስቶስ”❖❖❖

“ተዋሕዶ” ነን ለሚሉት “አባቶች” ሳይቀሩ ከተዋሕዶ ክርስትና ይልቅ ‘ጎሣቸው‘ በልጦባቸዋል። የያዙትን መስቀል ከፍ ማድረግ ሲገባቸው የመስቀሉ ጠላት ከሆነው የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚ ጎን ተሰልፈዋል፤ አክሱም ጽዮን ስትደበደብ “ጭጭ” ማለቱን መርጠዋል።

የግራኝ ኦሮሞዎች ከእስማኤላውያን እና ኤዶማውያን ጋር አብረው አማራውን ጨፈጨፉት፥ አማራው ከግራኝ ኦሮሞዎች ፣ እስማኤላውያኑ እና ኤዶማውያኑ ጋር አብሮ ተዋሕዶ ትግራዋይን እየጨፈጨፏቸው ነው። ታዲያ አማራ ዛሬ በዳይም ተበዳይም የመሆን መብት አለውን?

ኦሮማራዎች በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ጭፍጨፋውን ከጀመሩ ከ፮ ወራት በኋላ፤ ፱ መድኃኒት ፩ መርዝ፤ “አማራና ትግሬ አንድ ሕዝብ ናቸው” ቆየት ብለው፤ የትግራይን እናቶች እንባና ጩኸት ለመንጠቅ፤ “በአማራ ሕዝብና ተዋሕዷውያን ላይ ብቻ ነው ጭፍጨፋ እየተካሄደ ያለው”።ይህ እንግዲህ ከሁለት ሳምንታት በፊት አማራዎች፤“ለአጣዬ የተቃውሞ ጩኸት”ለማሰማት ከወጡ በኋላ መሆኑ ነው።

(ታዲያ ተቃውሞው ዛሬ ምነው ቆመ?)እንግዲህ ይህ ሁሉ የትግራይን እናቶች እንባና ጩኸት መንጠቂያ ብሎም የትግራዋያን ልብ ማለሳለሻ ስልት ነበር ማለት ነው።

ልብ እንበል፤ ሁሉም “የአማራ” የተባሉት “አባቶች” ተመሳሳይ ነገር ነው የሚናገሩት፤“ወንድማማቾች ነን” ግን “አማራ፣ አማራ፣ አማራ ብቻ”፤ እግዚኦ! እግዚኦ! እግዚኦ!

“አባቶች”፤ እንደው ለመሆኑ እነዚህ አሰቃቂ ጭፍጨፋ የተደረገባቸው ቦታዎች በአማራ ክልል ነው እንዴ የሚገኙት? ወይንስ “ትግራዋይ” የሚባል ጎሣ የለም/እንዲኖር አይፈለግም? እግዚኦ! እግዚኦ! እግዚኦ!

❖የአክሱም ጽዮን ጭፍጨፋ፣

❖ሺህ የዋልድባ አባቶች በሑዳዴ ጾም ከገዳም መባረርና መደብደብ፣

❖የደብረ አባይ ጭፍጨፋ፣

❖የደንገላት ቅድስት ማርያም ጭፍጨፋ፣

❖የደብረ ዳሞ አቡነ አረጋዊ ድብደባ፣

❖የውቅሮ አማኑኤል ጭፍጨፋ፣

❖የገዳም ማርያም ውቅሮ እምባስነይቲ ጭፍጨፋ

❖የዛላምበሳ ጨርቆስ ድብደባ፣

❖የእንዳ ማርያም መድኃኒት አዲ ዳዕሮ ጭፍጨፋ

❖ በማይካድራ፣ ዳንሻ እና ሁመራ የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋና ማፈናቀል (ሚሊዮኖች በኦሮማራ ቃኤላውያኑ ተፈናቅለዋል)

❖የቸሊ/ግጀት ጭፍጨፋ፤ ከሁለት መቶ በላይ ተዋሕዷውያን ሕፃናትና ወጣቶች ተጨፈጨፉ!

❖በራያም ሁለት ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናት ተጠቅተዋል

አዬ ወንድም ሃብታሙ፤ ወዴት? ወዴት? ትግራዋይን እንደ ሕፃን ለማታለል? እናንት ኦሮማራዎች ኢትዮጵያን ላለፉት መቶ ሰላሳ ዓመታት አፍናችሁ ለመግዛት በታጋሹ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ የተጠቀማችሁት አህዛባዊ የማታለያ ስልት አላረጀባችሁምን? ‘ዲያቆን‘ ሃብታሙ እስኪ በትግራይ ላይ ጦርነቱ ሊጀመር አካባቢ፣ ሲጀመርና ከተጀመረም በኋላ ለብዙ ወራት በተድጋጋሚ የሰራችሁትን ፕሮግራም በድጋሚ ተመልከቱት፤ አይይ!ኢትዮ360ልክ እንደ ኢሳት በጦር ወንጀለኝነት ይጠየቅበት ዘንድ ግድ ነው!

