How Far Will Ethiopia’s PM Go to Fight Rebels in Tigray | Al Jazeera

Ethiopia’s Nobel Peace Prize-winning Prime Minister is raising the stakes in the battle for Tigray. Abiy Ahmed is urging ‘all capable citizens’ to join the army and stop the region’s rebels ‘once and for all’. His government launched an offensive against the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) last November. So how far will Abiy go to win the battle?

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Ethiopian Civil War Has Turned into a State-Sponsored Bloodbath | The Apathy & Cruelty of A. Ahmed

💭 Dead bodies float in Ethiopian river

👉 Courtesy: WION

👏 Thank you, dear Palki Sharma! I followed all your reports on Tigray for nine months — you will be richly rewarded for your passionate reports about Tigrayan women — you’re more Ethiopian than many Ethiopian women. Namaste!

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“ከትግራይነት ደምሽን ለማፅዳት ነው” ያሉት ፋሺስት ኦሮማራዎች የወደቁት መላዕክት ኒፊልሞች (ሪዓይት) ዝርያዎች

💭 የማይታመነው ጭካኔ እና የማይነገረው ሰቆቃ… ወደሱዳን የጎረፈው የተበዳዮች እንባ… የአይን እማኙ ሀኪም ይናገራል

👏 በእውነት፤ ዶ/ር ቴዎድሮስ እጅግ በጣም ትልቅ ሰው! ከእኔ ጀምሮ ብዙዎቻችን ማድረግ የማንችለውን በጣም ከባድ ተግባር ነው እየፈጸመ ያለው። እግዚአብሔር ደኅንነቱን፣ ጸጋውን እና በርከቱን ይስጥልን።

💭 ፋናዬ ሰለሞን የትግራይ ሴቶች ሲደፈሩ፣ በምን መልክ እንደሆነ እንዲ ሲሉ አብራርተዋል፤

“አንዲት ሴት ወታደሮች ለቀናት ያህል እየተፈራረቁ ሲደፍሯት ከቆዩ በኋላ በጋለ ብረት ጉዳት እንዳደረሱባት ገልፃለች። ይህን ሲያደርጉ ደግሞ ለወደፊቱ ልጆች እንዳልትወልጂ ነው ይህን የምናደርገው። ማንኛዋም የትግራይ ሴት አድገው የሚዋጉን ጠላቶችን እንዳትወልድ ለማረጋገጥ ነው እንዳሏት ገልፃለች። ሌሎች ሴቶች ደግሞ የመደፈር ሰቆቃ ከተፈፀመባቸው በኋላ ለቀናት ያህል ህክምና እንዳያገኙ እንደተከለከሉ ተናግረዋል። ዓላማው በኤችአይቪ እንዲያዙ ነው። ወታደሮቹ እነሱን ለመድፈር የተመረጡት ኤድስ ሰላለባቸው እንደሆነ፣ እነሱን አስይዘው ሴቶቹ ደግሞ መላ ማኅበረሰቡን ኤድስ እንዲያስይዙ ሆን ብለን ነው እንዳሏቸው፣ ዋናው ነገር ግን ጤናማ ልጆች እንዳይወለዱ ለማድረግ መሆኑን እንደነገሯቸው የተደፈሩት ሴቶች ጠቁመዋል።”

ሌሎች የወሲብ ጥቃት ሰለባ የሆኑት ሴቶች ደግሞ የወሲብ ጥቃት በሚፈፅሙባቸው ወቅት “ከትግራይነት ደምሽን ለማፅዳት ነው” እንደሚሏቸው መናገራቸውን ፋናየ ሰለሞን ጠቁመዋል። “በቡድን የፆታ ጥቃት የተፈፀመባቸው ሴቶች በአሁኑ ወቅት ሽባ ሆነው መንቀሳቀስ አይችሉም። የማህፀን መገልበጥ ችግርም ደርሶባቸዋል” ብለዋል ፋናየ ሰለሞን።

😠😠😠 😢😢😢

👉 ታዲያ እነዚህ የሪዓይት ዝርያዎች ካልሆኑ ሌላ ማን ሊሆን ይችላል?! እነ ሂትለር ያልፈጸሙትን ጭካኔ እና ግፍ እኮ ነው በጽዮን ልጆች ላይ የፈጸሙት! ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

ቴዲ ፀጋዬ፤ እንደ ዶ/ር ቴዎድሮስ፣ ፕሮፌሰር ጌታቸው፣ ጋሽ ክፍሉ፣ ጋዜጠኛ አብራሃ በላይ ወዘተ ከመሳሰሉት ትክክለኛ ኢትዮጵያውያን ጋር ነው በስፋት መሥራት ያለብህ። የኢትዮ360ቹን የዋቄዮ-አላህ ባሪያዎች ከአጠገብህ አርቃቸው፤ በጭራሽ የኢትዮጵያዊነት ማንነት የላቸውም። በትግራይ ጀነሳይድ ከምንጠይቃቸው ብዙ መሰሪ የኒፊሊም/ራዓያት ዝርያዎች መካከል ርዕዮት አለሙ፣ ሃብታሙ አያሌው፣ ተወልደ በየነ፣ ኤርሚያስ ለገሰ ወዘተ ይገኙበታል። ግብዞች ናቸውና ባክህ አስጠግተህ ኦክስጅን አትስጣቸው!

የጽዮን ልጆች እንዲህ ናቸው። አየነው አይደል፣ ጊዜ ብዙ ነገር አሳየን እኮ! ፖለቲከኞችን ጨምሮ ትግራዋይ ልሂቃኑ ሁሉ አዲስ አበባን፣ አሜሪካን እና አውሮፓን በመተው ከሕዝባቸው ጎን ሆነው እግዚአብሔር የሰጣቸውን ሕዝብና ምድር ይከላከላሉ፤ እነ ዶ/ር ቴዎድሮስ በሱዳን በርሃ ወገኖቻችንን ያክማሉ፣ ይንከባከባሉ፤ በተቃራኒው ግን ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ እና ጭፍሮቹ በአዲስ አበባ ቤተ መንግስት ተንፈላሰው እየኖሩና ልጆቻቸውንም ወደ አሜሪካ እና አውሮፓ እየላኩ፤ ምስኪን የአማራ ገበሬዎችን የእሳት እራት እንዲሆኑ ወደ ጦር ሜዳ እየላኳቸው ነው፤ ልጆቻቸውንም ቤተሰብ–አልባ እንዲሆኑ በማድረግ ለዲያብሎሳዊው/ለ ሪዓያታዊው የሞጋሳ ባርነት በማዘጋጀት ላይ ይገኛሉ።

አማራውን ለሺህ ጊዜ እያታለሉ ሊጨርሱት የተዘጋጁት እነዚህ ኦሮሞዎች ታዲያ የወደቁት መላዕክት ኒፊልሞች (ሪዓይት) ዝርያዎች አይደሉምን? “ከውሃ ውስጥ የወጡ/ከማደጋስካር የመጡ ናቸው የሚለውን ነገር ማመን በመጀመር ላይ ነኝ።

ሰሞኑን መጽሐፈ ሔኖክን ደጋግሜ በማንበብ ላይ መሆኔ ያለምክኒያት አልነበረም። በመጽሐፈ ሔኖክ ላይ ግዕዙ ለኒፊልሞች (ሪዓይት) “መላእክት ውሉደ ሰማያት” የሚል መጠሪያን ይጠቀማል፡፡ ይህም ሲተረጎም የሰማያት ልጆች መላእክት ማለት ይሆናል፡፡ አንደ ማስረጃ ከሚጠቀሱት ጥቅሶች መካከል የሚከተለውን እንመልከት፦

“የሰው ልጆች ከበዙ በኋላ እንዲህ ሆነ፡፡ በእነዚያ ወራት መልከ መልካሞችና ደመ ግቡዎች ሴቶች ልጆች ተወለዱላቸው፡፡ የሰማይ ልጆች መላእክትም እነርሱን አይተው ወደዷቸው፡፡ እርስ በርሳቸውም – “ኑ ለእኛ ከሰው ልጆች ሴቶችን እንምረጥ፤ ለእኛም ልጆችን እንውለድ” አሉ፡፡ አለቃቸው ስማዝያ – “እኔስ ይህ ሥራ ይሠራ ዘንድ ምናልባት አትወድዱ እንደ ሆነ እፈራለሁ፡፡ የዚህችም ታላቅ ኀጢያት ፍዳ ተቀባይ እኔ ብቻ እሆናለሁ” አላቸው፡፡ “ይችን ምክር እንዳንለውጣት÷ ይችንም ምክር ቁም ነገር እንድናደርጋት ሁላችን መሐላ እንማማል፤ እርስ በእርሳችንም እንወጋገዝ” ብለው ሁሉም መለሱለት፡፡ ያንጊዜም ሁሉም አንድ ሆነው ማሉ፤ እርስ በርሳቸውም በነገሩ ተወጋገዙ፤ ሁሉም ሁለት መቶ ሆኑ፡፡ አርዲስ ወደሚባል ቦታም ወረዱ፤ ይኸውም የኤርሞን ተራራ ራስ ነው፡፡” [ሔኖክ ፪፡፩፡፯]

ይህ መጽሐፈ ሔኖክ በእነዚህ “መላእክት” ተብለው በተገለጹት እና በሰው ልጆች መካከል የነበረው ጾታዊ ተራክቦ ውጤት የነበሩትን “ኔፊሊም” ወይም “ረዓይት” ስለተባሉት ፍጥረቶች ሲገልጽ እንዲህ ይላል፡-

“እነርሱም ፀንሰው ረጃጅሞች ረዓይትን ወለዱ፡፡ ቁመታቸው ሦስት ሦስት ሺህ ክንድ ነበር፡፡ እነዚህም ሰዎች እነርሱን መመገብ እስኪሳናቸው ድረስ ሰው የደከመበትን ሁሉ በሉ፡፡ ረዓይትም ሰዎችን ይበሏቸው ዘንድ ተመለሱባቸው፡፡ በወፎችና በአራዊት÷ በሚንቀሳቀሱና በዓሳዎቸም ይበድሉ ዘንድ ጀመሩ፡፡ እርስ በርሳቸውም ሥጋቸውን ተባሉ፤ ከእርሷም ደምን ጠጡ፡፡ ያን ጊዜም ምድር ዐመፀኞችን ከሰሰቻቸው፡፡” [ሔኖክ ፪፥፲፪፡፲፮]

በ፮ ሚሊየን ትግራዋያን ላይ እንደ ሂትለር የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ እየፈጸሙ ያሉት ኦሮሞዎችና አማራዎች መሆናቸውን ባዕዳውያኑ ሳይቀሩ ጠቁመውናል።

ሁውማን ራይትስ ዋች / Human Rights Watch (HRW ) እ.አ.አ በ1991 ዓ.ም ላይ ባወጣውና ብዙ ጠቃሚ መረጃዎችን በያዘው ዘገባው ፤ “EVIL DAYS 30 YEARS OF WAR AND FAMINE IN ETHIOPIA” ላለፉት ፻፴/ 130 ዓመታት የኢትዮጵያ ፈላጭ ቆራጮች የነበሩት ዲቃላዎቹ ኦሮማራዎች መሆናቸውን እንዲህ ሲል ጠቁሞናል፦

“At the end of the 19th century, the center of power in Ethiopia decisively shifted from the north to Shewa, with the assumption of the title of Emperor by Menelik, King of Shewa. The majority of the inhabitants of the rest of Shewa were Oromo – as is the case today. In terms of descent, the group that became politically dominant in Shewa (and subsequently in Ethiopia) was a mixture of Amhara and Oromo; in terms of language, religion.”

