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Posts Tagged ‘መንፈሳዊ-ውጊያ’

Solemn Christmas Celebration for Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Refugees in Sudan

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on January 6, 2022

🔔 For thousands of Ethiopians who have fled fighting in the Tigray region to Sudan, this year’s Orthodox Tewahedo Christmas on January 7 is a sombre celebration. There will be little feasting for those living hand-to-mouth in the crowded Um Raquba refugee camp.

👉 ልክ ዓምና በዛሬው ዕለት ያቀረብኩት ጽሑፍ

💭 የልደት በዓል በስደተኞች ካምፕ | Ethiopian Refugees at Christmas Mass Pray for Return Home

ጌታችን በበረት ተወልዷል፣ በደሃ ቤት አድሯል፣ ከብርድ መከለያ ጨርቅን ፈልጓል፣ ፍጥረትን የሚመግብ እርሱ ከእናቱ የድንግልናዋን ወተት ለምኖ አልቅሷል፣ በእመቤታችን ዕቅፍ ሆኖ ወደ ግብጽ ተሰድዷል፣ እንደ ሕፃናት በጉልበቱ ድኋል፣ ለእናቱ እየታዘዛት ጥቂት በጥቂት አድጓል። ከአደገም በኋላ ራሱን የሚሰውርበት ጎጆ ሳይኖረው በተራራ ተንከራቷል፣ ተርቧል፣ ከኃጢአተኞች በደረሰበት ተቃውሞ ተሰድቧል፣ ተገፍቷል። ከብቻዋ ከኃጢአት በቀር በነገር ሁሉ እንደ እኛ የተፈተነ ሆኗል።

ጌታችን ከእኛ ጋር ለመሆን ብቻ ሳይሆን በእኛ ውስጥ ለመኖር በእለተ አርብ በመስቀል ተሰቅሎ ሥጋውን ቆርሶ ደሙን አፍስሶ ተሰጥቶናል። እኛስ ወደ እርሱ ሊያቀርበን ይህን ሁሉ ከሆነልን አምላክ ጋር ለመኖር ምን አደረግን? ስንቶቻችን ነን ከትግራይ ለመሰደድ ስለተገደዱትና በሃገራቸው በመሰቃየት ላይ ስላሉት ወገኖቻችን ያሰብን? ስንቶቻችን ነን ልደቱን ከእነዚህ ወገኖቻችን ጋር ለማክበር ፈቃደኘነታችንን ያሳያን? ንስሐ ገባን? ሥጋ ወደሙን ተቀበልን?

አሜሪካንን በአውሎ ነፋስ የሚያናውጣት እስትንፋስ ከየት አካባቢ እንደሚነሳ ደርሰውበታል፤ በአሜሪካ እየተካሄደ ያለውን ነውጥ የሚቀሰቅሰው ኃይል ከየት በኩልም እንደሚመነጭ ያውቁታል። የዚህ በትግራይ ላይ የታወጀው ጦርነትም አንዱ ምክኒያትም ይህ ነው። ጦርነቱ ለእኛ ለግብዞቹ የማይታየንና የማናውቀው የዋናው የመንፈሳዊ ውጊያ አንዱ አካል ነው። አምላካችንን እንዳልቻሉትና እንደማይችሉት አውቀዋል፤ ስለዚህ በስጋዊ የበቀል ጥቃት የእግዚአብሔርን ልጆች በዚህ መልክ ማጥቃት ነበረባቸው። ፕሬዚደንት ዶናልድ ትራምፕ “የአውሎ ነፋሱን መንሻ በኑክሌር ብንመታውስ?” ወይንም “ግብጽ የሕዳሴውን ግድብ በቦንብ ትመታዋለች ወዘተ” ማለታቸው እኮ ዝም ብለው አልነበረም፤ የጦርነቱን መምጣት እየጠቆሙን እንጂ። ለአሜሪካ የሚበጃት ፕሬዚደንት ዶናልድ ትራምፕ ነበሩ፤ ነገር ግን አሜሪካ ወንጀሏ በጣም ስለበዛ አብዮት አህመድ ወኪሏ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ ጦርነት በጀመረበት ዕለት ምርጫውን አካሄዳና ሌቦቹ ዲሞክራቶች ምርጫውን አጭበርብረው (የእነ ኦባማና ጆርጅ ሶሮስ እጅ አለበት)ያው ዛሬ ህፃናት ደፋሪውን፣ አስወራጁንና የሰዶማውያኑን እንቅስቃሴ ደጋፊው ወስላታ ጆ ባይደንን ስልጣን ላይ አወጡት። ከዚህ በፊትም እንዳወሳሁት ጆ ባይደን ስልጣን ላይ ብዙ የሚቆይ አይመስለኝም፤ ዙፋኑ የተዘጋጀው ከሂላሪ ክሊንተን ቀጥላ በኤልዛቤል መንፈስ ከሁሉም በልጣ ለተጠመቀችው ለመጪዋ ምክትል ፕሬዚደንት ለአመንዛሪዋ ካማላ ሃሪስ ነው። አሜሪካ አብቅቶላታል!