ወንድም ሃብታሙ፤ እናንተ አይደላችሁም እንዴ ፋሺስት ፋኖን ወደ ትግራይ ልካችሁ የሃያ ሺህ ተዋሕዶ ትግራዋያንን መጨፍጨፍና ሚሊዮኖችን ለስደት መብቃት ስታጨበጭቡ የነበራችሁት? እስኪ ቪዲዮችሁን መልስ ብላችሁ ተመልከቱ! ለመሆኑ “መቼ ነው ፋኖ ከትግራይ ይውጣ!” የምትሉት? በግድ ይወጣታል፤ እናንተ ግን ግብዞች ናችሁ። በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ የአማራ ፋሺስት ፋኖ ሚሊሺያ የፈጸመውን ግፍ ለማረሳሳትና ከወንጀሉ እጃችሁን አጥባችሁ ለማለፍ የማትሰሩት

ድራማ የለም። ኦሮሞ እና አማራ ለትግራይ ጀነሳይድ በዚህም ዓለም በወዲያኛውም ይጠየቃሉ።

በጣም ደም የሚያፈላው ነገር ደግሞ፤ እኛ በኦሮሚያ ሲዖል ለሚጨፈጨፉት ተዋሕዷውያን እና ለምስኪኖቹ የደምቢዶሎ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ተማሪዎች ጎሣ ሳንመርጥ ስንሟገት፣ ስንጮኽና እንባ ስናነባ እናንተ “አማራ፣ አማራ! አማራ” የምትሉት ግብዞች ግን ላለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለማፈናቀል፣ ሴት ልጆቿን ለመድፈር፣ ለማስራብ፣ ለመጨፍጨፍ፣ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናቷንና ገዳማቷን ለመደብደብ፣ ቅርሶቿን ለመዝረፍና ለማጥፋት በስውር ከአህዛብ አራዊቶች እና ከአረመኔው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ ጋር በስውር ሴራ ስትጠነስሱ መቆየታችሁ ነበር። አይ ኦሮማራ የዋቄዮ–አላህ ባሪያ!

ዛሬም፤ ከስድስት ወራት በኋላ፣ ከኦሮሞ ጋር ሆናችሁ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ስንት ግፍ ከሰራችሁ በኋላም እንኳን የሰራችሁትን ከባድ ወንጀል እንደ ቁንጫ ክብደት ምንም እንዳልተሰማችሁ አድርጋችሁ በመቁጠር፣ በንቀትና ትዕቢት እስካሁኗ ሰዓት ድረስ ለትግራይ ሕዝብ በጣም ተፈላጊ የሆኑ እርዳታዎች እንዳይገቡ መንገዶቹን ሁሉ ከሁሉም አቅጣጫ (ኦሮሙማ ኤርሚያስ ለገሰ ትግራይን ሳንድዊች አድርጓት ብሎ መክሯችሁ አልነበረ!) ልክ እንዳለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት ዘግታችሁ፤ ከረሜላ እያላመጣችሁና በግማሽ ልባችሁ፤ “ተዋህዷውያን እናብር፤ ኦሮሙማ መጣብን!” ለማለት ደፍራችኋል። ምን ዓይነት ቅሌት ነው፤ ጃል!? እንዴ፤ ሁሉን የሚያየውን እግዚአብሔርን አትፈሩትም እንዴ?!

በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ፤ ላለፉት ስድስት ወራት ከአማራዎች ጎን ሆነው የትግራይን ሕዝብ ሲያፈናቅሉ፣ ሴት ልጆቹን ሲደፍሩ፣ ሲያስርቡ፣ ሲጨፈጭፉ፣ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናቱንና ገዳማቱን ሲደበድቡ፣ ቅርሶቹን ሲዘርፉና ሲያወድሙ የቆዩት ኦሮሞዎች፤ በምዕራብ ትግራይ በኩል ወደ ሱዳን በመፈርጠጥ ላይ ናቸው እየተባለ ነው፤ ለዚህ የተሰጠው ምክኒያት፤ “አይ፣ ኦሮሞዎች እንዲሁም ደቡቦችና ሌሎች ብሔር ብሔረሰቦች የኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊት አባላት የትግራይን ሕዝብ መጨፍጨፍ አንሻም በማለት መሳሪያዎቻቸውን አስረክበው ወደ ሱዳን መሸሹን መርጠዋል፤ ለትግራይ ሕዝብ አዝነዋል!” የሚል ነው። BS! እንዲህ እያሉ የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድጋሚ እንደ ሕፃን ልጅ ለማታለል? እርግጠኛ ነኝ የትግራይ ሰራዊት ትግራይን ሙሉ በሙሉ ነፃ ሲያደርግ፤ ልክ እንደ አደዋው ድል ኦሮሞዎቹ አሁንም “እኛም ፈረሰኞችን እንላክ ብለን ወይንም ልከን ነበር!” ይላሉ። በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ስንት ግፍ ሰርተው ከጨረሱ፣ ሰሜኑን እርስበርስ የማባላት ህልማቸው እውን ከሆነ በኋላ፣ የጠበቁትን ያህል ባይሆኑም ዓላማቸውን ሁሉ ካሟሉ በኋላ፣ ትግራይን ካራቆቷት እና የሚያልሙላትን ኦሮሚያን የማትፈታተንበት ደረጃ ላይ እንድትወድቅ ካደረጓት በኋላ፤ “አይ፤ እኛ በጀነሳይዱ ላይ አልተሳተፍንበትም!” ብለው ልክ እንደ አማራዎች እጃቸውን ለማጠብ ይሻሉ።