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ታዲያ ለናዚ ዓይነት ፕሮፓጋንዳ ሰለባ የሆኑት ኦሮሞዎችና አማራዎች አይደሉምን? በዳዩ ተበዳይ ሆኖ የሚቀርብበት ዓለም ፈሪሃ እግዚአብሔር የሌለበት የዋቄዮ–አላህ ዓለም ብቻ ነው።

እንደምናየው ዛሬ አማራዎች ጽዮንን በመርሳት በፈቃዳቸው በተቀላቀሏት የአህዛብ(መሀመዳውያን፣ ሂንዱዎች፣ ኦሮሞዎች፣ ግብረ–ሰዶማውያን፣ ዘረኞች)ዓለም ይህ ዓይነት ባሕርይ ወይም የውጊያ ስልት፤ በእንግሊዝኛው “Projection” አንጸባራቂነት (ማስመሰል/ማሳየት)ይባላል፤ ማለትም እራሳቸው ቆሻሾች መሆናቸውን ስለሚያውቁ ከመቀደማቸው በፊት እራሳቸውን ንጹህ አድርገው ሌላውን ቆሻሻ ያደርጋሉ። እነርሱ መናፍቅ ሆነው ሌላውን ኩፋር/ መናፍቅ ይላሉ፣ እነርሱ በአመንዛሪነት፥ በዝሙት፥ በሌብነት፥ በውሸት፣ በስድብ፣ በግድያ ዓለማቸው ውስጥ ተዘፍቀው ሌሎች እነዚህ ሃጢአቶች ፈጽመዋል ብለው ይኮኑኗቸዋል ፣ እነርሱ በዳዮች እና ገዳዮች ሆነው እኛ ተበድለናል እያሉ ሌላውን ይወቅሳሉ። ወራሪዎቹ አቴቴ ኦሮሞዎች “ምኒሊክ ጡት ቆራጭ ነበር” ሲሉ “እኛ ጡር ቆራጮች ነበርን ወደፊትም እንሆናለን” ማለታቸው ነው። እነ ግራኝ የትግራይን ሕዝብ፤ “ነቀርሳ፣ የቀን ጅብ፣ ከሃዲ ወዘተ” ሲሉን ሳይቀደሙ በመቅደም የራሳቸውን ማንነትና ምንነት እየገለጹልን ነው።

አዎ! አረመኔው ግራኝ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ በከፈተው ጦርነት ባልጠበቀው መልክ ሽንፈትን እና ውርደትን ተከናንቧል፤ ሆኖም ጦርነቱ አላበቃም፣ አውሬው ውድመታዊ ተልዕኮውን ገና አላገባደደም።

የተነሳበት ተልዕኮ የኦሮሚያ እስላማዊት ‘ኩሽ‘ ካሊፋትን ለመመስረት ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያን የሆነውን ሰሜኑን ከቻለ ማንበርከክ ካልቻለ ደግሞ ሙሉ በሙሉ ማጥፋት ነው። ለዚህ ደግሞ ዛሬም የእስማኤላውያኑ አረቦችና ቱርኮች እንዲሁም የምዕራባውያኑ ኤዶማውያን (ሩሲያ እና ቻይናን ጨምሮ) ድጋፍ አለው።

ጦርነቱን ሲጀምር ሆን ብሎ ከመሪዎች በቀር ኦሮሞ ወታደሮችን አላሳለፈም፤ ያሰለፋቸው ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያውያንን እና አማራ ወታደሮችን እንዲሁም የቤን አሚር ኤርትራውያንን እና ሶማሌዎችን ነበር። ይህም በስልት፣ በተንኮል ነው። እነዚህ ወታደሮች በሰሜን በኩል በትግራይ ታጣቂዎች እጅ እንዲወድቁ በደቡብ በኩል ደግሞ በኤሚራት ድሮኖች እንዲጨፈጨፉ ለማድረግ ነው። አዎ! ምናልባት እስከ አምስት መቶ ሺህ የሚሆኑ ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያውያን፣ አማራ እና ቤን አሚር ወታደሮች መቀሌ እስክትያዝ ድረስ በከንቱ ረግፈዋል። እግዚኦ! መቀሌን እንደተቆጣጠሯት ሴት ደፋሪ የኦሮሞ ወታደሮች ወደ ትግራይ ሰተት ብለው እንዲገቡና የትግራይን ሕዝብ ተፈጥሯዊ ስብጥር ለመቀየር ይችሉ ዘንድ “ድፈሩ! ደቅሉ!” የሚል ትዕዛዝ ተሰጣቸው። የግራኝን “በአደዋ ጦርነት ወቅት “እኛ ኒፊሊሞች” ደቅለናል” የሚለውን የግራኝን ንግግር እናስታውስ። ኦሮሞዎቹ ይህን ተልዕኳቸውን ካገባደዱ በኋላ “ደጀን” ወዳሉት ሕዝባቸው ፈርጥጠው እንዲሄዱ ተደረጉ። የቀረው የግራኝ ሰአራዊት በትግራይ ኃይሎች ሙሉ በሙሉ ተደምስሷል።

አሁን በሁለተኛው ዙር የክተት ዘመቻው ለኦሮሙማው ተልዕኮው ማካተት የማይፈልጋቸውን ብሔር ብሔሰቦች ከየክልሉ በመሰብሰብ ወደ ጦር ግንባር (ሰሜናውያኑ የትግራይ፣ አማራ እና አፋር ክልሎች) በመላክ ለኦሮሞ ተጻራሪ የሆኑትንና ኦሮሞ ያልሆኑትን ሕዝቦች ይጨርሳል፣ ያስጨርሳል። “የኦሮሞ ልዩ ሃይል ወደ ትግራይ ተልኳል የተባለው በከፊል የማታለያ ስልቱ ነው። የማይፈልጓቸውን፤ ምናልባት ከሌላ ብሔሮች ጋር የተዳቀሉትን ‘ኦሮሞዎች‘ መርጠው በመላክ እነርሱንም ሊያስጨርሷቸው ስላቀዱ ነው። የኦሮሞ ልዩ ኃይል ከናዝሬት አዳማ አይነቃነቅም። “ኦነግ ሸኔ፣ የኦሮሞ ነፃ አውጭ ሰራዊት፣ ጃል መሮ ቅብርጥሴ” የሚባለው ሁሉም የግራኝ፣ የሽመልስ፣ የለማ እና የጃዋር ኃይሎች ናቸው። “በምዕራብ ወለጋ ውጊያ አለ፣ የኤርትራ ሰራዊት ኦሮሚያ ገባ…” ሲሉ የነበረውም ነገር ሁሉ የማያልቀው ውሸታቸው አካል ነው። ሐቁ ግን በእዚያ ወታደራዊ ልምምድ ነው የሚያደርጉት፣ ኤርትራውያኑም አሰልጣኞቻቸው ናቸው። ያው የትግራይ መከላከያ ሰአራዊት ብቻውን እየተዋጋ አዲስ አበባን ለመያዝ ሲቃረብ፤ “ከአዲስ አበባ በሰላሳ ኪሎሜትር እርቀት ላይ እንገኛለን” ሲሉ የነበሩት ኦሮሞዎቹ አሁን ፀጥ ለጥ ብለዋል። እንግዲህ እንደለመዱት እኛም ተዋግተን ነበር፣ ታስረናል፣ ተሰውተናል ቅብርጥሴ” በማለት የ“ፊንፊኔ ኬኛ” ሕልማቸውን ዕውን ለማድረግ ሲሉ የሚሰሩት ድራማ መሆኑ ነው። “ትግሬ ሞኝ ነው፤ ያኔም መቶ ሺህ ልጆቹን ገብሮ የማይገባንን ሰፊ ግዛት ሰጥቶናል፤ ዛሬም በሚሊየን የሚቆጠሩ ልጆቹን ገብሮ እስከ ወሎ ያለውን ግዛት ለእኛ ይሰጠናል፤ ‘ራያ ኬኛ!’።” የሚል ጽኑ እመንት ያላቸው ምስጋና ቢሶች፣ እራስ ወዳዶችና ከንቱዎች ናቸው። ዛሬ ኦሮሞዎች የሚመሩት ጽንፈኛ ኃይል በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ከፈጸመው ወደረ–የለሽ ግፍ በኋላ በዚህ ሃፍረተ–ቢስ የኦሮሞ ምኞት የሚታለል የትግራይ ልጅ ይኖራል ብዬ አላምንም።

አሁን በተለይ የትግራያን፣ የአማርን እና ኦሮሞ ያልሆኑ የደቡብ ሕዝቦችን በትግራይ እና አማራ ግዛት እንዲሰባሰቡ ካደረጉ በኋላ የቱርክን ወይም የኤሚራቶችን ድሮኖች ከኤርትራ ግዛት ለመጠቀም የወሰኑ ይመስላሉ፤ ኢሳያስም ወታደሮቹን ከትግራይ ያስወጣውና ጸጥ ያለውም ይህን የጭፍጨፋ ቴክኖሎጂ አጋጣሚ በመጠባበቅ ላይ ስለሆነ ይመስላል። የእርሱም ሰአራዊት አልቋልና።