ወደ ሃገራችን ስንመለስ፤ እየተፈጸመ ካለው አሰቃቂ ጭፍጨፋ ዓለም ስለ ኢሳያስ አፈቆርኪ በጦርነቱ ስለመሳተፉ ማጉረምረም ሲጀምርና “ኢትዮጵያዊ ነኝ” የሚለውን አልማር ባይ ከንቱ መልሶ ለማስተኛት እባቡ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ “የህወሃትን አመራሮች ያዝኩ፤ ገደልኩ” ይላል። በነገራችን ላይ ውጭ ከወጡት በቀር በትግራይ ውስጥ ያሉትን ሁሉንም አመራሮች ከያዟቸው ከወር በላይ ሆኗቸዋል፤ ግን ዋናው ዓላማቸው በንጹሐን ትግሬዎች ላይ የሚካሄደውን ጭፍጨፋ ማካሄድ ነውና ይህን ጭፍጨፋ ስልታዊ በሆነ መንገድ ለመቀጠል ሲሉና ፀረትግሬ የሆኑትን ጋሎችና ጋላማራ መንጋዎቻቸውን ለማስደስት ሲባል አስፈላጊ በሆነበት ቀን እያወጡ “እንትናን ያዝንላችሁ ገደልንላችሁ!” ይላሉ። ጭፍጨፋውን በአጭር ጊዜ አገባድደው መፈጸም አይፈልጉም። ቀስ በቀስ ነው፤ እስከ ስድስት ሚሊየን ትግሬዎችን የመጨፍጨፍ ዕቅድ ነው ያላቸው። ስድስት ሚሊየን አይሁድ ፥ ስድስት ሚሊየን ትግሬ። ይህን ዕቅድ የማጨናገፍ ችሎታ፣ ብቃትና ግዴታ ያለብን እኛ ኢትዮጵያውያን መሆን ነበረብን፤ ያለፍት ቀናት፣ ሳምንታት እና ወራት እንደ አዲስ አበባ ያሉ ከተሞች ለሰላምና ፍቅር የሚጮኹ ዜጎች በመስቀል አደባባይ ወጥተው “ጦርነቱ እና ጭፍጨፋው ይቁም!” እያሉ ጩኸታቸውን የሚያሰሙባቸው መሆን ነበረባቸው። አለመታደል ሆኖ በጣም የተረገመ ትውልድ ስላለን ከገዳዩ ጋር እንጂ ከተገዳዩ ጋይ የማይቆም፣ በብርሃን ፋንታ ጨለማን የሚሻ፣ በሕይወት ፈንታ ሞትን የሚመርጥ፣ ከፍቅር ይልቅ ጥላቻን የሚፈልግ በመሆኑ መከራውና ሰቆቃው ለሁሉም እስኪዳረስ ድረስ ይቀጥላል። ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን የሚደፋና ኢትዮጵያን ከሞትና ባርነት መንፈስ ነፃ የሚያወጣ አንድ ጀግና ኢትዮጵያዊ እንኳን መጥፋቱ በጣም ያሳዝናል። እስኪ ይታየን ከውጭ ሃገራት ጋር ሆኑ በኢትዮጵያውያን ላይ ጭፍጨፋ እየፈጸመ መሆኑ በይፋ ታውቆ እንኳን ዛሬም የስልጣን ወንበር ላይ ቁጭ ብሏል። ይህ እንዴት ሊሆን ይችላል? እንዴት? እንዴት? እንዴት?