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Tigray Hospitals Vandalised & Looted by War Criminals Ahmed & Afewerki

የሳምሬ ከተማ የጤና ማዕከል በጦር ወንጀለኞቹ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እና ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ ሰአራዊቶች በዚህ መልክ ተዘርፈዋል፤ ፈራርሰዋል።

The army of dictator Esayas Eritrea & that of Fascist Abiy Ahmed intentionally destroyed Samre Health Center, Tigray. Here is the situation of the pharmacy of the center at the moment. All medical supplies were taken by those evil forces.

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#TigrayGenocide | Africans are Being Massacred & The World is Ignoring it

Biden’s Brewing Problem in Ethiopia

War broke out in the Tigray region of Ethiopia in November. Five months later, the scale of the carnage, destruction, and destabilisation is becoming evident.

The spark for the fighting was an attack on army bases by soldiers loyal to the region’s ruling Tigray People’s Liberation Front which was at odds with the federal government headed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. But wars don’t happen overnight: the European Union, International Crisis Group, and many others issued warnings. Most worryingly, Eritrea — with whom Prime Minister Abiy had made a much-heralded peace agreement in 2018 — had a scarcely-hidden war plan.

Abiy’s initial goal was cutting the TPLF down to size. But his coalition partners’ war aims appear to go much further. For Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki, the aim is nothing less than the extermination of any Tigrayan political or economic capability. For the militia from the neighboring Amhara region it is a land grab — described by the U.S. State Department as “ethnic cleansing.”

Since then, we have learned of massacres, mass rape, ransacking of hospitals, and hunger as a weapon of war. It’s an urgent humanitarian crisis—and a threat to international peace and security.

For the first month, the Trump administration endorsed the war, backing up Abiy’s depiction of it as a domestic “law enforcement operation” and praising Eritrea for ‘restraint’ — at a time when divisions of the Eritrean army had poured over the border and reports of their atrocities were already filtering out.

The Biden administration is building a sensible policy — but is hampered by the slow process of putting its senior team in place. Secretary of State Antony Blinken made reasonable demands. President Biden dispatched Senator Chris Coons to convey how seriously Washington is taking the crisis. A special envoy for the Horn of Africa — reported to be the senior diplomat Jeffrey Feldman — is due to be appointed, short-cutting the process of confirming an Assistant Secretary of State for Africa. The new USAID Director Samantha Power, a passionate advocate of action against mass atrocity, is awaiting confirmation.

The Ethiopian government is providing just enough of a plausible impression of compliance to postpone or dilute effective action

But Biden’s approach is not working. To be precise, the Ethiopian government is providing just enough of a plausible impression of compliance to postpone or dilute effective action.

Blinken’s first demand was that Eritrean forces should withdraw. This pushed Abiy — after months of dissembling — to admit that the Eritrean army was actually present and that he would request Pres. Isaias to pull them back. Abiy’s problem is that if Eritrea withdraws, he loses Tigray: the Tigrayan resistance would overwhelm his depleted army. Isaias is a veteran operator and he has prepared for this: his security agents and special forces are now so strategically placed inside Ethiopia that Abiy’s fragile government would be endangered if he withdrew.

Second, the U.S. insisted on a ceasefire and political negotiations. This is essential to stop the battlefield slaughter — thousands were killed in combat in March—and the ongoing scorched earth campaign that is reducing Tigray’s economy to the stone age. But Abiy rejected this. He and Isaias appear determined to try one more offensive to vanquish the Tigrayan Defense Forces. What they fail to see is that inflicting atrocities only stiffens the resolve of the Tigrayans to fight back. Speaking on April 3 Abiy belatedly conceded that a “difficult and tiresome” guerrilla war is in prospect — but he has made no mention of peace talks.

Third, Blinken demanded unfettered humanitarian access for international relief agencies to provide food and medicine for to the starving. He might have added, without a pause in the fighting, farmers cannot prepare their lands for cultivation. The agricultural cycle brooks no delay: ploughing needs to begin soon, before the rains come in June. If there’s no harvest this year, hunger will deepen.

The World Food Program and international agencies are reaching about 1.2 million of the 4.5 million people estimated to need emergency relief. But there are reports that as soon as food is distributed, soldiers sweep through and take it from civilians at gunpoint. The aid effort is, at the moment, too little and too late.