በጣናው እምቦጭም የሳውዲዎች፣ የአላሙዲን እና የግራኝ እጅ እንዳለበት ከሁለት ዓመታት በፊት ጽፌ ነበር። ግራኝ የትግራይን ሕዝብ “እንቦጭ፣ ነቀርሳ፣ የቀን ጅብ፣ ዶሮ ወዘተ” ማለቱ፤ እነ አገኘው ተሻገር ደግሞ “የትግራይ ሕዝብ የኢትዮጵያ ጠላት ነው! ቅብርጥሴ” ማለታቸው የተለመደውን የዓለማችን ፈላጭ ቆራጮች ፋሺስቶችን ስልት መጠቀማቸው ነው፤ ሕዝብን ለጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ ለማመቻቸት/ Conditioning።

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የርሃብ ሲምፖዚየም ወረርሽኝ፤ የኢትዮ-ኤርትራ የረሀብ እቅድ ለትግራይ = የ ፹/80 አመት በፊት የናዚ የርሃብ እቅድ

እስኪ አስቡት፤ “ኢትዮጵያውያን ነን” የሚሉ ወገኖች ኢትዮጵያዊ የሆነውን ወገናቸውን ያለማቋረጥ በጦርነት፣ በርሃብ እና በሽታ ከምድረ ገጽ ለማጥፋት ሲወስን። ለማሰብ እንኳን ያቅለሸልሻል። ይህ እጅግ በጣም ሰቅጣጭ ክስተት በቅርብ የሚከታተሉትን የዓለም አቀፍ ባለሙያዎችን፣ ተቋማትን እና ግለሰቦችን ሁሉ በጣም አስገርሟል/አሳዝኗል፤ ታሪካዊ ጠላቶቻችንን ሶማሌዎችንና አረቦችን ሳይቀር። አንዱ አረብ በጽሑፉ፤ “ኢትዮጵያውያን እርስበር ይህን ያህል የሚጠላሉ አይመስለኝም ነበር” በማለት ተገርሟል። “ለካስ ኢትዮጵያውያን ከናዚዎች፣ ከፋሺስቶች እና ከጂሃዲስቶች የከፉ አውሬዎች ናቸው” አሰኝቷል። ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

ይህ የግለሰቦች ወይንም የልሂቃኑ ጉዳይ ብቻ አይደለም፤ የሕዝብ ጉዳይ ነው፤ ሕዝቦቹ ኃላፊነቱን ይወስዱ ዘንድ ግድ ነው። ኦሮሞ + አማራ + ቤን አሚር/ኤርትራ ቃኤላውያን የዋቄዮ–አላህ ባሪያዎች በጥይትና በሰይፍ ሊያሸንፉት ያልቻሉትን የትግራይን ሕዝብን አሁን በርሃብ ለመጨረስ ወስነዋል። ኦሮማራዎች ከዘመነ ምኒልክ አንስቶ የትግራይን ሕዝብ በጦርነቶች እና በርሃብ ለመጨረስ ብዙ ሞክረው ነበር፤ ይህ የመጨረሻው ሙከራቸው ነው። እነዚህ አረመኔዎች በምንም ዓይነት የኢትዮጵያዊነት ማንነትና ምንነት የሌላቸው፣ ኢትዮጵያውያን ይባሉ ዘንድ የማይገባቸው በእውነት ከየት እንደመጡ እንኳን የማይታወቁ፣ ናዚዎችን፣ ፋሺስቶችንና ጂሃዲስቶችን የሚያስንቁ አውሬዎች ናቸው። እኛ ላለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት በመላዋ ኢትዮጵያ ለሚፈናቀሉት፣ ለሚታገቱትና ለሚገደሉት ንጹሐን የሚቻለንን ስንጮህና እንባ ስናነባ እነሱ ለካስ የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለመጨፍጨፍና ለማስራብ በስውር ተግተው ሤራ ሲጠነስሱ ቆይተዋል። አሁን ይህን ፋሺስታዊ፣ ናዚያዊ እና ዲያብሎሳዊ እቅድ ለመትግበር ዓለምን እያታለሉና በሜዲያዎቻቸውም የለመዱንት የቅጥፈት ፕሮፓጋንዳ እያሰራጩ እቅዳቸውን ሊገፉበት ቆርጠው ተነስተዋል። አይሳካላቸውም! እንዳይሳካላቸውም የተቻለንን ሁሉ እናደርጋለን። ሆኖም ለዚህ ዲያብሎሳዊ እቅዳቸው ግን በሕዝቦቻቸው ላይ ከሰማይ እሳት ይወርድባቸዋል፣ አይተውት የማያውቁትን ደዌ፣ ወረርሽኝ እና በሽታ ሁሉ ሳይወዱ በግድ ይተዋወቋቸዋል። ማስጠንቀቂያዎቹን ሁሉ ንቀው ሆነ ሰበባሰበብና ምክንያት እየደረደሩ በእዉነተኛ ንስሐ አልተመለሱምና የሰይፉ ማስጠንቀቂያ በጎንደርና በአስመራ፣ በአዲስ አበባ እና በነቀምት፣ በጂማና በሐረር ላይ እያንዣበበ ይገኛል። ልኡልም ጦሩን እያዘጋጀ፣ ሰይፍን እየሳለ ይገኛል። ይኸውም የአህዛብ ሰይፍ፣ የአንበጣ መንጋ፣ የበሽታ/ኮሮና/ ሰይፍ፣ የጦርነት ሰይፍ፣ የአውሎ ነፍስና የጎርፍ ሰይፍ፣ የበረዶ፣ የእሳተ ገሞራ ሌሎችም!!!። የትግራይን ሕዝብ ከምድረ ገጽ አጥፍተው እነርሱ ብቻቸውን ሊኖሩ? በጭራሽ!

✞✞✞[ትንቢተ ኢሳይያስ ምዕራፍ ፩፥፲፱፡፳]✞✞✞

”እሺ ብትሉ ለእኔም ብትታዘዙ፥ የምድርን በረከት ትበላላችሁ፤ እምቢ ብትሉ ግን ብታምፁም፥ ሰይፍ ይበላችኋል፤ የእግዚአብሔር አፍ ይህን ተናግሮአልና።’

✞✞✞ [ትንቢተ ዕንባቆም ምዕራፍ ፫፥፬፡፯]✞✞✞

“ፀዳሉም እንደ ብርሃን ነው፤ ጨረር ከእጁ ወጥቶአል፤ ኃይሉም በዚያ ተሰውሮአል። ቸነፈር በፊቱ ይሄዳል፥ የእሳትም ነበልባል ከእግሩ ይወጣል። ቆመ፥ ምድርንም አወካት፤ ተመለከተ፥ አሕዛብንም አናወጠ፤ የዘላለምም ተራሮች ተቀጠቀጡ፥ የዘላለምም ኮረብቶች ቀለጡ፤ መንገዱ ከዘላለም ነው።

የኢትዮጵያ ድንኳኖች ሲጨነቁ አየሁ፤ የምድያም አገር መጋረጃዎች ተንቀጠቀጡ።“

🔥 “በኢትዮጵያ ጽኑ መናወጥ ይሆናል፣ ይህም የአሜሪካን፣ አውሮፓንና አረቢያን ውድቀት ያስከትላል!!!”

👉 Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

👉 Continue reading/ሙሉውን ለማንበብ

Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

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Pandemic of Hunger Symposium: The Ethio-Eritrean Hunger Plan For Tigray = The Nazi Hungerplan of 80 Years Ago

Tigray, Ethiopia, is a test case for United Nations Security Council resolution 2417 (2417). The United Nations has failed that test.

Today, between 4.5 million and 5.2 million people of Tigray’s total population of 5.7 million are in need of immediate humanitarian assistance. Famine is probably occurring already, and without doubt in the coming months Tigrayans will be starving on a scale rarely witnessed in the modern world. Except that, because the Ethiopian government prefers to keep Tigray in darkness, few outsiders will be there to witness it. We may later get to count the graves of the children who perished.

As soon as armed conflict erupted on 4 November, we were warned of the risk of famine. But in the face of the ruthless determination of the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea to starve the civilian population of Tigray, the United Nations, the African Union and donor governments have done nothing of significance. For the hungry in Tigray, 2417 is an empty promise.

The unpublished results of rapid nutrition assessments in six locations accessible to the regional authorities, with UNICEF’s technical support, show that Global Acute Malnutrition rates among children under five years of age of 23.8-34.3 percent. This takes us into the range where we must speak about phase 5 of the Integrated food security Phase Classification (IPC)—‘famine.’

Most of the Tigray region is not accessible to survey teams, due to government restrictions and fighting. Conditions elsewhere are almost certainly worse. The situation is deteriorating week-by-week as food stocks run out. Longer term prospects are even more dire: the planting season has arrived and most farmers are unable to plough their fields and plant and tend this year’s crops. Recent reports speak of Eritrean soldiers arriving in villages where farmers have been able to prepare their land, destroying the seedlings and telling villagers, you will not plant, you will not harvest, and if you try you will be punished.

Recently, aid was reaching about 1 million of those in need. Even that small fraction is shrinking. This month, the Ethiopian government declared the former governing party of the region, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) a ‘terrorist organization.’ Relief workers are now stopped at the first army checkpoint out of each town, and told that they cannot proceed further, because their aid cannot be allowed to help the ‘terrorists’.

It is hard to think of a more systematic use of starvation as a weapon of war since the Nazi Hungerplan of eighty years ago.

Before the outbreak of war on 3/4 November 2020, Tigray was relatively food secure. Once the epicentre of Ethiopia’s infamous famine of 1984/85, thirty years of internal peace and development meant that today’s generation of Tigrayans were, for the first time in history, living without the threat of hunger due to drought or locusts. Agriculture was still a marginal enterprise with low yields on stony soils, but a combination of rehabilitating watersheds and building small dams for irrigated horticulture and orchards, and subsidized fertilizers—enhanced by micro-credit services—enabled modest harvests. Local incomes were supplemented by seasonal labouring opportunities on commercial farms in fertile western Tigray, and employment in new industries such as textiles and marble cutting, artisanal mining of gold and cobalt, and tourism to the region’s historic churches. Further, a ‘productive safety net programme’ designed and funded by the government and international donors kicked in whenever food insecurity threatened.