በትግራይ እየተፈጸመ ያለው ጭካኔ ግን በዓለማችን ታይቶና ተሰምቶ የማይታወቅ ዓይነት ጭፍጨፋ ነው። ሃያላኑን ሃገራት፣ የተባበሩት መንግስታትን፣ የኖርዌየን የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ኮሚቴ ሁሉንም አስደንግጧቸዋል፤ ስለዚህ እንዳላዩ፣ እንዳልሰሙና እንደማያውቁ ጸጥ በማለት ወደ ቀጣዩ የቤት ስራቸው ዞረዋል። ዛሬ ሉሲፈራውያኑ የአውሬውን ክትባት ለኮሮና ነው ብለው በአውሬው ወኪላቸው በግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ በኩል በጅምላ ለምስጠት በመዘጋጀት ላይ ናቸው። አምላካችን ግን ከእነርሱ ጋር ነው! እኛስ ከማን ጋር ነን? ከሚታየው ወይንስ ከማይታየው ጋር? ከዚህ ዓለም ጋር ወይንስ ከወዲያኛው ዓለም ጋር? አቤት የሚጠብቀን ፍርድ! አባ ዘ-ወንጌል ፲/10% የሚሆኑት ተዋሕዷውያን ብቻ የኢትዮጵያን ትንሣኤ ለማየት እንደሚተርፉ ሲነግሩን ፀረ-ትግሬ ያልሆኑትን ኢትዮጵያውያን ብቻ ማለታቸው እንደሆነ እነዚህ ቀናት እያሳዩን ነው።

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የትግራይ ህዝብ ሲሰቀል ድንጋይ ያቀበሉ የኢትዮጵያ መንጋዎች አረመኔዎች ናቸው

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 21, 2021

👉 ምስጋና ለ፤ Johnny Live

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A Fractured Giant | Ethiopia’s Struggle to Build a Nation

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 21, 2021

Civil war has pushed millions of Ethiopians to the brink. History shows how deep the country’s divides run.

👉 Courtesy: Reuters

An Emperor murdered. Famine used as a weapon. Tanks storming a dictator’s palace. And today, a civil war that threatens to tear the country of 109 million people apart. For the past half century, the history of Ethiopia has been punctuated by episodes of such drama and tragedy that each chapter is an epic in its own right. But there’s a deeper story unfolding behind the headlines that helps explain why the present-day crisis is proving so hard to resolve.

Ever since the formation of modern Ethiopia in the late 19th century, successive governments have grappled with the same basic question: How best to weld the country’s mosaic of more than 90 ethnicities and nationalities into a cohesive whole? The pendulum swings back and forth between attempts to build a strong central state, and moves to devolve power to the regions – with fundamentally different political visions and readings of Ethiopian history co-mingling with raw struggles for power.

In November, 2020, the latest installment erupted in the Tigray region, where a conflict between rebels and government forces has claimed thousands of civilian lives and triggered a humanitarian crisis. Some 400,000 people have been plunged into famine and 9.4 million are in critical need of food aid across northern Ethiopia, according to the United Nations. Beyond the enormous human suffering, the fate of the country has implications for the stability of the wider Horn of Africa, and Western, Chinese, Egyptian and Middle Eastern interests jockeying in the strategically important region.

Based on historical accounts and independent reports as well as Reuters archives and other material, this timeline situates the latest crisis in the context of the long-running struggle for the soul of Africa’s fractured giant.

💭 1941 | Lion of Judah

God, the Lion of Judah, looking down from heaven.

By the Conquering Lion of the Tribe of Judah, His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Elect of God. When he ascends the throne in 1930, Emperor Haile Selassie’s official title evokes the mystique of a royal family that traces its ancestry back 3,000 years to the Biblical King Solomon and Queen of Sheba. In more recent memory, the new emperor’s forebear, Menelik II, had waged brutal wars of slave-raiding and conquest at the close of the 19th century, carving out the borders of modern Ethiopia, and imposing ethnic Amhara culture and language on assimilated groups. Conflicting perceptions of nation-building as “unification” and “colonisation” dating from this period remain major political faultlines to this day.

In 1935, Italian dictator Benito Mussolini invades Ethiopia from Eritrea, a territory under Italian colonial rule. Haile Selassie flees into exile in the English city of Bath after Addis Ababa falls the following year. The Italians deploy chemical weapons, bomb Red Cross ambulances, and massacre many of the educated elite. Five years later, and true to his title, the emperor stages a triumphant return to Addis Ababa after Ethiopian partisans and British forces drive out the occupiers. In a country where peasants live in thrall to feudal landlords and slavery is endemic, Haile Selassie pledges to usher Ethiopia into a new era of modernity by creating a strong centralised state.