Last, there should be an independent investigation into reports of atrocities, which the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights has begun, but in partnership with the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission. This has the drawback that it’s unrealistic to expect the staff of an Ethiopian government body—whatever their personal integrity—to withstand the personal pressure that the authorities will put on them. And many Tigrayans will automatically reject their findings as biased.

The United States has other policies in this complicated mix too. Last year, the Treasury took on the task of trying to mediate in the Nile Waters dispute between Ethiopia and Egypt. Abiy inherited a huge dam, under construction on the Blue Nile, from his predecessors. It’s a point of national pride, the centrepiece of Ethiopia’s development. Egypt sees any upstream state controlling the Nile waters as an existential threat.

To protect the “Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam” project, Ethiopia’s ministry of foreign affairs had constructed a coalition of African riparian states, which isolated Egypt and minimised the danger of direct confrontation.

Abiy upended this: 18 months ago he went into direct talks with Egyptian president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who invited the United States to mediate — confident that the Trump administration would lean his way. Sudan, the other party to the talks, had no option but to line up with Cairo and Washington. By the time he had realised his error, Abiy was stuck, and the scenario foreseen by his diplomats was unfolding: Ethiopia was the one isolated as Egypt pressed home its advantage and the United States suspended some aid. Since then the talks have repeatedly broken down, with each side escalating its rhetoric.

The African peace and security order lies wrecked

To compound the error, in preparing for his assault on Tigray, Abiy antagonised Sudan. A few days before the war, he asked Sudanese leader General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan to seal the Sudanese border. He hadn’t anticipated that this would trample over a delicate live-and-let-live border agreement, whereby the Sudanese allowed Ethiopian farmers to cultivate land inside their territory. They were ethnic Amharas. In sealing the frontier, the Sudanese troops drove those villagers out — enraging the powerful Amhara regional government and igniting a needless border conflict.

To complicate the picture still further, Isaias’s planned axis of autocracy extends through Ethiopia to Somalia. A painstaking process of stabilising and reconstructing Somalia is imperiled by President Mohamed Farmajo’s failure to agree an electoral timetable with the opposition, and refusal to step down when his term of office expired in February. Farmajo’s special presidential forces have been trained in Eritrea and many Somalis believe that he plans to use them to impose a military solution on his rivals.

The African peace and security order lies wrecked. The African Union has failed to act. Ethiopian diplomacy and pressure (the organisation’s headquarters are in Addis Ababa) has kept Ethiopia’s war and Eritrea’s destabilisation of the wider region off the AU agenda. Abiy rebuffed African mediators and convinced enough of his fellow African leaders that it was a purely domestic affair to prevent an African consensus position against the war.

At the centre of the chaos is Abiy, at every turn he has blundered

In turn, Africa’s inaction gave a green light to Russia and China to threaten to veto any resolution at the UN Security Council. Last month, the U.S. tried and failed this route. This passes the baton to the U.S. and Europe acting alone — at the G7 last week and next week at the Spring meetings of the World Bank and IMF.

At the centre of this chaos is Abiy. At every turn he has blundered. He has overpromised, mistaken image for reality, made needless enemies and locked himself into dangerous alliances. Those who once embraced his rhetoric of reform and peacemaking are looking naïve at best. He’s not a consensus-builder, rather an agent of polarisation. Perhaps most significantly for the incoming U.S. diplomatic team, the Ethiopian leader has demonstrated an explosive combination of hubris and poor judgement that make him an unreliable interlocutor — sitting atop a fragile country of 110 million people in a volatile region.

There’s no obvious solution: it’s a problem from hell.

Source

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US Senators Meet Tigrayan Refugees in Sudan | የአሜሪካ ሴናተሮች በሱዳን ከትግራይ ስደተኞች ጋር ተገናኙ

Delegation members have met some of the refugees who have fled across the border to escape the conflict in neighbouring Tigray at Um Rakuba camp in Sudan’s Gadarif state.

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Thousands Missing As People Flee Tigray | ሰዎች ከትግራይ ሲሸሹ በሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ጠፍተዋል

The Eritrean army are occupying villages in Tigray, displacing thousands of residents and refugees.

Eritrean Army Destroys Refugee Camps | የኤርትራ ጦር የስደተኞች ካምፕን አፈረሰ

👉 ባዕዳውያኑ በደንብ አይተውታል ፥ SkyNews

☆ Eritrea has partnered up with Abiy Ahmed to eliminate the People of Tigray

☆ አብይ አህመድ የትግራይ ህዝብን ለማጥፋት ከኤርትራ ጋር አጋር ሆኗል…

አሁን ኤርትራ ከሁለት ዐሥርት ዓመታት በላይ ሕወሓትን ያስተዳደረችውን የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ፥ እና ህዝብን ፥ ለማጥፋት ባደረገው ሙከራ ኤርትራ ከአብይ አህመድ ጋር አጋር ሆናለች።

Ethiopia’s Tigray Conflict: The ‘Twisted Joke’ of Denial in The Violence is Finally Laid Bare

For the past five months the head of the Ethiopian government has adamantly denied the existence of Eritrean troops, together with their military hardware, in the northern region of Tigray.