All that is gone. In the words of Mulugeta Gebrehiwot, former World Peace Foundation senior fellow, speaking over the phone from the war zone, ‘they have destroyed Tigray, literally.’ I have been working on war, mass atrocity and famine in Africa for close to forty years. Never in my professional life have I documented destruction of what is necessary to sustain life in a manner as relentless and systematic as we are seeing in Tigray today.

As detailed in the World Peace Foundation report Starving Tigray, which draws upon scores of open-source reports along with eyewitness testimonies up, the coalition of Ethiopian National Defence Forces, Eritrean Defence Forces and Amhara militia have destroyed, removed or rendered useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population. They have burned food stores, looted food, and killed domestic animals from cows to baby chickens. They have slaughtered plough oxen, smashed ploughs, cut down fruit trees. They have ripped up the water pipes and pumps in towns and villages and ripped out domestic plumbing. They have looted and vandalized the great majority of the region’s clinics and hospitals. They have closed banks and frozen the 450,000 accounts in the region’s micro-finance institution, essentially confiscating the savings of the peasantry. They have pillaged and burned factories, ransacked hotels, looted shops and stores, and even broken open the little boxes used by shoeshine boys to steal the brushes and polish. By expropriating and ethnically cleansing the fertile lowlands where sesame is grown for export, they have eliminated Tigrayans’ single largest source of seasonal migrant work, a crucial source of income.

Men and boys are being killed: there are more than 150 documented massacres. In the largest known to date, in the city of Axum, an estimated 750 were killed. These are crimes in their own right. Fear of such violence deters men from travelling to find work, cultivate their farms, or obtain aid for their families.

Evidence for widespread rape and shocking sexual violence—torture, sexual slavery and mutilation—has emerged. Rape is a crime. Rape perpetrated as part of a widespread and systematic attack against a civilian population is a crime against humanity. That threshold is met in Tigray, with participation of uniformed state forces in rape and sexual violence.

Rape in these circumstances is also a starvation crime. A survivor of rape may be unable to care for herself and her children, because of physical injuries, trauma, and life-long stigma. A woman who is gang raped in her own home may never want to return to what was once a place of safety, but is now indelibly associated with pain, terror and attack on her familial and social identity. Fear of rape means that women and girls do not venture out to go to the market, go to fetch water or firewood, go to their farms or gardens, or seek assistance. With many men killed, in hiding, or joining the armed resistance, women are often the sole adult carers for their children—breadwinners in a land with no bread.

Not only has the Ethio-Eritrean coalition massively reduced the food available to Tigrayans, but they have systematically reduced the region to a state of destitution. Should this destruction, dispossession and expulsion be permitted to stand, the future is a geographically truncated Tigray, deprived of every source of income save subsistence farming, utterly dependent on welfare handouts. The scorched earth campaign means that the numbers in need will not reduce even if the conflict ends. Ethiopia and Eritrea have posed a horrible dilemma to the humanitarian community. Should donors pay the bill for the human consequences of this destruction or be complicit in what is emerging as a systematic hunger plan?

The humanitarian effort is reaching fewer people and providing them with less assistance than in any comparable circumstances in the world today. Most of what is given is food. There is some health care, but almost no agricultural aid. Much of that aid is stolen by the coalition forces—some of it wholesale, some of it when soldiers raid a village where there has been a distribution and take it at gunpoint.

The perpetrators of these starvation crimes are the Ethiopian federal forces, the Eritrean army, and Amhara forces. Clues to the Ethiopians’ motives can be deduced from the public rhetoric of political groups now setting the agenda of the government of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Amhara regional state concur in demonizing the Tigrayans. They claim that during the years in which the TPLF was in power, Tigrayans ‘looted’ the Ethiopian state, taking an unwarranted share of development funds, and are therefore ‘thieves’ and ‘daylight hyenas.’ Confiscating Tigrayan property was a slogan of political parties now supporting the government. In a recent panel on France 24, Neamin Zeleke, Executive Director at Ethiopian Satellite Televison and Radio (ESAT) which has been a fulcrum for inciting hatred against Tigrayans, toned down his rhetoric for an English-speaking audience but his intent to enact ‘revenge’ was clear. The campaign targeting ethnic Tigrayans for removal from employment, residence and rights across Ethiopia has the disturbing signature of eradicating them from the Ethiopian polity altogether.

The Amhara leadership claims that when provincial boundaries were redrawn in 1991-94, at the time of adopting a federal system based on ethnicities, Tigray took over historically Amhara lands, which they should now reclaim. (As with almost all such territorial disputes the history and the basis for the claims are controversial.) The U.S. State Department calls it ‘ethnic cleansing.’ That is the correct term: the boundary is being redrawn by force and Tigrayans are being forcibly removed or eliminated. Ironically, the FEWS NET maps this area as ‘food secure’: its methods are not designed to take account of the removal of the previous inhabitants and their replacement by new settlers.

The Eritrean president has long blamed the TPLF—and by extension all Tigrayans—for his country’s international ostracism and poverty and sought to eliminate it as a threat. Eritrea is a despotism, with no constitution, parliament, independent judiciary or free media. Its main institution is its vast army; its soldiers are forcibly conscripted from high school, brutalized and required serve indefinitely. The UN Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, which reported in 2016 found a shocking record of abuse by the state against its own citizens. The Special Rapporteur, Sheila Keetharuth, laments that her recommendations, including that Eritrea be referred to the International Criminal Court, were wholly ignored.

The Ethiopian Prime Minister called the coalition offensives a ‘law enforcement operation.’ His claims that ‘not a single civilian have been killed’ and that Eritrean forces were either not involved or were withdrawing have been shown to be lies. In the early weeks, Ethiopia and Eritrea were given a free pass by the Trump Administration and UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres repeated PM Abiy’s false claim about Eritrean forces.

The shut-down of internet and phone communication has been effective in minimizing reporting of atrocities including starvation, thereby allowing official denials to pass without refutation. International humanitarian workers are compelled to remain silent for fear of being expelled; the situation for national staff is worse. After the TPLF was declared a ‘terrorist’ organization, communication with them is prohibited.

Culpability for the outbreak of hostilities in November is shared among the four belligerents: the Ethiopian federal government, the TPLF, Eritrea and the Amhara regional forces.

Culpability for the famine lies entirely with the Ethio-Eritrean coalition. To the extent that there were pre-existing food security difficulties, on account of poverty and a locust plague, those show only that the perpetrators of the starvation crimes were aware of the vulnerability of their intended victims. A prosecutor seeking to investigate the situation in Tigray would have good reason to consider a case for crimes against humanity and genocide against the coalition military and political leaders.

2417 on conflict and hunger was designed to ensure that grave circumstances such as these would not be permitted to develop. Paragraph 12 reads:

‘[Council] Further requests the Secretary-General to report swiftly to the Council when the risk of conflict-induced famine and wide-spread food insecurity in armed conflict contexts occurs, and expresses its intention to give its full attention to such information provided by the Secretary-General when those situations are brought to its attention.’

The resolution doesn’t specify what the UNSC should do after giving ‘its full attention’ to the crisis. But it’s clear that it shouldn’t do nothing.

On current performance, Tigray is set to join the catalogue of genocides and crimes against humanity in which the world failed to act on warnings, and responded with hand wringing only after the event. The UNSC discussed the situation in Ethiopia under ‘any other business’ on 24 November and 14 December 2020, and held a closed session on the humanitarian crisis on 3 February 2021. Emergency Relief Coordinator and head of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs briefed Council, with increasing candour and alarm, over subsequent weeks, with an extremely frank and alarming report on 15 April. No formal session was held and only a pallid press statement was issued on 23 April.

The countries that pushed for action were Ireland and the U.S., supported by other European countries. The immediate reason for deadlock at the UNSC was the threat of a veto by China and/or Russia, on the grounds that the conflict was a domestic matter for Ethiopia and not therefore a legitimate agenda item. This threat was possible because the three African members of the Council (Kenya, Niger and Tunisia) were not ready to support an assertive position pushed by western natitons. The African Union, despite its elaborate norms, principles and institutions designed precisely to prevent and manage a crisis such as this, was silent—rebuffed and intimidated by its host country Ethiopia.

Six months after Ethiopia and Eritrea launched their campaign of starvation and mass atrocity, the UNSC has been a bystander. The UN Secretary General has abdicated his responsibilities. The African Union has failed. On its third anniversary, resolution 2417 provides only the draft for the apology that might one day be forthcoming.

Source

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Massacres, Rapes & Starvation: Breaking Through The Blackout to Expose Tigray’s ‘Crimes Against Humanity’

Courtesy: The Telegraph

💭 እልቂት ፣ አስገድዶ መድፈር እና ረሃብ፤ የትግራይን ‘በሰው ልጅ ላይ የሚፈጸሙ ወንጀሎችን’ ለማጋለጥ የተዘጋውን በር መበርገድ።

👉“በምዕራብ ትግራይ‘ የዘር ማጽዳት ’ማስረጃ አለ። የኒውዚላንድ የቀድሞው ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ሄለን ክላርክ “ትግራውያንን ለማጥፋት በማሰብ የተከናወነ ከሆነ በዘር ማጥፋት ሊመደብ ይችላል” ብለዋል ፡፡

👉 ወ / ሮ ክላርክ አክለው “በአንድነት ተደምረው በትግራይ ተወላጆች ላይ እየተፈፀሙ ያሉ ከባድ ወንጀሎች በሁሉም የዕድሜ ክልል ያሉ ሰላማዊ ሰዎችን መጨፍጨፍ የዘር ማጥፋት ፍች ሊያሟላ ይችላል” ብለዋል፡፡

👉“There is evidence of ‘ethnic cleansing’ in Western Tigray. If carried out with the intent of eliminating Tigrayans, it may be classified as genocide,” says Helen Clark, the former Prime Minister of New Zealand.

👉“Taken all together, the serious crimes being committed against Tigrayans, including massacres of civilians of all ages, may meet the definition of genocide,” Ms Clark added.

🔥 #TigrayGenocide: A ‘pathetic’ international reaction:

„The silence from key international actors has been deafening”

🔥‘አሳዛኝ’ ዓለም አቀፍ ምላሽ ለትግራኝ ጭፍጨፋ፤

“ቁልፍ ከሆኑ ዓለም አቀፍ ተዋንያን ዝምታው ያደንቁራል“

👉 Imagine The Outrage if The 150,000 Dead Tigrayan Ethiopians Had Actually Been Palestinian, and The Aggressors Israeli Troops. We’re observing this right now! Watch how the world reacts to the current escalated Fighting between Israeli forces and Palestinian militants.