💭 1941-1974 | An aging autocrat

While Haile Selassie is romanticised as an icon of African liberation on the global stage, and is considered a living Messiah by devotees of the Rastafarian faith in the Caribbean, discontent is building at home. Electrified by independence movements sweeping Africa, a younger generation of leftist student leaders begins agitating for land reform, greater democracy and more inclusive forms of Ethiopian identity. In 1960, Haile Selassie survives a coup attempt by conspirators including the commander of his palace bodyguard. In the northern territory of Eritrea – annexed by the emperor in 1962 – insurgents wage an armed struggle for independence. The government’s military response includes massacring civilians, burning villages, forced relocations, killing livestock, poisoning wells, and blockading food. Haile Selassie’s legitimacy erodes further in October, 1973, when a British television news report called The Unknown Famine exposes the deprivation gripping the northern Wollo region, where at least 40,000 people will die from hunger. The contrast between scenes of people starving and the emperor’s lavish 80th birthday celebrations catalyse fresh protests by striking students, taxi drivers, unions and some air force units.

💭 1974-1975 | A dynasty deposed

Seven centuries of monarchical rule are severed as a committee of army officers known as the Derg seizes power. In a coup that unfolds from February to September, 1974, the 120-strong junta effectively hijacks the push for reform spearheaded by student revolutionaries – then rapidly descends into bloody infighting. On Nov. 23, General Aman Andom, a larger-than-life war hero, who briefly serves as Ethiopia’s first post-imperial head of state, is killed in a shootout by supporters of Mengistu Haile Mariam, an ambitious colonel. In an early sign of the ruthless tenor of the new Mengistu regime, 60 of Haile Selassie’s top officials are summarily executed by firing squad.

Less than a year later, the toppled emperor is himself secretly murdered – said to have been suffocated with a pillow. His remains will later be found interred under a cement slab in his palace grounds. Adopting Marxist rhetoric and courting the Soviet Union, Mengistu bows to popular demands to redistribute land to the peasantry in one of the most sweeping land nationalisations in the world. Although the imperial era has ended, there is some continuity, with Mengistu equating nationhood with a strong central state.

💭 1977-8 | “Red Terror”

Despite his pledges to liberate the country from its feudal yoke, Mengistu sets about crushing all opposition. In a speech in April 1977, he declares “Death to the Counter-Revolutionaries” and smashes three bottles of red liquid on the ground to symbolise the blood of his opponents. The gesture marks the start of a two-year campaign of mass arrests, torture and killings known as the “Red Terror.” Tens of thousands of young people are killed; mutilated bodies are routinely dumped in the streets of Addis Ababa. Families have to pay a symbolic fee for what the authorities describe as the “wasted bullet” used to kill their relative. Far from uniting the country, Mengistu’s Soviet-backed forces find themselves mired in conflict with a resurgent rebellion in Eritrea, then part of Ethiopia. Rebels also take up arms in neighbouring Tigray and what is now Oromiya in the south. The leaders of these various fronts will shape Ethiopia’s destiny in the decades ahead.

💭 1983-1985 | Famine as a weapon

As the Derg military junta celebrates the 10th anniversary of the Marxist revolution, northern Ethiopia once again suffers a catastrophic famine. From 1983-1985, at least 400,000 lives are lost, according to an exhaustive report later compiled by Human Rights Watch. Although drought exacerbates the crisis, the scope, scale and severity of the starvation is a direct result of Mengistu’s embrace of famine as a weapon of war, the report finds. His government blocks food aid to rebel-held areas in Tigray, bombs markets and relief convoys, and embarks on a programme of forced relocation designed to cut off the insurgents from their rural supporters. Some 600,000 people are rounded up and moved from Tigray and other northern areas to Oromiya in the south; another three million are subjected to “villagisation” programmes that force scattered rural populations into villages with communal farmland. At least 100,000 people are estimated to have died in 1985 during these resettlement operations, according to Médecins sans Frontières.

💭 May 1991 | Rebels at the gates

With Ethiopia ravaged by hunger and civil war, Mengistu’s repression enflames opposition to his rule. Soviet military aid dwindles after Mikhail Gorbachev takes over as leader of the Soviet Union in 1985 and winds down Cold War-era proxy wars in Africa. Rebels seize their opportunity to advance, and the 450,000-strong Ethiopian military begins to implode. Slumped in the back of a car, the man who once struck terror into a nation is seen making his way to the airport through near deserted streets soon after dawn on May 21, 1991. After the former dictator flies into exile in Zimbabwe, the New York Times reports that he arrives looking “close to tears.” Mengistu is granted safe haven by then President Robert Mugabe, who remains grateful for the support he provided to the country’s anti-colonial movement. Days later, Tigrayans, Eritreans and allied rebel factions under the umbrella of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) seize Addis Ababa in a dawn assault. The sound of sporadic artillery and machine-gun fire echoes through streets as fighters overwhelm remaining pockets of Mengistu loyalists within hours, and reach the inner sanctum of the presidential palace.

