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Posts Tagged ‘ሰብል ማቃጠል’

The Nobel Committee Should Resign over The Atrocities in Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 8, 2021

🔥 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for Pact of War

🔥 2020 Nobel Peace Prize for Pacte de Famine?

😈 The demon possessed traitor & anti-Ethiopia PM Abiy Ahmed Ali has been able to make a lot of embarrassing, awkward and bad luck stories – and to bring trouble on many – this involve or lead to acts that damaged the reputation and interests of the following entities:

❖ Ethiopia / Tigray

❖ The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church

❖ Relationships between Tigrayans & Amahra; between Tigray & Eritrea

❖ Ethiopia’s ethnic groups & tribes

❖ The Horn of Africa: Kenya + South Sudan

❖ The sane & humane International Community

❖ The African Union

❖ The United Nations

❖ The Nobel Prize Committee

😈 While this cruel monster helped the following entities to substantially push their satanic agendas at every turn:

☆ The Oromos

☆ The Muslims

☆ The Arabs

☆ Egypt

☆ North Sudan

☆ Somalia

☆ Djibouti

☆ The Protestants

☆ The Sodomites

👉 Do I’ve anything else to say? A vicious sociopath, Antichrist! 😈

[Isaiah 33:1]
“Woe to you, O destroyer, While you were not destroyed; And he who is treacherous, while others did not deal treacherously with him.
As soon as you finish destroying, you will be destroyed; As soon as you cease to deal treacherously, others will deal treacherously with you.”

[ትንቢተ ኢሳይያስ ምዕራፍ ፴፫፥፩]

አንተ ሳትጠፋ የምታጠፋ፥ በአንተም ላይ ወንጀል ሳይደረግ ወንጀል የምታደርግ ወዮልህ! ማጥፋትን በተውህ ጊዜ ትጠፋለህ፤ መወንጀልንም በተውህ ጊዜ ይወነጅሉሃል።

The war on Tigray in Ethiopia has been going on for months. Thousands of people have been killed and wounded, women and girls have been raped by military forces, and more than 2 million citizens have been forced out of their homes. Prime minister and Nobel peace prize laureate Abiy Ahmed stated that a nation on its way to “prosperity” would experience a few “rough patches” that would create “blisters”. This is how he rationalised what is alleged to be a genocide.

Nobel committee members have individual responsibility for awarding the 2019 peace prize to Abiy Ahmed, accused of waging the war in Tigray. The members should thus collectively resign their honourable positions at the Nobel committee in protest and defiance.

The committee justified awarding the Nobel to Ethiopia’s premier for his “efforts to achieve peace and international cooperation, and in particular for his decisive initiative to resolve the border conflict with neighbouring Eritrea”. Today, Eritrean forces, along with Ethiopia’s federal and Amhara regional state forces are accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity in what Abiy characterises as a “law enforcement operation” in Tigray.

Numerous massacres of civilians have been revealed, and rape of women and girls has been systematically carried out

The war began last November, when federal soldiers entered Tigray alongside Eritrean forces, claiming the objective was to arrest the elected regional government and leaders of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front party (TPLF) for rebellion. The Tigray leadership withdrew from the regional capital, Mekelle, into the mountains, with thousands of combat-ready troops. It was clear from the outset that war was inevitable, as Tigrayans would not submit to the centralising policies of Abiy, which they believe undermine their constitutionally enshrined autonomy.

The campaign has become increasingly repugnant. The US has criticised Abiy for ethnic cleansing. Numerous massacres of civilians have been revealed, and rape of women and girls has been systematically carried out to “cleanse the blood line”, as soldiers have reportedly said, and break spirits. Civil infrastructure, such as hospitals, water facilities, schools and universities have been direct targets of bombings and looting, with the aim to destroy capacity to govern.