👉 ፻፶/150ሺ ዎቹ የሞቱት ትግራዋያን ኢትዮጵያውያን በእውነቱ ፍልስጤማዊ ጨፍጫፊዎቹ ደግሞ የእስራኤል ወታደሮች ቢሆኑ ኖሮ ምን ያህል ቁጣ በዓለም እንደሚቀሰቀስ አስቡ። ይህንን አሁን እያስተዋልነው ነው! በአሁኑ ወቅት በእስራኤል ኃይሎች እና በፍልስጤም ታጣቂዎች መካከል እየተባባሰ ላለው ጦርነት ዓለም ምን እንደሚሰማው ይመልከቱ፡፡

Six months into northern Ethiopia’s shadow war, its atrocities are becoming harder to hide

When the first American bombs crashed into Baghdad in January 1991, the nature of war fundamentally changed.

Images of the First Gulf War were bounced off satellites and broadcast live to tens of millions of homes around the world.

Everyone saw how Iraq was systematically taken apart blow by blow. Since then, war has become more visible – its crimes ever harder to hide. But one conflict in the far north of Ethiopia has bucked the trend spectacularly, defying the information age.

For the last six months, communications blackouts and appalling access for human rights researchers and journalists alike have shrouded a conflict raging across the Tigray Region in shadows.

But as tens of thousands of Eritrean and Ethiopian national army troops have battled forces loyal to the regional government of Tigray, information has slowly and surely leaked out.

Humanitarian reports, grainy mobile phone videos, refugees accounts and journalistic dispatches all point the same way: dozens if not hundreds of mass killings, a systematic campaign of rape, ethnic cleansing and starvation being used as a weapon of war.

Last week, another bombshell hit. A video smuggled out of the country shows the head of Ethiopia’s Orthodox Church Abune Mathias saying the Ethiopian state is committing a ‘genocide’ on the ethnic Tigrayan people.

Several senior independent observers horrified by the tepid international response to the Tigray crisis broke ranks to tell the Telegraph what they thought was happening.

“It is crimes against humanity. It’s the crime of extermination. It’s the crime of mass starvation. It’s certainly a lot worse than Darfur,” says Alex du Waal, one of the foremost international experts on the Horn of Africa.

“There is evidence of ‘ethnic cleansing’ in Western Tigray. If carried out with the intent of eliminating Tigrayans, it may be classified as genocide,” says Helen Clark, the former Prime Minister of New Zealand.

“Taken all together, the serious crimes being committed against Tigrayans, including massacres of civilians of all ages, may meet the definition of genocide,” Ms Clark added.

How did it come to this?

Tigray is populated mainly by ethnic Tigrayans who make up a small part of Ethiopia’s myriad of more than 80 ethnic groups.

Despite their small size, the ethnic group has played a huge role in the country’s modern history. In the 1980s, the Tigrayan’s People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led a rebel coalition to oust the Derg, Ethiopia’s Marxist dictatorship.

For the next three decades, the TPLF dominated Africa’s second-most populous nation, with Tigrayans holding key positions in the country’s government, armed forces and economy. But major TPLF abuses led to widespread hatred for the ethnic group.

Ethiopia’s current Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed swept to power on a wave of anger at the status quo in April 2018. Mr Abiy moved to sideline the old Tigrayan guard and tried to increase the federal government’s power over regional governments.

Tigray openly resisted and held regional elections. An escalating war of words turned into an open conflict in November 2020. Mr Abiy accused the TPLF of attacking a major federal government military base and launched a massive offensive to oust the group.

Mr Abiy enlisted the help of Eritrea, whose dictator Isaias Afwerki is a longtime foe of the TPLF and axe-wielding ethnic Amhara militias, to crush Tigray’s battle-hardened fighters in a three-pronged attack.

But any hopes of a quick blitzkrieg offensive have evaporated. Instead, the conflict has descended into a guerilla war with the Tigrayan Defence Forces, and a vast humanitarian catastrophe spread across the region of six million people.

An estimated 1.7 million people were displaced across the region at the end of March, while 4.5 million people are in need of emergency aid, according to the United Nations.

More than 60,000 refugees made it into eastern Sudan before Ethiopian forces sealed the border, preventing their very own Rohingya moment.

The situation is now so desperate that many women IDPs and refugees are selling sex for as little as £1, says the International Rescue Committee.

Breaking through the blackout

Only a handful of journalists have been granted limited access to Tigray. Their reports tell of horrifying suffering and abuses committed by all parties.

But most human rights analysts and reporters have had to investigate dozens of reported atrocities from a distance, calling up hundreds of survivors on encrypted lines to corroborate accounts and even trying to rent satellites to take pictures of mass graves.

Earlier this year, the Telegraph obtained the first video evidence of what appears to be a war crime carried out by the Ethiopian army. Around 40 bodies in civilian clothes can be seen in the video at Debre Abay in Central Tigray.

“You should have finished off the survivors,” the cameraman nonchalantly says as soldiers walk past a mortally injured man. One video analysed by CNN, the BBC, Amnesty and Bellingcat shows what appears to be Ethiopian soldiers killing dozens of men, then pushing their bodies off a cliff.

More recently, this paper published testimony from more than a dozen witnesses alleging that Ethiopian and Eritrean troops went from house to house in the Temben region of central Tigray, killing 182 people in the second week of February.

“I saw dead bodies scattered, bodies half-eaten by dogs. The soldiers did not allow anyone to get close to the corpses,” one 26-year-old man told reporters by phone at the time.

Almost every atrocity investigation has been hotly contested or flat out denied as fake news by the Ethiopian government in Addis Ababa. One Ethiopian ambassador has even insinuated journalists at this paper were paid up TPLF agents.

Yet observers say such abuses are probably just the ‘tip of the iceberg’. One team of researchers at the University of Ghent has documented almost 500 events where people were allegedly executed or massacred, mainly by Eritrean, Ethiopian national troops or militiamen.

After reporting extensively on the conflict for the last six months, Tsedale Lemma, the founder of the influential Addis Standard, believes ‘genocidal acts’ are being committed.

“Many people argue that because the number of people massacred may not be in its hundreds of thousands, it doesn’t qualify as genocide. What this argument misses is intent.”

“Intent, not just numbers, qualify acts of massacres as genocide. There are objectively corroborated reports of, for example, young men of fighting age being intentionally targeted and massacred.”

At the same time, verified reports say that hundreds if not thousands of women and girls are being systematically gang-raped by Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers in what appears to be an attempt to cleanse the Tigrayan bloodline.

There are also reports of Tigrayans being forced to eat leaves to survive, displaced people turning up emaciated at ransacked healthcare centres and dying in their sleep of hunger.

One survey by a cluster of humanitarian groups found that half of all women surveyed were acutely malnourished. Experts have raised the alarm saying that starvation is being used as a weapon of war in the conflict.

The World Peace Foundation based in Boston released a report in April stating that food supplies were being destroyed and that the region’s elaborate food security system was being dismantled.

“There is a campaign that has been started to prevent farming. Regrettably, this campaign is being done by some of those tasked with law enforcement,” Abebe Gebrehiwot, deputy head of Tigray’s interim government, told Ethiopian state media on Monday.

A ‘pathetic’ international reaction

The silence from key international actors has been deafening. Over the last six months, the UN chief Antonio Guterres, the UN Security Council and the African Union have all refused to take any firm stance on the atrocities in Tigray.

Instead, they have spoken in muted tones about the need to get humanitarian access to the region. Part of the reason for this is Ethiopia’s considerable diplomatic heft — the African Union has its headquarters in Addis Ababa.

China and Russia have also blocked any serious attempt by Western nations in the Security Council to condemn the atrocities. Multiple critics said that part of the reason for Mr Guterres’ relative silence on Tigray was that he is up for reelection in January 2022 and needs African votes.

“UN Secretary-General António Guterres has abjectly abandoned his responsibilities. History will not judge him kindly even if he wins enough votes for reelection,” said Mr Waal.

Mr Guterres’ office said he was fully engaged in seeking an end to the conflict and “continues to call for all perpetrators of such violations to be held accountable and face justice.”

For Dr Mukesh Kapila, a former top UN official who raised the alarm about the ongoing genocide in Darfur in 2003, the situation is clear. “If you look at the pattern of killings and other incidents including sexual violence, use of starvation – there is a pattern of genocidal events. They’re taking place in close juxtaposition to each other. That points to a degree of orchestration.

“The fact that these genocidal acts are taking place in repeated places – points towards an organisation, it points towards a strategy. That is why I think of what is going on in Tigray as a set of genocidal acts, which taken together point towards an overall genocide,” Dr Kapila says.

“People are talking about this privately. But it hasn’t caught on publicly because it’s a huge, huge business to accuse a state of genocide. If you declare genocide convention, you are obliged to act,” Dr Kapila claims.

The US is beginning to wake up to the crisis. The US special envoy for the Horn of Africa, Jeffrey Feltman, issued a stark warning saying that if the violence from Tigray spread across the nation of 110m it would make Syria look like “child’s play”.

Billene Seyoum, the spokesperson for the Ethiopian Prime Minister, hit back against the allegations of atrocities in Tigray.

“Whether from leading Ethiopian or international observers, such allegations need to be procedurally and thoroughly investigated on the ground and the results made public, which international and national human rights entities are doing,” she said in a statement.

“Anecdotal and unsubstantiated testimonies cannot count as fact and only serve to perpetuate a skewed narrative of a country. Ethiopia is making and realising commitment towards ensuring investigations take place.”