Today, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed dropped the pretence, admitting in the country’s House of People’s Representatives there were Eritrean soldiers, “guarding the border against the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front).”

The statement constitutes official acceptance of the blatantly obvious.

The near-ubiquitous presence of Eritrean soldiers within northern Ethiopia has become something of a twisted joke among locals in Tigrayan cities like Shire.

Dressed in distinctive light camouflage, the Eritreans drive into the central business district to buy supplies, get their vehicles fixed or pick up new equipment.

A short drive outside the city brings you into contract with checkpoints manned by surly Eritrean soldiers.

When we tried to visit the remains of the Hitsats refugee camp – one of two camps thought to have been attacked by Eritrean troops in mid-November – we were stopped by a man in an officer’s cap.

“N’tsaeda seb sifkedn” or “no white people allowed” he barked.

Eritrean soldiers giving orders in Ethiopia: we did as we were told and turned the car around.

There was plenty of evidence of extensive co-operation between leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea before prime minister Ahmed made his announcement today.

Locked in combat for years, the Ethiopian head and Isias Afwerki, the dictatorial leader of Eritrea, inked a peace deal back in 2018. It was a diplomatic breakthrough that bagged Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize.

Now, Eritrea has partnered up with Abiy Ahmed in his attempt to eliminate the political party – and people – who ran Tigray for over two decades, the TPLF.

A mixture of Ethiopian and Eritrean troops control the main cities and highways in Tigray and we spotted Eritrean tanks, armoured vehicles and trucks crammed with troops populating an area stretching from Shire up to the Eritrean border.

We stopped at a village and began to chat to group of local women.

The attacks on Shimelba and Hitsats, which are believed to have occurred on or around 19 November, took place amid heavy fighting with the TPLF and may constitute the single worst atrocity in this vicious conflict.

I spoke to a man who said he had witnessed the attack.

“What happened to the people who were here?” I asked.

He said: “People were killed by bullets. Heavy weapons and the tanks were firing and the houses were burnt. This is when the people fled. If they caught them, they killed them. It was the Eritrean army doing this.”

Aid officials told us that Eritrean soldiers attacked Hitsats camp at approximately the same time as Shimelba.

We spoke to man who was living in Hitsats when the troops moved in and he told us he was absolutely terrified.

He said: “When we heard the gunshots, people were running all over, to the left and right. I was (living) in ‘Zone D’ and my friend in Zone A was killed.”

“Sammy” says he was interrogated by troops who accused him of working for anti-government parties and an opposition media organisation called ASENA.

He survived several rounds of questioning and was held with other camp residents for the next two months without food and clean water to drink.

“I cry when I think of it. We ate moringa leaves. We passed our time by eating moringa, crushing and eating the leaves. We were really starving,” he said.

“There was no food or water. I wish I’d never been a refugee.”

• 

• 

In late January, the residents of Shimelba were ordered to leave the camp and ordered to walk 100km to the Eritrean border.

Sammy, who had fled the country in 2019 to avoid mandatory, life-time service in the Eritrean military, realised he was going to be forcibly returned.

“I was limping, there was blisters on my feet. We were injured,” he said.

“We would have preferred to die. It was difficult.”

When he arrived in the border town of Sheraro, the refugee concocted a plan to escape.

He asked a soldier if he could approach a local household and beg for scraps of food as the Eritrean Army had not provided them with anything to eat on their three-day march.

The soldier acquiesced and Sammy used the opportunity to slip away.

The majority were less fortunate.

Aid officials told Sky News they believe thousands of camp residents from Shimelba and Hitsats were forced to return to Eritrea with some required to sign “confession documents” on the way.

The present status of these individuals in unknown.

Sky News understands there were approximately 35,000 residents in both camps but only 7,000 have re-registered as refugees in Ethiopia.

Of this group, the majority have relocated to two other camps in western Tigray (Adi Harush and Mai Aini).

We also know that several hundred Eritreans escaped to Sudan, a thousand or so may be living in Shire and a small number have travelled to cities like the capital Addis Ababa.

That leaves a large number of refugees from both camps unaccounted for – with aid officials here in Ethiopia hugely concerned for their safety.

They fear that many thousands have been killed or abducted back to Eritrea – the country the risked their lives to flee.

Source

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Shot in The Head: A Human Catastrophe Unfolds in Ethiopia

💭 ማስጠንቀቂያ ፣ ይህ ዘገባ በሰንሰለት የታሰረውን እና በተኩስ የቆሰለውን አንድን ወጣት የሚያሳይ የሚረብሽ ቪዲዮ ነው፡፡

🔥 ጭንቅላቱን በጥይት ፤ በኢትዮጵያ ሰብዓዊ አደጋ ተከስቷል

🔥 የሰብአዊ እርዳታ ድንገተኛ ሁኔታ በኢትዮጵያ ተከፍቷል

🔥 Humanitarian emergency unfolds in Ethiopia

A warning, this report contains disturbing video of a young person being chained up and of gunshot wounds.