Even worse is the humanitarian consequence. Today, 5.2 million Tigrayans, about 85% of the region’s population, need aid to survive, but it is not reaching them. Food and emergency assistance from the UN and international organisations is obstructed by federal red tape and Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers. Hundreds of thousands are in danger of dying from starvation this summer. We may soon again see images of mass death in Tigray, similar to those from the famine that took place during the Ethiopian civil war and inspired the Live Aid concert in 1985.

Human rights experts believe there is reason to declare genocide in Tigray, when analysing the political intentions behind the systematic mass murders of civilians, sexual violence and more. The patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox church has said that the government is carrying out a genocide. The final legal conclusion must however be for a future international criminal tribunal.

What then is the responsibility of the Nobel committee towards someone who uses the prize to legitimise genocidal warfare against his own people? Did they undertake a comprehensive risk assessment before giving the prize to an incumbent prime minister who was not democratically elected in a country that has always been an authoritarian state? Or is this, in hindsight, something the committee could not have foreseen?

Last year, the Nobel committee came out in defence of the laureate, reasserting its position on the prize

Already, in early 2019, the reforms in Ethiopia and the peace process with Eritrea were known to have lost momentum. Liberal political reforms in the country were backsliding. Some also warned that the peace prize itself could destabilise rather than consolidate the region.

After the war began, I had a call from a high-ranking Ethiopian official: “I will always hold the Nobel committee responsible for destroying our country,” he said. “After Abiy received the peace prize, he viewed this as a recognition of his politics and would no longer listen to objections or the dangers of recentralised power in Ethiopia.”

There is international criticism of Abiy’s candidature and the committee’s “non-stance” on any crimes against humanity by military forces under the command of a Nobel laureate. But the committee has stayed silent, carrying on a century’s tradition of refusing to discuss the judging process. Last year, in reaction to Abiy’s decision to postpone the 2020 elections indefinitely, the Nobel committee came out in defence of the laureate, reasserting its position on the prize. Now, after the outbreak of war, members of the committee remain disinclined to discuss their original assessment.

Initiatives by Ethiopian diaspora organisations to hold the Nobel committee legally liable for the award’s consequences have further damaged the reputation of the Nobel prize.

On the guidelines enshrined in Nobel rules is that once a prize is awarded, it cannot be withdrawn. So how could the committee express its condemnation of the war and the politics of Abiy should it wish to? All members have an individual responsibility – it is not officially known whether any voted against. They should therefore acknowledge this, collectively resign, and let the Norwegian parliament appoint a new committee.

As a collective action, it would be perceived as taking responsibility for the error – and as a protest against the war.

At the same time, the Nobel Institute should upgrade its expertise, undertake comprehensive risk assessments and analyse relevant conflicts and contexts on which awards are based. It seems clear that procedures failed in awarding Abiy the prize.

In appointing a new committee, Norway’s political parties must drop the tradition to nominate retired politicians. This would provide the much-needed arm’s length between the prize and the Norwegian political elite. International members should be brought in, with expertise in what the prize is actually about: war and peace, international law, human rights. The Nobel name carries international weight and a committee with world-class capabilities should protect it.

Source

👉 የሚከተለው ከዚህ ቪዲዮ ጋር በተያያዘ ባለፈው ጥቅምት ወር መግቢያ ላይ የቀረበ ጽሑፍ እና ቪዲዮ ነው። ሁሉም ነገር ሲከሰት ዓይናችን እያየው ነው፦

የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት የጀነሳይድ ቀብድ ነው | ዘንድሮ ደግሞ በረሃብ ሊቀጡን ነው”

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Nobel Peace Laureates Committed Gross Human Rights Violations & War Crimes in Ethiopia

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 29, 2020

Yes! Both War Criminals, Abiy Ahmed & Isias Afewerki are Nobel Peace Prize Laureates 2019!

በኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ እንዲቃጠል የተደረገውን የትግራይ ሰብል ማሳ የሳተላይት ምስል የኒው ዮርክ ታይምስ አትሞታል። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! ቪዲዮውን እስከ መጨረሻው እንከታተለውና ነጥብጣቦቹን እናገናኛቸው።

ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እና ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ እየፈጸሙት ያሉት አሰቃቂ ተግባር፣ እየሠሩት ያሉት ወንጀል ከግራኝ አብህመድ ቀዳማዊና ከዮዲት ጉዲት ይከፋል። ሂትለርና ሙሶሊኒም ሆን ብለው እንኳን የራስን የወረሯቸውን ሃገራት የሰብል ማሳ ያቃጠሉ አይመስለኝም። እነዚህ አውሬዎች ከየት ተገኙ?

👉 ፋሺስቶቹ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ እና ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ ከአረብ ረዳቶቻቸው ጋር አብረውና፤

ኮሮናን ተገን አድርገው

አንበጣ መንጋን ተገን አድርገው

ዝናብና ብርድ የሚቆምበትን ወር ጠብቀው

የሰብል ምርት የሚሰበሰብበት የመኸር ወቅትን ጠብቀው

በአሜሪካ የፕሬዚደንት ምርጫ የሚደረግበትን ዕለትን ጠብቀው

ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ ሚስቱን እና ልጆቹን ወደ አሜሪካ ከላካቸው በኋላ

በምስኪኑ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ በፌስቡክ ጦርነት አወጁበት።

ለካስ ባለፈው ጥቅምት ወር ላይ “መከላከያ ሰራዊት የትግራይ አርሶ አደር የደረሱ ሰብል ማሳ አጨዳ እየተረባረበ ይገኛል” ሲሉን የድራማ ንግስቲቱ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ለጭፍጨፋውና ቃጠሎው በዚህ መልክ እየተዘጋጀች ነበር። ይህ ቆሻሻ ሕዝቡን ምን ያህል ቢንቀውና ቢጠላው ነው?! ዋው! እነዚህ አውሬዎች እኮ ከዲያብሎስ የከፉ አረመኔዎች፣ ጨካኞችና እርኩሶች መሆናቸውን እያየን ነው።

ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እና ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ በኢትዮጵያ ላይ እየፈጸሙት ያሉት አሰቃቂ ተግባር፣ እየሠሩት ያሉት ወንጀል ከግራኝ አብህመድ ቀዳማዊና ከዮዲት ጉዲት ይከፋል። ልዩነቱ በዚያ ዘመን ደጋፊዎቻቸው መሀመዳውያን፣ ቱርኮችና ጋሎች ነበሩ፤ ዛሬ ግን የጎንደር ጋላማራዎች ታክለውበታል። ሂትለርና ሙሶሊኒ እንኳን ሆን ብለው የራስን የወረሯቸውን ሃገራት የሰብል ማሳ ያቃጠሉ አይመስለኝም። እነዚህ አውሬዎች ከየት ተገኙ?

ልብ ብለናል? የእነ ደብረጽዮን፣ መለስ ዜናዊ፣ ቴዎድሮስ አድሃኖም ልጆችና ቤተሰቦች ከኢትዮጵያ አልወጡም፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ፣ ለማ መገርሳ እና አጋሮቻቸው ግን ሚስቶቻቸውንና ልጆቻቸውን ወደ አሜሪካ ልከዋል። እስኪ የዲያስፐራው የሰበር ዜና ጀግኖችበዚህ ጉዳይ ዙሪያ ይዘግቡልን!

Refugees Come Under Fire as Old Foes Fight in Concert in Ethiopia

Forces from neighboring Eritrea have joined the war in northern Ethiopia, and have rampaged through refugee camps committing human rights violations, officials and witnesses say.

As fighting raged across the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia last month, a group of soldiers arrived one day at Hitsats, a small hamlet ringed by scrubby hills that was home to a sprawling refugee camp of 25,000 people.

The refugees had come from Eritrea, whose border lies 30 miles away, part of a vast exodus in recent years led by desperate youth fleeing the tyrannical rule of their leader, one of Africa’s longest-ruling autocrats. In Ethiopia, Eritrea’s longtime adversary, they believed they were safe.