💭 1991 | Rising from the ashes

Mengistu’s attempts to centralise power in Ethiopia under a Marxist-style state have failed. The regime could not survive the impact of years of economic mismanagement, resentment unleashed by its political terror campaign and multiple regional rebellions. In exile, Mengistu insists he was betrayed. While he ruminates on his defeat, the EPRDF rapidly consolidates its grip on power. Meles Zenawi, the head of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the dominant faction, emerges as the country’s new leader. Although Tigrayans form a majority in their home region, they make up about 6% of Ethiopia’s total population. Despite their minority status, the rebel take-over will see Tigrayans take many key positions in the central government and security forces. Resentment grows among Oromos, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, and Amharas, who rank second in terms of size but who were pre-eminent during the imperial era that ended with Haile Selassie.

💭 1991 | A new era

Known for his sharp intellect and political acumen, Meles leads Ethiopia’s nation-building project in a radically new direction. With a plethora of regionally-based rebel groups clamouring for greater autonomy, Meles places an explicit recognition of the central importance of ethnic identity at the heart of his political vision.

Reversing the Mengistu regime’s push for greater centralisation, a constitution adopted in 1995 divides Ethiopia into nine ethnically-based federal regions. Their governance structures are modelled on Tigray, which the TPLF had been running as an autonomous region since 1989. Uniquely in Africa, the new constitution enshrines the rights of each of the country’s regions and recognised ethnic groups to hold a referendum on self-determination. Supporters present the constitution as a vital counterweight to historical attempts by the country’s Amhara imperial-era elite to assimilate other communities by forcing them to adopt Amharic culture and language, and expropriating their land.

But Meles’ privileging of ethnicity represents a contrarian bet on a continent where conflicts playing out along ethnic lines represent one of the greatest impediments to the formation of stable post-independence states. Advocates of a more unitary approach to governing Ethiopia fear ethnic federalism will further polarise the country and lead to its eventual dismemberment.

💭 1993 | A nation is born

Mengistu’s fall marks victory for Eritrea in its 30-year armed struggle for independence. Former rebel leader Isaias Afwerki, who fought Mengistu alongside Meles, pursues international recognition for the Eritrean government. In April 1993, Africa’s youngest country formalises its new-found status by staging a referendum in which more than 99% of votes are cast in favour of independence. Hopes are high that Isaias and Meles will build on their shared struggle to cement peaceful relations. In the spring of 1998, during a 10-day trip to Africa, then U.S. President Bill Clinton extols an “African Renaissance” led by a new generation of progressive leaders – his aides name Meles and Isaias as prime examples. But the marriage of convenience forged while fighting Mengistu is not to last.

💭 1998 | Friends turn foe

Against a background of economic tensions and growing personal enmity between Isaias and TPLF leaders over who should be the pre-eminent regional power, fighting breaks out – ostensibly over who can claim the town of Badme on the disputed border between Eritrea and Ethiopia’s Tigray region. Tit-for-tat air raids at the onset of hostilities cost civilian lives.

The war revives Meles’ credibility among Ethiopian nationalists, who had previously criticized him for allowing Eritrea to assert its independence.

💭 1998-2000 | Fighting yard-by-yard

The war grinds on, with withering casualties in fighting over barren plains in World War One-style trench warfare. An estimated 70,000 combatants are killed. Ethiopia forcibly expels as many as 75,000 people of Eritrean origin, most of whom were born in Ethiopia and have lived there their entire lives. Meanwhile, tens of thousands of Ethiopians are expelled or repatriated voluntarily from Eritrea. The conflict sets the stage for years of continuing enmity between Eritrea and the TPLF after Ethiopia keeps Badme for itself.

💭 May-April 2005 | Elections, then crackdown

In a near revolutionary atmosphere, elections in May, 2005 are a lightning rod for growing discontent with the Tigrayan-dominated federal government. Fractious opposition parties backed by energetic crowds of Oromo and Amhara youth unite to confront Meles with the first concerted challenge since he took power. After an initial strong showing by the opposition, the government declares a state of emergency. Allegations of massive rigging by the ruling coalition mar the polls. Security forces open fire into crowds of protesters in Addis Ababa, killing almost 200 people; 20,000 to 30,000 more are swept up in mass arrests. Meles’ reputation is increasingly tarnished at home – but he remains a key partner of both the West and China.