Four months of warfare in the Tigray region of Ethiopia has forced thousands to flee their homes, and seek shelter in refugee camps.

John Sparks speaks to survivors in one camp and hears stories of survival amid terrible living conditions.

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Is Abiy Ahmed Trying to Hide Serious Human Rights Violations Conducted by Ethiopian Troops?

💭 Ethiopia’s Tigray Conflict: a Human Tide of Refugees – With Little to Keep Them Alive

🔥 ወደ ፷ሺህ/60,000 የሚጠጉ ሰዎች በአጎራባች ሱዳን ውስጥ የስደተኛነት ጥያቄን ጠይቀዋል።

ብዙሃኑ ከምዕራብ ትግራይ አደገኛ ጉዞ በማድረግ ወደዚህ የመጡ ናቸው፡፡ አንዳንዶቹ ከቤታቸው ተባርረው ይሸሹ ዘንድ ተገደዋል ፣ ሌሎች ደግሞ ከአጎራባች የአማራ ክልል በመጡ ታጣቂዎች ተሰደዋል፡፡

🔥 ‘ፋኖ’ የተባለው ጨካኝ የአማራ ሚሊሻ ሲመጣ ቤተሰባችን ያለውን ነገር ሁሉ ወሰዱብን፡፡“

🔥 “እዚህ በጥር ፳፰/28 ዕለት ከተመዘገብኩ ጀምሮ ምንም ነገር አላገኘሁም፣ ልጆቼ በረሃብ እየሞቱ ነው፡፡ እስካሁን ምንም ነገር የለንም። ሰዎች ስለተራቡ እየታመሙ ነው ፣ ሰዎች እየሞቱ ነው፡፡“

🔥 መንግስቱ በኖቬምበር ወር መጨረሻ ላይ ትግራይን በሚያስተዳድረው ህዝባዊ ወያኔ ሃርነት ትግራይ (ህወሃት) ላይ የተጀመረው “የህግና ስርዓት ኦፕሬሽን” ስኬታማ መሆኑን አስታውቆ ነበር፤ ሆኖም ለእርዳታ ድርጅቶች ተደራሽነት ከማቅረብ ለምን እንደዘገየ ግን ግልፅ አይደለም፡፡

መዘግየቱ አስፈላጊ ጥያቄዎችን ያስነሳል ፥ ማዕከላዊው መንግስት በኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች የተከናወኑ ከባድ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ለመደበቅ እየሞከረ ነውን? እንዲሁም ከኤርትራ እና ከአማራ ክልል የመጡ አጋር ወታደሮች ያደረጓቸውን ወንጀለኛ ድርጊቶች?

ወይንም ምናልባት ይህ የእግር ጉዞ መጎተት የአህመድ አስተዳደር የክልሉን ሰፊ ክፍሎች በቁጥጥሩ ስር ማምጣት አለመቻሉን ያሳይ ይሆን?

🔥 Almost 60,000 have sought refugee status in neighbouring Sudan.

The majority here have made a hazardous journey from western Tigray. Some have been forced to flee their homes, others have been banished by militias from the neighbouring region of Amhara.

🔥 When the feared Amhara militia called ‘Fano’ turned up, they took everything the family possessed.

🔥 “Since registering here on 28 January I haven’t received a thing. My children are dying of hunger. We’ve had nothing so far.

🔥 “People are getting sick because they’re hungry. People are dying.”

🔥 His government declared the “law and order operation,” launched against the people who ran Tigray, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a success in late November and it is not clear why it has been so slow to offer aid organisations access.

The delay raises important questions – has the central government been trying to hide serious human rights violations conducted by Ethiopian troops – as well acts committed by allied soldiers from Eritrea and Amhara region of Ethiopia?

Alternatively, does this foot-dragging reflect the fact that Ahmed’s administration has failed to bring large parts of the region under its control?

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UN officials say between 50,000-60,000 arrivals have turned up at one refuge in the past few weeks alone.

The Tssa hi Elementary School in Sheerae, Ethiopia, offers some sort of sanctuary, a place of refuge for people on the run.

But there is not much here to keep them alive.

A human tide of 300,000 Tigrayans are now camping in this beleaguered city at six schools, a local college and any number of half constructed buildings which dot the city.

A senior UN official told Sky News that 50,000-60,000 arrivals have turned up in the past few weeks alone.

After four months of warfare between Ethiopia’s national defence force and fighters from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), more than 500,000 Tigrayans have lost their homes.

Almost 60,000 have sought refugee status in neighbouring Sudan.

The majority here have made a hazardous journey from western Tigray. Some have been forced to flee their homes, others have been banished by militias from the neighbouring region of Amhara.

The US government, amongst others, has condemned the violence and declared these evictions ‘ethnic cleansing’.

At Tssa hi Elementary, buses and trucks piled up with people’s basic possessions, stop outside the school’s front gate every few minutes.