Source

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Jihad on Christian Tigray | Atrocities Still Occurring in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region, Says Priest

✞✞✞ በአረመኔው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ የሚመራው የኦሮሞ እና አማራ ሰአራዊት ከእነ መንጋው በእሳት የሚጠረጉበት ቀን እሩቅ አይደለም። 🔥 በዚህ ፻/100% እርግጠኛ ነኝ። አዎ! የትግራይን ሕዝብ ከምድረ ገጽ ለማጥፋት ዓለማችን አይታው የማታውቀውን እጅግ በጣም አሰቃቂ ግፍና ወንጀል እየፈጸሙ ያሉ የኤዶማውያንና እስማኤላውያን ወኪሎች ሁሉ በመለኮታዊ ሰይፍ ይጨፍጨፉ! ነበልባላዊ በሚሆን በሥላሴ ቃልና ሥልጣን ይንደዱ! ይቃጠሉ! በሲኦል የጨለማ አዘቅት ውስጥ ይዝቀጡ ወይም ይስጠሙ! ኃዘን ከላያቸው አይራቅ ትካዜም ከልባቸው አይጥፋ! እንደ ቃየልና ይሁዳ በዱርና በበርሃ ተበታትነው ሲቅበዘበዙ ይኑሩ! አሜን! አሜን! አሜን!✞✞✞

💭 በትግራይ የአዲግራት ካቶሊካዊ ኢፒካዊ ሥርዓት አንድ ስማቸው እንዲጠቀስ ያልፈለጉ ቄስ፤ “ግድያ ፣ አፈና እና አስገድዶ መድፈር አሁንም እየተከሰተ ነው”ብለዋል፡፡ 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

❖“የኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች እና አጋሮቻቸው የዘር ማጽዳት እና የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል እየፈጸሙ ነው፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ኃይሎች ፣ የአማራ ክልል ልዩ ኃይሎች እና የኤርትራ ወታደሮች ቦታዎቻቸውን መያዛቸውን የቀጠሉ ሲሆን በቅርብ ጊዜም እንደሚወጡ የሚያሳዩ ምልክቶች የሉም፡፡ ”

❖ በታጣቂ ኃይሎቹ እና በአጋሮቻቸው የግድያ ዒላማዎች እየተወገዱ ያሉት ወንዶችና ልጆች እንዲሁም ሴቶች እና ልጃገረዶች ማንኛውንም ተቃውሞ ለማዳከም በተደጋጋሚ በቡድን እየተደፈሩ ናቸው፡፡

❖“ትግራይን ለማጥፋት ይፈልጋሉ ፡፡ ወንዶቹን እና ወጣቶችን በመግደል ማንኛውንም የወደፊት ተቃውሞ ለማጥፋት እየሞከሩ ነው፡፡ ለወደፊቱ ማንም ሰው ድርጊታቸውን የማይጠይቅ እንዲሆን ማረጋገጥ ይፈልጋሉ፡፡”

❖ ለወደፊቱ ማህበረሰብ መመስረት/ማቋቋም እንደማይችሉ ለማረጋገጥ ሴቶችን እየደፈሩ እና እያጠፉ ነው፡፡ አስገድዶ መድፈርን እና ምግብን እንደ ጦር መሳሪያ እየተጠቀሙ ነው፡፡”

❖ “የትግራይ ህዝብን ለማጥፋት ይፈልጋሉ፡፡ በትግራይ ህዝብ ላይ የዘር ማጥፋት ለማወጅ ለምን እንደፈለጉ ግልፅ አይደለሁም፡፡” አቡነ ማቲያስ

❖“አብያተ ክርስቲያናት እና ገዳማት በከፍተኛ የቦምብ ድብደባ ወድመዋል፡፡ ቅርሶች ተዘርፈዋል ፣ የአምልኮ ዕቃዎች ተቃጥለዋል ፣ የአማኞች ንብረት ረክሷል፡፡”

❖“አርሶ አደሮች ከእርሻ እንዲታገዱ እና የእህል ዘርም ወደ ክልሉ እንዳይደርስ ተደርጓል።”

❖“የትግራይ ወንዶች ወይም ወጣት ልጆች በረሃብ መሞት ወይም እንደ እኩዮቻቸው መገደል አይፈልጉም፡፡ ስለዚህ እነሱ ይኖሩ ዘንድ ከትግራይ የመከላከያ አርበኞች ጋር እየተቀላቀሉ ነው።”

💭 A priest from the Catholic Eparchy of Adigrat in Ethiopia’s northern region of Tigray says killings, abductions and rape are still occurring. 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

❖ “Ethiopian troops and their allies of ethnic cleansing and genocide. The Ethiopian forces, the Amhara region special forces and Eritrean soldiers continue to hold their positions, and there are no signs they will withdraw anytime soon.”

❖ “The targets for killings are men and boys, who are being eliminated by armed forces and their allies, and women and girls, who are being repeatedly gang-raped to weaken any resistance.”

❖ “They want to annihilate Tigray. By killing the men and boys, they are trying to destroy any future resistance. They want to make sure that nobody can question their actions in future.”

❖ “They are raping and destroying women to ensure that they cannot raise a community in future. They are using rape and food a weapons of war.”

❖ “They want to destroy the people of Tigray. I am not clear why they want to declare genocide on the people of Tigray.”. Abune Mathias

❖ “Churches & monasteries were destroyed in heavy bombardment. Relics have been stolen, items of worship have been burned, belongings of believers have been desecrated.”

❖ “Farmers are being barred from farming and seeds are being blocked from reaching the region”

❖ “Tigrayan men or boys don’t want to die of hunger or be killed like their peers. They are joining the rebels so that they can live,”

“They want to annihilate Tigray. By killing the men and boys, they are trying to destroy any future resistance. They want to make sure that nobody can question their actions in future,”

A priest from the Catholic Eparchy of Adigrat in Ethiopia’s northern region of Tigray says killings, abductions and rape are still occurring in the region where a military offensive launched in November.

The targets for killings are men and boys, who are being eliminated by armed forces and their allies, and women and girls, who are being repeatedly gang-raped to weaken any resistance, according to the priest.

The cleric’s allegations come as individuals and organizations accuse the Ethiopian troops and their allies of ethnic cleansing and genocide. The Ethiopian forces, the Amhara region special forces and Eritrean soldiers continue to hold their positions, and there are no signs they will withdraw anytime soon.

“They want to annihilate Tigray. By killing the men and boys, they are trying to destroy any future resistance. They want to make sure that nobody can question their actions in future,” said the priest, who did not wished to be named to protect his safety. “They are raping and destroying women to ensure that they cannot raise a community in future. They are using rape and food a weapons of war.”

Earlier in May, Patriarch Mathias, head of the 36 million-member Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, urged international intervention in Tigray while alleging that the Ethiopian army and its allies were committing a genocide.

In a video statement reportedly recorded in April but released in May, Patriarch Mathias termed what happened in Tigray as the highest form of cruelty and brutality. He listed atrocities such as massacres, use of famine as a weapon of war and destruction of churches.

“They want to destroy the people of Tigray. I am not clear why they want to declare genocide on the people of Tigray,” he said in the widely quoted video statement.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali launched an offensive Nov. 3 to fight the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. He accused the leaders of the semi-autonomous region of attacking and looting weapons from a federal army base in Mekele, the capital.

Months on, the fighting is still continuing in at least three areas, according to the priest. He said Eritrean forces are carrying out most of the brutal acts, seemingly to exert revenge for the humiliation suffered during the 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia.

Some of the documented atrocities include the cliff execution of young men near Aksum and the massacre of 160 people in Bora village in January. Hundreds of priests and thousands of believers were killed, the interreligious Council of Tigray said in February. Churches, monasteries and mosques were destroyed in heavy bombardment.

“Relics have been stolen, items of worship have been burned, belongings of believers have been desecrated,” said the interfaith group, which includes the Catholic Church. “Religious sisters and nuns have been violated and raped, mothers and daughters have been gang-raped.”

The priest said killings and torture are breeding nationalism among Tigrayans. He said men or boys who cannot attend school due to the war and can’t find food or fear being executed were joining the rebel ranks in droves, angry over the atrocities.

“They don’t want to die of hunger or be killed like their peers. They are joining the rebels so that they can live,” he said.

At the same time, farmers are being barred from farming and seeds are being blocked from reaching the region, according to an official from Tigray’s interim authority.

Abebe Gebrehiwot Yihdego, deputy head of Tigray’s interim government, told state-run Tigray TV that preventing farming and seeds from reaching the people would result in hunger.

“These two incidents that looked to supplement each other have no other message but to let the people of Tigray die,” Gebrehiwot said in an interview May 10.

Meanwhile, the Association of Member Episcopal Conference in Eastern Africa has issued a humanitarian appeal for the Catholic Eparchy of Adigrat. Zambian Bishop Charles Kasonde, AMECEA chairman, said Catholic Bishop Tesfaselassie Medhin had requested urgent humanitarian assistance for the people of Tigray.

Kasonde said Medhin had informed the conference that many people had been displaced from their homes and were forced to live in camps inside and outside Ethiopia.

“The people in the affected communities need food, medication, shelter, water, and health and sanitary items,” Kasonde said. “The church in Ethiopia and its Caritas partners are doing their best to assist the suffering communities with the meager resources they have.”

The bishop said with the increasing number of needy cases, the local church was getting overwhelmed.

Source

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ልዩነቱ ይህ ነው | ትግራዋያን እኝህን አባት “ለምን ለአማራ ብቻ?” ሲሏቸው በጭራሽ አልሰማንም

👉 ንስሐ ገብቶ በመመለስ ለመዳን በመትጋት ፋንታ እራሱንና አጋሮችን ያለማቋረጥ እያታለለ መኖሩን የመረጠው የአህዛብ ጠበቃ እና’ዲያቆን’ ሃብታሙ አያሌው ይህን የአቡነ ቂርሎስን መልዕክት በአንድ ወር ውስጥ ሁለት ጊዜ አቀረበው…

❖❖❖“እግዚኦ መሐረነ ክርስቶስ”❖❖❖

“ተዋሕዶ” ነን ለሚሉት “አባቶች” ሳይቀሩ ከተዋሕዶ ክርስትና ይልቅ ‘ጎሣቸው‘ በልጦባቸዋል። የያዙትን መስቀል ከፍ ማድረግ ሲገባቸው የመስቀሉ ጠላት ከሆነው የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚ ጎን ተሰልፈዋል፤ አክሱም ጽዮን ስትደበደብ “ጭጭ” ማለቱን መርጠዋል።

የግራኝ ኦሮሞዎች ከእስማኤላውያን እና ኤዶማውያን ጋር አብረው አማራውን ጨፈጨፉት፥ አማራው ከግራኝ ኦሮሞዎች ፣ እስማኤላውያኑ እና ኤዶማውያኑ ጋር አብሮ ተዋሕዶ ትግራዋይን እየጨፈጨፏቸው ነው። ታዲያ አማራ ዛሬ በዳይም ተበዳይም የመሆን መብት አለውን?