But the soldiers who burst into the camp on Nov. 19 were also Eritrean, witnesses said. Mayhem quickly followed — days of plunder, punishment and bloodshed that ended with dozens of refugees being singled out and forced back across the border into Eritrea.

For weeks, Prime Minister Abiiy Ahmed of Ethiopia has denied that soldiers from Eritrea — a country that Ethiopia once fought in an exceptionally brutal war — had entered Tigray, where Mr. Abiiy has been fighting since early November to oust rebellious local leaders.

In fact, according to interviews with two dozen aid workers, refugees, United Nations officials and diplomats — including a senior American official — Eritrean soldiers are fighting in Tigray, apparently in coordination with Mr. Abiiy’s forces, and face credible accusations of atrocities against civilians. Among their targets were refugees who had fled Eritrea and its harsh leader, President Isaias Afwerki.

The deployment of Eritreans to Tigray is the newest element in a melee that has greatly tarnished Mr. Abiiy’s once-glowing reputation. Only last year he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for making peace with Mr. Isaias. Now it looks like the much-lauded peace deal between the former enemies in fact laid the groundwork for them to make war against Tigray, their mutual adversary.

Abiiy has invited a foreign country to fight against his own people,” said Awol Allo, a former Abiiy supporter turned outspoken critic who lectures in law at Keele University in Britain. “The implications are huge.”

Mr. Abiiy insists he was forced to move his army quickly in Tigray after the region’s leaders, who had dominated Ethiopia for 27 years until Mr. Abiiy took over in 2018, mutinied against his government. But in the early weeks of the fight, Ethiopian forces were aided by artillery fired by Eritrean forces from their side of the border, an American official said.

Since then, Mr. Abiiy’s campaign has been led by a hodgepodge of forces, including federal troops, ethnic militias and, evidently, soldiers from Eritrea.

At Hitsats, Eritrean soldiers initially clashed with local Tigrayan militiamen in battles that rolled across the camp. Scores of people were killed, including four Ethiopians employed by the International Rescue Committee and the Danish Refugee Council, aid workers said.

The chaos deepened in the days that followed, when Eritrean soldiers looted aid supplies, stole vehicles and set fire to fields filled with crops and a nearby forested area used by refugees to collect wood, aid workers said. The camp’s main water tank was riddled with gunfire and emptied.

Their accounts are supported by satellite images, obtained and analyzed by The New York Times, that show large patches of newly scorched earth in and around the Hitsats camp after the Eritrean forces swept through.

Later, soldiers singled out several refugees — camp leaders, by some accounts — bundled them into vehicles and sent them back across the border to Eritrea.

She’s crying, crying,” said Berhan Okbasenbet, an Eritrean now in Sweden whose sister was driven from Hitsats to Keren, the second-largest city in Eritrea, alongside a son who was shot in the fighting. “It’s not safe for them in Eritrea. It’s not a free country.”

Ms. Berhan asked not to publish their names, fearing reprisals, but provided identifying details that The New York Times verified with an Ethiopian government database of refugees.

Mr. Abiiy’s spokeswoman did not respond to questions for this article. However, a few weeks ago the United Nations secretary general, António Guterres, bluntly asked Mr. Abiiy if Eritrean troops were fighting in his war. “He guaranteed to me that they have not entered Tigrayan territory,” Mr. Guterres told reporters on Dec. 9.

Those denials have been met with incredulity from Western and United Nations officials.

The Trump administration has demanded that all Eritrean troops immediately leave Tigray, a United States official said, citing reports of widespread looting, killings and other potential war crimes.

It remains unclear how many Eritreans are in Tigray, or precisely where, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss delicate diplomacy. A communications blackout over Tigray since Nov. 4 has effectively shielded the war from outside view.

But that veil has slowly lifted in recent weeks, as witnesses fleeing Tigray or reaching telephones have begun to give accounts of the fighting, the toll on civilians and pervasive presence of Eritrean soldiers.