We stopped one woman called Letay Teweldebrehan who had arrived in Sheerae with her daughter just before nightfall.

“It must be a difficult time for you,” I said.

“Yes, very much, I cannot explain it. We came because of the war. We have been robbed of our things and our animals were taken.”

She told me she was a civil servant from a city called Humera and I asked why she felt she had to leave.

“I work in water development but I have not received my salary for the last four months. We don’t have water, no electricity or medicines. Life is not possible.”

As she readied herself for the night ahead I asked where she thought we was going to sleep.

“I don’t know where. I have left my bed behind.”

There is no space left in the classrooms and the school playground is packed with families wrapped in blankets or balanced on bits of school furniture.

But if Ms Teweldebrehan does find a few square feet she will struggle to find anything else on offer.

Atsede Kidane, a mother of three, has been camping at the school for the past six weeks and she says the interim administration which now runs this region has not provided the residents with a single item of food.

“Since registering here on 28 January I haven’t received a thing. My children are dying of hunger. We’ve had nothing so far.

“People are getting sick because they’re hungry. People are dying.”

Humanitarian organisations could not get into Sheerae until early March and although Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has now given them “unfettered access” in Tigray they must operate in the region at their own risk.

His government declared the “law and order operation,” launched against the people who ran Tigray, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), a success in late November and it is not clear why it has been so slow to offer aid organisations access.

The delay raises important questions – has the central government been trying to hide serious human rights violations conducted by Ethiopian troops – as well acts committed by allied soldiers from Eritrea and Amhara region of Ethiopia?

Alternatively, does this foot-dragging reflect the fact that Ahmed’s administration has failed to bring large parts of the region under its control?

These matters are no concern of a priest called Teklehaimanot, who has brought his family of eight to Tshaye Elementary School.

His 28-year-old son, Fitsum, contracted a mental illness in the third year of university and his parents have found him difficult to control in the camp. They have decided to chain him to a wooden beam.

“It’s very difficult, we cannot sleep. At night, he tries to go out and he bothers the children, so we have to chain his hands and legs.”

Priest Teklehaimanot said they could not flee their home in a town called Tesgede because they could not leave Fitsum alone.

When the feared Amhara militia called ‘Fano’ turned up, they took everything the family possessed.

“This is my son, because of son, I cannot go anywhere. I don’t even have clothes.

“This is what I have. Everything has been taken, this is it.”

Source

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LATimes on The Bora Massacre | In an Out-of-Sight War, a Massacre Comes to Light

❖ „The Bora Christmas Day Massacre in Southern Tigray by the Ethiopian Army | የቦራ ጭፍጨፋ”

በኢትዮጵያ ጦር በደቡብ ትግራይ የቦራ የገና ቀን እልቂት፤ እስከ ፻፶/150 ንጹሐን በግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ የአህዛብ ሰአራዊት ተገድለዋል። ወራዳው የግራኝ 😈 ሰአራዊት በጦር ሜዳ ሲሸነፍ ውደ ንጹሐን አረጋውያንን፣ ሴቶችን እና ሕፃናት ፊቱን አዙሮ በየቤተክርስቲያኑ ይገድላቸዋል ፤ ያውም በጌታችን የልደት ቀን። 😢😢😢 ወገኖቼስ የሰማዕትነትን አክሊል ተቀዳጅተዋል፤ ይብላኝ ወደ ማያገባው ወደ ትግራይ ምድር እየተቀበዘበዘ ለገባው ለአውሬው የግራኝ ሰራዊትና “ዘራፍ! ያዘው! በለው! ግደለው!” እያሉ ለላኩት ውዳቂ ቃኤላውያን። አሁን ምንም የምታደርጉት ነገር አይኖርም፤ የትንቢት መፈጸሚያዎች ናችሁ፣ ተፈርዶባችኋል፤ ምንም የሚያድናችሁ ምድራዊ ሃይል አይኖርም፤ የሲዖል ደጃፍ በሯን ከፍታ ትጠብቃችኋለች።

The shootings began after lunch.

It was Friday, Jan. 8, the day after Genna, the Ethiopian Orthodox Christmas. Around 2 p.m., Kidane Tesfay heard gunshots near his family’s home and thought of his two brothers, ages 17 and 20, walking outside.

“When I looked through the door’s peephole, I saw them on the ground, their blood spilling out,” he said in an interview. He also saw soldiers wearing mud-flecked green camouflage gear striding up to the door.

“I had to escape,” Tesfay said. “Luckily our house has another entrance. I ran out the back.”

What followed was an hours-long killing rampage, according to accounts from 10 survivors, including Tesfay, as well as from victims’ relatives and friends and activist groups. Ethiopian soldiers went from house to house in Bora, a town in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, and executed more than 160 people.

Done killing, the soldiers stopped families from taking their dead. Only on Sunday — two days after the slaughter — were gravediggers allowed to set about their grim task; one of them buried 26 corpses in the graveyard of the Abune Aregawi Church, survivors said.