💭 2010 | Increasing repression

Meles’ government becomes increasingly authoritarian. Ethiopia’s federal system of government – formalised by the 1995 constitution that divided Ethiopia into nine ethnically-based regions – is under increasing strain. Armed Oromo and Somali factions fighting guerilla campaigns in rural areas say Meles has failed to live up to his promises to devolve political power. Meanwhile, many urban, educated Ethiopians see the system’s basis in ethnic identity as a retrograde impediment to building a modern, cohesive state.

💭 2012 | Era of uncertainty

Ethiopia enters uncharted waters following Meles’ death in August 2012. After the chaos of the Mengistu years, Ethiopia has earned a reputation as a bastion of stability in the volatile Horn of Africa, with Meles presiding over a period of rapid economic growth that opened opportunities for many. But critics say that Meles’ embrace of ethnic federalism may have served to mask the country’s tensions, rather than resolve them. Southerner Hailemariam Desalegn, a technocrat, takes over as prime minister and pursues continuity. But pressure for reform grows as youth from the Oromo and other communities hold three years of protests against inequality, economic mismanagement and repression. Hundreds of demonstrators are killed and around 30,000 are arrested. Detainees include opposition leaders, journalists and bloggers.

💭 April 2018 | Watershed moment

A marked change occurs in April 2018 when the ruling coalition installs Abiy Ahmed as prime minister. A member of the coalition’s Oromo faction, the then 41-year-old Pentecostal Christian is hailed by supporters at home and in the Ethiopian diaspora with almost messianic fervour – a phenomenon dubbed “Abiy Mania” in the media. A former cyber security chief, who joined the armed struggle against Mengistu as a teenager, Abiy styles himself as a unity candidate who can hold Ethiopia together through reform – not repression. Political prisoners are released; exiles return; and dissidents are appointed to important posts. Abiy characterizes his approach to government as medemer, or “coming together.” To advocates of greater regional autonomy, the emphasis on unity evokes traumatic collective memories of the centralising campaigns waged by both Mengistu’s dictatorship and the Amhara conquerors of the imperial past.

💭 July 2018 | Rapprochement

While consolidating his position at home, Abiy pursues rapprochement with Eritrea, whose repression and isolation has earned the country a reputation as “the North Korea of Africa.” The neighbours have been frozen in a state of “no war, no peace” since their 1998-2000 border war. Abiy breaks the deadlock by accepting the findings of a U.N.-backed boundary commission that awarded Badme to Eritrea.

“Forgiveness frees the consciousness,” Abiy tells a huge crowd in Addis Ababa in July 2018, hugging visiting Eritrean president Isaias to celebrate their newly-forged peace. The pact gives Abiy an important ally against the once-dominant TPLF.

This new alliance raises hopes in the West of broader regional collaboration to stabilise the Horn of Africa. But Ethiopia’s underlying tensions are intensifying as Abiy’s moves to open up political space allow suppressed ethnic rivalries to boil over. Communal strife intensifies as ethnic strongmen seek to build powerbases by demanding more land and resources.

💭 Late 2019 | Balance of power shifts

Politics undergo a tectonic shift as three of the four ethnic-based parties that make up the ruling EPRDF coalition that has governed Ethiopia for almost 30 years vote to merge into a new ruling Prosperity Party. After intense negotiations, the TPLF – formerly the dominant faction – declines to join the new party but remains in power in Tigray. With the TPLF no longer in a national ruling coalition, Tigray becomes the first region to be run by government opponents since the federal constitution was adopted following Mengistu’s fall. Senior Tigrayans are removed from important posts in the military and central government – and some face charges of corruption or human rights abuses – as the balance of power in Addis Ababa tilts towards Oromos and Amharas. Abiy says he is distributing posts more fairly. Opponents fear that his focus on national unity heralds another swing of the pendulum towards greater centralisation.

💭 2019-2020 | Peace Prize and unrest

In October 2019, Abiy is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his reconciliation with Eritrea, catapulting him into darling status on the international stage. But tensions continue to fester at home. In June 2020, the murder of popular Oromo singer Haacaaluu Hundeessaa by unknown assailants sparks deadly riots that claim more than 150 lives; 9,000 people are arrested.