ኦሮማራዎች በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ጭፍጨፋውን ከጀመሩ ከ፮ ወራት በኋላ፤ ፱ መድኃኒት ፩ መርዝ፤ “አማራና ትግሬ አንድ ሕዝብ ናቸው” ቆየት ብለው፤ የትግራይን እናቶች እንባና ጩኸት ለመንጠቅ፤ “በአማራ ሕዝብና ተዋሕዷውያን ላይ ብቻ ነው ጭፍጨፋ እየተካሄደ ያለው”።ይህ እንግዲህ ከሁለት ሳምንታት በፊት አማራዎች፤“ለአጣዬ የተቃውሞ ጩኸት”ለማሰማት ከወጡ በኋላ መሆኑ ነው።

(ታዲያ ተቃውሞው ዛሬ ምነው ቆመ?)እንግዲህ ይህ ሁሉ የትግራይን እናቶች እንባና ጩኸት መንጠቂያ ብሎም የትግራዋያን ልብ ማለሳለሻ ስልት ነበር ማለት ነው።

ልብ እንበል፤ ሁሉም “የአማራ” የተባሉት “አባቶች” ተመሳሳይ ነገር ነው የሚናገሩት፤“ወንድማማቾች ነን” ግን “አማራ፣ አማራ፣ አማራ ብቻ”፤ እግዚኦ! እግዚኦ! እግዚኦ!

“አባቶች”፤ እንደው ለመሆኑ እነዚህ አሰቃቂ ጭፍጨፋ የተደረገባቸው ቦታዎች በአማራ ክልል ነው እንዴ የሚገኙት? ወይንስ “ትግራዋይ” የሚባል ጎሣ የለም/እንዲኖር አይፈለግም? እግዚኦ! እግዚኦ! እግዚኦ!

❖የአክሱም ጽዮን ጭፍጨፋ፣

❖ሺህ የዋልድባ አባቶች በሑዳዴ ጾም ከገዳም መባረርና መደብደብ፣

❖የደብረ አባይ ጭፍጨፋ፣

❖የደንገላት ቅድስት ማርያም ጭፍጨፋ፣

❖የደብረ ዳሞ አቡነ አረጋዊ ድብደባ፣

❖የውቅሮ አማኑኤል ጭፍጨፋ፣

❖የገዳም ማርያም ውቅሮ እምባስነይቲ ጭፍጨፋ

❖የዛላምበሳ ጨርቆስ ድብደባ፣

❖የእንዳ ማርያም መድኃኒት አዲ ዳዕሮ ጭፍጨፋ

❖ በማይካድራ፣ ዳንሻ እና ሁመራ የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋና ማፈናቀል (ሚሊዮኖች በኦሮማራ ቃኤላውያኑ ተፈናቅለዋል)

❖የቸሊ/ግጀት ጭፍጨፋ፤ ከሁለት መቶ በላይ ተዋሕዷውያን ሕፃናትና ወጣቶች ተጨፈጨፉ!

❖በራያም ሁለት ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናት ተጠቅተዋል

አዬ ወንድም ሃብታሙ፤ ወዴት? ወዴት? ትግራዋይን እንደ ሕፃን ለማታለል? እናንት ኦሮማራዎች ኢትዮጵያን ላለፉት መቶ ሰላሳ ዓመታት አፍናችሁ ለመግዛት በታጋሹ የትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ የተጠቀማችሁት አህዛባዊ የማታለያ ስልት አላረጀባችሁምን? ‘ዲያቆን‘ ሃብታሙ እስኪ በትግራይ ላይ ጦርነቱ ሊጀመር አካባቢ፣ ሲጀመርና ከተጀመረም በኋላ ለብዙ ወራት በተድጋጋሚ የሰራችሁትን ፕሮግራም በድጋሚ ተመልከቱት፤ አይይ!ኢትዮ360ልክ እንደ ኢሳት በጦር ወንጀለኝነት ይጠየቅበት ዘንድ ግድ ነው!

ወንድም ሃብታሙ፤ እናንተ አይደላችሁም እንዴ ፋሺስት ፋኖን ወደ ትግራይ ልካችሁ የሃያ ሺህ ተዋሕዶ ትግራዋያንን መጨፍጨፍና ሚሊዮኖችን ለስደት መብቃት ስታጨበጭቡ የነበራችሁት? እስኪ ቪዲዮችሁን መልስ ብላችሁ ተመልከቱ! ለመሆኑ “መቼ ነው ፋኖ ከትግራይ ይውጣ!” የምትሉት? በግድ ይወጣታል፤ እናንተ ግን ግብዞች ናችሁ። በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ የአማራ ፋሺስት ፋኖ ሚሊሺያ የፈጸመውን ግፍ ለማረሳሳትና ከወንጀሉ እጃችሁን አጥባችሁ ለማለፍ የማትሰሩት

ድራማ የለም። ኦሮሞ እና አማራ ለትግራይ ጀነሳይድ በዚህም ዓለም በወዲያኛውም ይጠየቃሉ።

በጣም ደም የሚያፈላው ነገር ደግሞ፤ እኛ በኦሮሚያ ሲዖል ለሚጨፈጨፉት ተዋሕዷውያን እና ለምስኪኖቹ የደምቢዶሎ ዩኒቨርሲቲ ተማሪዎች ጎሣ ሳንመርጥ ስንሟገት፣ ስንጮኽና እንባ ስናነባ እናንተ “አማራ፣ አማራ! አማራ” የምትሉት ግብዞች ግን ላለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለማፈናቀል፣ ሴት ልጆቿን ለመድፈር፣ ለማስራብ፣ ለመጨፍጨፍ፣ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናቷንና ገዳማቷን ለመደብደብ፣ ቅርሶቿን ለመዝረፍና ለማጥፋት በስውር ከአህዛብ አራዊቶች እና ከአረመኔው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ ጋር በስውር ሴራ ስትጠነስሱ መቆየታችሁ ነበር። አይ ኦሮማራ የዋቄዮ–አላህ ባሪያ!

ዛሬም፤ ከስድስት ወራት በኋላ፣ ከኦሮሞ ጋር ሆናችሁ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ስንት ግፍ ከሰራችሁ በኋላም እንኳን የሰራችሁትን ከባድ ወንጀል እንደ ቁንጫ ክብደት ምንም እንዳልተሰማችሁ አድርጋችሁ በመቁጠር፣ በንቀትና ትዕቢት እስካሁኗ ሰዓት ድረስ ለትግራይ ሕዝብ በጣም ተፈላጊ የሆኑ እርዳታዎች እንዳይገቡ መንገዶቹን ሁሉ ከሁሉም አቅጣጫ (ኦሮሙማ ኤርሚያስ ለገሰ ትግራይን ሳንድዊች አድርጓት ብሎ መክሯችሁ አልነበረ!) ልክ እንዳለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት ዘግታችሁ፤ ከረሜላ እያላመጣችሁና በግማሽ ልባችሁ፤ “ተዋህዷውያን እናብር፤ ኦሮሙማ መጣብን!” ለማለት ደፍራችኋል። ምን ዓይነት ቅሌት ነው፤ ጃል!? እንዴ፤ ሁሉን የሚያየውን እግዚአብሔርን አትፈሩትም እንዴ?!

በሌላ በኩል ደግሞ፤ ላለፉት ስድስት ወራት ከአማራዎች ጎን ሆነው የትግራይን ሕዝብ ሲያፈናቅሉ፣ ሴት ልጆቹን ሲደፍሩ፣ ሲያስርቡ፣ ሲጨፈጭፉ፣ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናቱንና ገዳማቱን ሲደበድቡ፣ ቅርሶቹን ሲዘርፉና ሲያወድሙ የቆዩት ኦሮሞዎች፤ በምዕራብ ትግራይ በኩል ወደ ሱዳን በመፈርጠጥ ላይ ናቸው እየተባለ ነው፤ ለዚህ የተሰጠው ምክኒያት፤ “አይ፣ ኦሮሞዎች እንዲሁም ደቡቦችና ሌሎች ብሔር ብሔረሰቦች የኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊት አባላት የትግራይን ሕዝብ መጨፍጨፍ አንሻም በማለት መሳሪያዎቻቸውን አስረክበው ወደ ሱዳን መሸሹን መርጠዋል፤ ለትግራይ ሕዝብ አዝነዋል!” የሚል ነው። BS! እንዲህ እያሉ የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድጋሚ እንደ ሕፃን ልጅ ለማታለል? እርግጠኛ ነኝ የትግራይ ሰራዊት ትግራይን ሙሉ በሙሉ ነፃ ሲያደርግ፤ ልክ እንደ አደዋው ድል ኦሮሞዎቹ አሁንም “እኛም ፈረሰኞችን እንላክ ብለን ወይንም ልከን ነበር!” ይላሉ። በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ስንት ግፍ ሰርተው ከጨረሱ፣ ሰሜኑን እርስበርስ የማባላት ህልማቸው እውን ከሆነ በኋላ፣ የጠበቁትን ያህል ባይሆኑም ዓላማቸውን ሁሉ ካሟሉ በኋላ፣ ትግራይን ካራቆቷት እና የሚያልሙላትን ኦሮሚያን የማትፈታተንበት ደረጃ ላይ እንድትወድቅ ካደረጓት በኋላ፤ “አይ፤ እኛ በጀነሳይዱ ላይ አልተሳተፍንበትም!” ብለው ልክ እንደ አማራዎች እጃቸውን ለማጠብ ይሻሉ።

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Tigray Hospitals Vandalised & Looted by War Criminals Ahmed & Afewerki

የሳምሬ ከተማ የጤና ማዕከል በጦር ወንጀለኞቹ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እና ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ ሰአራዊቶች በዚህ መልክ ተዘርፈዋል፤ ፈራርሰዋል።

The army of dictator Esayas Eritrea & that of Fascist Abiy Ahmed intentionally destroyed Samre Health Center, Tigray. Here is the situation of the pharmacy of the center at the moment. All medical supplies were taken by those evil forces.

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Hunger as a Weapon Against People in Tigray | Tigray Aid Response is Too Little, Too Late

👉 “በሰሜናዊ ናይጄሪያ ፣ በአፍጋኒስታን ወይም በማዕከላዊ አፍሪካ ሪፐብሊክ ግጭቶች ከሚያስከትሉት ጋር ሲነፃፀር የትግራይ ተወላጆች አነስተኛ ሰብአዊ እርድታ ያገኛሉ።”

ዋው! ጋላማራዎች ኢትዮጵያን እንዲህ አዋረዷት!