“The town was filled with corpses. The bodies of our friends and neighbors started to smell,” said Girmay Hagos, a 30-year-old real estate agent and survivor. “We kept our grief to ourselves — the soldiers didn’t allow us to cry.”

The massacre in Bora is another deep stain on Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s months-long war in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, which began in early November after the ruling faction there, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, or TPLF, attacked a government military base. Abiy retaliated with what he called a “law-enforcement operation,” which killed tens of thousands of people, estimates say, and displaced hundreds of thousands more. More than 60,000 Tigrayans have fled to neighboring Sudan alone, according to the International Organization for Migration.

Behind those numbers has been a brutal, ethnically driven campaign of punishment against the 5.4 million people living in Tigray and the TPLF, which had ruled Africa’s second-most populous country for almost three decades before Abiy’s ascension to power in 2018.

Much of the war remains opaque because the government imposed a communications blackout Nov. 4, largely sealing Tigray from the wider world. Still, consistent reports have emerged in recent weeks of “extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, looting of property, mass executions and impeded humanitarian access,” the U.N.’s Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide said in a statement last month.

On Monday, medical charity Doctors Without Borders said that 70% of clinics it visited in Tigray “were looted, vandalized and destroyed in a deliberate and generalized manner.” Last week, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken told a House Foreign Affairs Committee hearing that government forces — which include the Ethiopian army, soldiers from neighboring Eritrea and state-sponsored militiamen from the Amhara region — had committed acts of “ethnic cleansing.”

One of those skirmishes, Bora residents say, happened the morning of Jan. 8 in the Ajale mountains, an area about 10 miles north of the town. After the fighting, soldiers descended upon Bora.

Hagos, the real estate agent, had gone to stay in Bora with his mother and sister, seeking safety there after hearing rumors that Ethiopian soldiers were killing civilians in the Tigrayan capital, Mekele, where he lived. With the sound of gunshots getting closer, his mother covered him with a blanket and told him to pretend he was ill.

“I lay down and acted as if I were sick and old,” Hagos said. “When the Ethiopian soldiers came to the house, they looked in and saw two women and what appeared to be a useless patient. They cursed at us and left.”

Others weren’t so lucky. Hagos said he personally knew 20 victims of the slaughter, including his 15-year-old brother, Yared; his childhood friend, Kalayu Negus, a popular barber in the town; and Alemu Amare, a neighbor who had gone out to get typhoid medicine for his daughter.

All the witnesses interviewed for this story insisted that the TPLF had no presence in the area after Nov. 26, and that there had been no provocation or warning before the soldiers began their rampage.

“Farmers. Farmers and youngsters,” one woman says over and over as she cries over the body of a family member in a video provided by Seb Hidri, an NGO in Tigray that supports Tigray’s independence. Corpses of men wearing civilian clothes lie strewn on the ground, one in a pool of blood, as other women shout and weep.

Local sources said the accents of the women, their clothing and the terrain in the video are consistent with its having been filmed either in or near Bora, but the Los Angeles Times could not independently verify the footage.

Seb Hidri says it has documented 170 killed in the town. Tghat, a news site run by pro-TPLF activists, reported on the Bora killings Jan. 12, along with another alleged massacre that took place in an area called Debre Abay.

Other instances of alleged human rights abuses have been mostly blamed on Eritrean troops or militias working alongside Ethiopian government forces.

But Hagos and other survivors insist that Ethiopian army soldiers were behind the bloodletting in Bora, based on their uniforms and the fact they spoke Amharic. Analysis by independent media outlets of videos emerging from the Debre Abay massacre suggests that Ethiopian soldiers carried out that attack as well.

Guiomar Pau Sole, spokeswoman for the U.N.’s regional Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Nairobi, said the U.N. had received “alarming reports of civilians being injured and killed during fighting in rural areas of Tigray, and violations against civilians, including sexual violence.”

“However, the verification of this information was, and remains, extremely challenging,” Pau Sole said.

In its statement Saturday, Ethiopia foreign ministry insisted that “the government has demonstrated its readiness to engage positively and constructively with all the relevant regional and international stakeholders in responding to the serious allegations of human rights abuses and crimes.”

On Wednesday, the U.N.’s human rights chief, Michelle Bachelet, agreed to a request by the government’s human rights commission for for a joint investigation in Tigray.

Witnesses in Bora accuse the soldiers of trying to purge ethnic Tigrayans from the area.

“They killed men and boys. They came and terrorized the women, asking them where their husbands and sons are,” said Birhane Halefom, 32, a day laborer who escaped to Mekele, the regional capital, during the massacre. He added that Ethiopian troops had burned crop fields and urinated in stores to despoil the grain kept there.

Mersa Tshaye, an 18-year-old high school student, said his survival might owe to the fact that his family’s home is small and unobtrusive.

“That could be the reason why the soldiers did not notice or bother to enter — I don’t know. But maybe it was just luck,” Mersa said. “No one is left of my friends. Perhaps it was not my day to die.”

Source

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