In Tigray, many feel excluded by Abiy’s peace agreement with Eritrea – which they fear he will use to forge an alliance against them with Isaias, who has regarded the TPLF as an arch-enemy since the 1998-2000 border war. Tensions escalate sharply when Abiy’s government postpones general elections due in August, citing the COVID-19 pandemic. Tigrayan leaders recall their representatives from Addis Ababa and hold their own elections in Tigray in September in defiance of federal authorities. Abiy likens the polls to the construction of a “shanty” by squatters; Tigray media cast his government as a “dictatorship.”

💭 November 2020 | Conflict erupts

In the early hours of Nov. 4, 2020, Tigrayan forces seize military bases across Tigray – later saying they had no choice but to launch pre-emptive strikes in response to a build-up of government forces in the region. Abiy orders his troops to retake control. The conflict widens as Eritrean forces enter Tigray to support the Ethiopian military. This cross-border incursion prompts accusations from Abiy’s opponents that he struck the peace deal to unite with Isaias to crush their shared foes.

Forces from the neighbouring Amhara region also enter Tigray from the south. Within days of the conflict starting, reports emerge of communal killings in a farming town called Mai Kadra in western Tigray, a fertile swathe of land claimed by both Tigray and Amhara.

Reuters reporting establishes that the first killings in the town were committed by Tigrayans against Amharas; the TPLF says its regular troops had withdrawn by then and were not involved. Then come revenge killings of Tigrayans by Amharas. All over western Tigray, tens of thousands of Tigrayan residents are driven out; many have their homes burned and land seized. Amhara claims western Tigray as its own territory, stations its security forces there and begins to administer it.

The killings trigger a cycle of widening bloodshed – watched anxiously by other ethnic federal regions amid fears of further eruptions of communal violence. All sides deny committing abuses.

Meanwhile, Reuters reporting finds that the government is sweeping up thousands of Tigrayans in mass arrests, including prominent businessmen, diplomats, generals and even opponents of the TPLF. The government says the arrests are solely for security purposes – but Tigrayans see them as a witch hunt.

💭 March-June 2021 | “Sexual slavery”

As the conflict intensifies, the United Nations speaks of possible war crimes by all sides in Tigray’s war. U.N. aid chief Mark Lowcock tells the Security Council, “There is no doubt that sexual violence is being used in this conflict as a weapon of war.” U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken says there have been acts of ethnic cleansing and calls on Amhara forces to withdraw. In April, Reuters details accounts of women tortured and raped in central Tigray by Ethiopian and Eritrean troops; a regional official says some women are being kept in “sexual slavery.”

The humanitarian crisis in Tigray continues to worsen as Ethiopia’s government and its allies impose a de facto blockade on food aid, according to the United Nations. All the warring parties deny blocking aid.

By now, more than 350,000 of Tigray’s nearly 6 million people are living in famine conditions, U.N. agencies and aid groups say. Another 2 million are on the brink of such dire deprivation.

💭 June-July 2021 | Rebels rebound

TPLF forces stage a comeback, recapturing Tigray’s regional capital Mekelle in June and taking thousands of troops prisoner. Government forces withdraw from most of the region. Pushing south and east into the neighbouring Amhara and Afar regions in the ensuing weeks, the Tigrayan forces trigger a fresh wave of mass displacement and edge nearer to Addis Ababa. TPLF leaders say they aim to break what they describe as an aid blockade on Tigray and free contested western Tigray from Amhara control. The TPLF also raises the prospect of a referendum to determine Tigray’s future. The conflict is increasingly framed in ethnic terms, and hate speech proliferates on social media. In July, Abiy describes the TPLF as “weeds” and “cancer.”

💭 July-August 2021 | Hunger intensifies

The U.N. World Food Programme warns that aid deliveries to more than a million people in the northwest of the country and parts of southern Tigray have only reached half of those it planned to help – including communities on the edge of famine. Meanwhile, in August, Tigrayan forces publicly align with the Oromo Liberation Army, a rebel group fighting in rural areas to the west of Addis Ababa – raising the risk the conflict will further fracture the country. International concern grows. Former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo, serving as African Union envoy to the Horn of Africa, and his U.S. counterpart Jeffrey Feltman make little headway in bringing the warring parties to the negotiating table.

💭 August-November 2021 | Fighting spreads

Lalibela, home of the iconic rock churches sacred to the Ethiopian Orthodox church and a designated UNESCO World Heritage Site, is among towns that repeatedly change hands as government and rebel forces wrestle for control of strategic locations. In November, a joint investigation by the United Nations and Ethiopia’s human rights commission concludes that “all parties to the Tigray conflict have committed violations of international human rights, humanitarian and refugee law. Some of these may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.” The U.N. Human Rights Council votes in December to establish an independent investigation.