ለነገሩማ የወራሪዎቹ ጋላዎች እና ጋላማራዎች የመቶ ሰላሳ ዓመት ዕቅድ፣ ፍላጎትና ሕልም እኮ በትግራይ እና ኤርትራ የሚገኙትን ክርስቲያን ትግራዋያን በጦርነት፣ በረሃብ፣ በበሽታና በማፈናቀል(‘ፈንቅል’ን እናስታውስ!)ቀስበቀስ አዳክሞ በመጨረስ ሙሉውን የቀይ ባሕርን ጠረፍ ለኤዶማውያኑ እና እስማኤላውያኑ ሲሉ መቆጣጠር ነው። አረቦቹ ቀይ ባሕርን ሙሉ በሙሉ ተቆጣጠረው “ባሕረ አረብ” የማድረግ ሕልም ስላላቸው ጋላዎቹም አማራዎቹም እየሠሩ ያሉት ለአረቦች ነው። ይነጅሻቸውና፤ ሺህ ጊዜ“ነጃሽ፣ ነጃሽ” የሚሉን “ባሕረ ነጋሲን” ሙሉ በሙሉ የመቆጣጠር ሕልም ስላላቸው ነው።

ግልጥልጥ ብሎ የሚታየው ሃቅ ይህ ነው፣ ከታሪክ የተማርነውም ይህንን ነው፤ ዛሬም ዓይናችን የሚመሰክረው ይህንኑ ነው።

እስኪ አስቡበት፤ የሦስት ዓመታት ስውር ዝግጅት በህብረት ካደረጉ በኋላ ከአምስት ወራት በፊት፡ ልክ በአባታችን አቡነ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ዕለት፤ ጋላ እና አማራ በአንድ ላይ ሆነው የትግራይን ሕዝብ ለመጨፍጨፍ ተነሱ። እነዚህ “ወገኖች” ምን ያህል አህዛባዊ ክፋት፣ ክህደት፣ አውሬነትና አረመኔነት እንዳላቸው እስኪ በመገረምና በማዘን እንታዘባቸው፦

☆ ትግራዋያን እንዳይሰደዱና ባሉበት እንዲያልቁ “ድንበር ጠባቂ” የአማራ ሚሊሺያዎችን ወደ ሱዳን ድንበር ላኳቸው

☆ የኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪን የአህዛብ ቤን አሜር ሰአራዊት ወደ ገዳማትና ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናት ለጭፍጨፋ ላኩ ት

☆ አህዛብ አረቦች ኤሚራቶችን ከአሰብ ተነስተው በድሮኖች ንጹሐንን እንዲጨፈጭፉ አደረጓቸው

☆ የሶማሊያ አህዛብ ወታደሮችን እንዲሁ ክርስቲያኖችን ያርዱ ዘንድ ወደ ውቅሮ ላኳቸው

☆ የትግራይን ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ለማስጨፍጨፍ ከደቡብ ሱዳን ስምንት ሺህ ወታደሮችን ጠየቁ (ግን አልተሳካም)

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ የሰብል ማሳዎችን አቃጠሏቸው

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ የምግብ ዕርዳታ ከለከሉት

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በረሃብ እንዲያልቅ እህሉና ሊጡ ውስጥ አሸዋ ጨመሩበት

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ በጥሜት እንዲያልቅ ውሃውን ዘጉበት

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ እንዳይታከምና እንዳይወልድ ሆስፒታሎቹን አቃጠሉበት

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ሰርቶ እንዳይበላ ፋብሪካዎቹን አፈራረሱበት

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕፃናት እንዳይማሩ ትምሕርት ቤቶቻቸውን አፈራረሱባቸው

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ጸሎት እንዳያደርስ ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናቱን አፈራረሱበት

☆ የትግራይ ክርስቲያን መነኮሳት ከአምላካቸው ጋር እንዳይኖሩ አባረሯቸው፣ ገዳማቱን አፈራረሱባቸው።

😢😢😢አእምሮ አንቀጥቅጥ የሆነ አሳዛኝ፣ አሳፋሪና አስቆጪ ነገር ነው!😠😠😠

👉 158 DAYS in Tigray / ፻፶፰/158 ቀናት በትግራይ

⛔ No Water & Food / ውሃ እና ምግብ የለም

⛔ No Cellphone / የሞባይል ስልክ የለም

⛔ No Internet Service / የእንተርኔት አገልግሎት የለም

⛔ No Bank service / የባንክ አገልግሎት የለም

⛔ No Electricity / ኤሌክትሪክ የለም

⛔ No Transportation access / የትራንስፖርት መዳረሻ የለም

⛔ No Drug Supply / የመድኃኒት አቅርቦት የለም

⛔ No Hospitals / ሆስፒታሎች የሉም

⛔ No Humanitarians Service / ምንም የሰብአዊ መብት ሰጭዎች አገልግሎት የለም

⛔ No Media access/ የሚዲያ መዳረሻ የለም

👉 በሰሜናዊ ናይጄሪያ ፣ በአፍጋኒስታን ወይም በማዕከላዊ አፍሪካ ሪፐብሊክ ግጭቶች ከሚያስከትሉት ጋር ሲነፃፀር የትግራይ ተወላጆች አነስተኛ ሰብአዊ እርድታ ያገኛሉ።

👉 Tigrayans get less humanitarian relief compared to those facing the impact of conflicts in northern Nigeria, Afghanistan, or Central African Republic.

‘A restrictive government, combined with insecurity and active fighting, can completely hamstring the aid response for months.’

People in northern Ethiopia get less humanitarian relief compared to those facing the impact of conflicts in northern Nigeria, Afghanistan, or Central African Republic, an independent poll released today by research group Humanitarian Outcomes found.

Fewer than half the conflict-affected people in Ethiopia’s Tigray region had received help since the conflict began in November, the survey revealed. Those that did said it wasn’t enough, and 79 percent overall believed aid was not reaching the areas most in need. A quarter said government and military groups were blocking or taking aid. Compared to respondents in other conflict zones who answered the same questionnaire, Tigrayans are less sure of the reasons for uneven aid provision; the report suggests that limited telecommunications and media coverage could be a contributing factor.

The survey of 614 people in Tigray was conducted by phone from late February to early March, despite on-and-off power and mobile network connections. The sample included people across the major regions of Tigray, but few displaced people.

The survey provides new evidence to gauge the reach of humanitarian aid in a tense debate between the government and the international community over the scale and seriousness of the fall-out from Ethiopia’s five-month conflict.

The conflict began in November, when federal government forces clashed with armed insurgents supporting the regional political party, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. Other Tigrayan militia, the Eritrean military, and forces from the neighbouring Amhara region are also involved.

Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has said the government campaign is a necessary assertion of national legitimacy, as the country is faced with an armed rebellion. His government has regained control of major towns in Tigray and installed a provisional administration.

But military clashes continue, and massacres, forced displacement, sexual violence, looting, halting of trade and communications, and disruption of daily life mean most of the estimated six million people in the region are negatively affected, and millions need some kind of help.

The UN’s humanitarian office calls the situation “extremely dire and far from improving”.

EU envoy Pekka Haavisto is visiting the country this week, the latest in a series of diplomatic efforts to contain the conflict that threatens to destabilise the whole country and the wider region.

The report notes that compared to other crisis situations monitored by the overarching project on the “Coverage, Operational Reach, and Effectiveness of Humanitarian Aid”, “Tigray has the highest numbers of people in need as a percentage of the population, the lowest numbers of organisations responding, and the lowest percentage of people in need reached by aid.”

Researcher Abby Stoddard said the report “shows that a restrictive government, combined with insecurity and active fighting, can completely hamstring the aid response for months.”

Almost all respondents said they needed help, and 43 percent said they had received at least some. The most common form of aid requested, and received, was food. Healthcare, clean water, and sanitation services were the services next most in demand. However, electricity and telecommunications topped the answers to an open-ended question on what people needed most.

Only two percent of respondents said they had received any help other than food. Some 31 percent said they “don’t know” the main obstacle to accessing aid, but 23 percent blamed government restrictions and 21 percent a lack of safety. Non-government military were to blame, according to 16 percent.

“Mobile phone surveys will always be limited by the degree of phone ownership and coverage, and in this case we had to pause it a couple of times due to power outages,” explained Stoddard. “Respondents tend to skew more urban and educated as a rule… in this case we mainly reached people who were still in their home districts.”

Limited access

According to the international aid community, government restrictions as well as insecurity and fighting have been preventing sufficient relief aid from getting through. The government has relaxed some of its restrictions on media and aid groups following sustained international lobbying. Significant volumes of food aid are being delivered to the region by the government, the UN, and NGOs.

Addis Ababa insists progress is being made to normalise the situation and deliver help, and to investigate rights abuses. However, the UN’s latest map of humanitarian access shows only small pockets of the region are fully open to relief aid provision.

Asked about which aid agencies were most active, respondents mentioned the Relief Society of Tigray (REST) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). REST, formerly affiliated to the now rebel Tigray People’s Liberation Front, is the final link in the chain for a large food aid operation serviced by NGOs, including Catholic Relief Services.

Food and ‘starvation crimes’

Even as larger volumes of aid are being sent into the region, aid agency heads interviewed anonymously as part of the survey don’t have full confidence in where it’s going: “Although humanitarian organisations are doing their best to monitor distributions, some are worried about possible discrimination and exclusion in deciding who gets aid, and about the degree of control that authorities and armed actors are exerting over processes of targeting and distribution.”

The latest update by the UN humanitarian office, OCHA, reports an “extremely concerning malnutrition situation.”

A new report by The World Peace Foundation, whose authors include Horn of Africa and famine analyst Alex de Waal, states that “Ethiopian and Eritrean belligerents in the war in Tigray have comprehensively dismantled the region’s economy and food system.”

The report continued: “Regardless of who is responsible for the outbreak of hostilities, the sole reason for the scale of the humanitarian emergency is that the coalition of Ethiopian Federal forces, Amhara regional forces, and Eritrean troops are committing starvation crimes on large scale.”

Prior to the outbreak of war in November, the Tigray region had mostly achieved food security, the report noted. But in March, the US-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) classified at least 20 percent of the population of both central and eastern Tigray, in addition to several sections of northwestern and southeastern Tigray, as experiencing emergency levels of food insecurity.

Based on those figures, the report stated, there are now 50 to 100 excess deaths every day, and if the food security situation is not stabilised, it will lead to “mass starvation and a risk of famine” in the coming months.

Source

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