In interviews, some described fighters with Eritrean accents and wearing Ethiopian uniforms. Others said they witnessed televisions and refrigerators being looted from homes and businesses. A European official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss confidential findings, said some of those stolen goods were being openly sold in the Eritrean capital, Asmara.

Three sources, including a different Western official, said they had received reports of an Eritrean attack on a church in Dinglet, in eastern Tigray, on Nov. 30. By one account, 35 people whose names were provided were killed.

The reports of Eritrean soldiers sweeping through Tigray are especially jarring to many Ethiopians.

Ethiopia and Eritrea were once the best of enemies, fighting a devastating border war in the late 1990s that cost 100,000 lives. Although the two countries are now officially at peace, many Ethiopians are shocked that the old enemy is roaming freely inside their borders.

How did we let a state that is hostile to our country come in, cross the border and brutalize our own people?” said Tsedale Lemma, editor in chief of the Addis Standard newspaper. “This is an epic humiliation for Ethiopia’s pride as a sovereign state.”

Mr. Abiiy has already declared victory in Tigray and claimed, implausibly, that no civilians have died. But last week his government offered a $260,000 reward for help in capturing fugitive leaders from the regional governing party, the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front — a tacit admission that Mr. Abiiy has failed to achieve a major stated goal of his campaign.

In fact, the biggest winner so far may be his Eritrean ally, Mr. Isaias.

Since coming to power in 1993, Mr. Isaias has won a reputation as a ruthless and dictatorial figure who rules with steely determination at home and who meddles abroad to exert his influence.

For a time he supported the Islamist extremists of the Shabab in Somalia, drawing U.N. sanctions on Eritrea, before switching his loyalties to the oil-rich — and Islamist-hating — United Arab Emirates.

Inside Eritrea, Mr. Isaias enforced a harsh system of endless military service that fueled a tidal wave of migration that has driven over 500,000 Eritreans — perhaps one-tenth of the population — into exile.

The peace pact signed by the two leaders initially raised hopes for a new era of stability in the region. Ultimately, it amounted to little. By this summer, borders that opened briefly had closed again.

But Mr. Abiiy and Mr. Isaias remained close, bonded by their shared hostility toward the rulers of Tigray.

They had different reasons to distrust the Tigrayans. For Mr. Abiiy the Tigray People’s Liberation Front was a dangerous political rival — a party that had once led Ethiopia and, once he became prime minister, began to flout his authority openly.

For Mr. Isaias, though, it was a deeply personal feud — a story of grievances, bad blood and ideological disputes that stretched back to the 1970s, when Eritrea was fighting for independence from Ethiopia, and Mr. Isaias joined with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front to fight an Ethiopian Marxist dictator.

Those differences widened after 1991, when Eritrea became independent and the Tigrayans had come to power in Ethiopia, culminating in a devastating border war.

As tensions rose between Mr. Abiiy and the T.P.L.F., Mr. Isaias saw an opportunity to settle old scores and to reassert himself in the region, said Martin Plaut, author of “Understanding Eritrea” and a senior research fellow at the University of London.

It’s typical Isaias,” said Mr. Plaut. “He seeks to project power in ways that are completely unimaginable for the leader of such a small country.”

Aid groups warn that, without immediate access, Tigray will soon face a humanitarian disaster. The war erupted just as villagers were preparing to harvest their crops, in a region already grappling with swarms of locusts and recurring drought.

Refugees are especially vulnerable. According to the United Nations, 96,000 Eritrean refugees were in Tigray at the start of the fight, although some camps have since emptied. An internal U.N. report from Dec. 12, seen by The Times, described the situation at Hitsats as “extremely dire,” with no food or water.

Farther north at Shimelba camp, Eritrean soldiers beat refugees, tied their hands and left them under the sun all day, said Efrem, a resident who later fled to Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital.

They poured milk on their bodies so they would be swarmed with flies,” he said.

Later, Efrem said, the soldiers rounded up 40 refugees and forced them to travel back across the border, to Eritrea.

Source

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