The report accuses all sides of abuses ranging from the torture and killing of civilians, to gang-rapes and arrests on the basis of ethnicity. Prime Minister Abiy says he accepts the report despite some “serious reservations.” Eritrea calls it “utterly false.” The TPLF accuses Ethiopian investigators of bias.

💭 November-December 2021 | State of emergency

The unthinkable suddenly beckons for Abiy as the rebels push towards Addis Ababa. Advancing south through Afar and Amhara, Tigrayan forces clash with government troops near a town just 190 kilometres (118 miles) from the capital. Jolted by the pace of the rebel gains, the government declares a state of emergency on Nov. 2. Abiy appeals to Ethiopians to mobilise in defence of the nation, then dons fatigues and travels to the front to personally command the counter-offensive.

By December, government troops have pushed the rebels back hundreds of kilometres. Under mounting military pressure, the TPLF says on Dec. 20 that it has withdrawn its forces from the northern regions neighbouring Tigray. The move is seen as a possible step towards a ceasefire.

After the decades of struggle to forge a united Ethiopia, the country is once more searching for a viable formula to reconcile tensions between centre and regions, assimilation and autonomy.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Infos, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

እስከ ፹/80 % የሚጠጋውን የዓለም/የኢትዮጵያ ነዋሪዎች በራሱ መልክና ምሳሌ የፈጠረው “ዲያብሎስ”/“እባብ” የተባለው እንስሳ ነበር

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 15, 2021

ውጊያው መንፈሳዊ ውጊያ ነው፤ ውጊያው ✞ በክርስቶስ ልጆች እና 😈 በዲያብሎስ ልጆች መካከል ነው። ይህንም ዛሬ በሃገራችን ግልጥልጥ ብሎ እያየነው ነው። በሁሉም መስክ የበላይነት ይዘው የምናያቸውና ሁሉንም ነገር የተቆጣጠሩት፤ ለአጭር ጊዜም ቢሆን፤ የዲያብሎስ ልጆች ናቸው።

የኢትዮጵያዊነት ፖለቲካ መናፍቃን = የኢትዮጵያዊነት ማንነት መናፍቃን። ላለፉት መቶ ሠላሳ ዓመታት እነዚህ መናፍቃን እና የኦሮሙማው ዘንዶ ተልዕኮ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያን ሰሜኑን በደረጃ አዳክሞ ማጥፋት እንደሆነ ብዙዎች እየገባቸው መጥቷል የሚል እምነት አሁን አለኝ። በተለይ በኤርትራ ተጋሩዎች ላይ የፈጸሙትን ዓይነት ኢትዮጵያን የመንጠቂያ ዘይቤ በትግራይ ተጋሩዎች ላይ በተለይ ባለፉት አሥር ወራት በመጠቀም ላይ ናቸው። የአህዛብ መናፍቃኑ ዋና ሉሲፈራዊ የጥቃት ዓላማ፤ ተጋሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን በሂደት ከኢትዮጵያዊነታቸው፣ ከሰንደቃቸው እና ከግዕዝ ቋንቋቸው እንዲነጠሉ ማድረግ፤ ይህ ከተሳካላቸው ተዋሕዶ ሃይማኖታቸውን በቀላሉ እንዲተው ማድረግ ይቻላል። በዛሬዋ ኤርትራ ከመቶ ሰላሳ ዓመታት በፊት የተከሉትን ችግኝ ዛሬ ጎንደር አካባቢ በሰፈሩ መናፍቃን ኦሮማራዎች አማካኝነት ወደ ትግራይ በማስገባት ላይ ናቸው። ጣልያኖች እኮ ያኔ፤ “አንገዛም ባሉት ሀበሾች ዘንድ ለሺህ ዓመት የሚቆይ ችግኝ ተክለናል” ብለው ነበር። ይህን ነው ዛሬ እያየነው ያለነው! በዚህ ርዕስ ዙሪያ እነዚህ ያሉ ውይይቶችን ቶሎ ቶሎ ብታቀርቡ ብዙ ተጋሩዎችን ከሚፈታተናቸው የማንነት ቀውስ ልታድኗቸው ትችላላችሁ! ከተጋሩ መንፈሳውያን አባቶች ብዙ ይጠበቃል!

💭 በቪዲዮው ዲያቆን ቢንያም ያቀረቡልንን ድንቅ መልዕክት (“በመካከላችን በሚሊየን የሚቆጠሩ እኛን የሚመስሉና ኢትዮጵያዊ ያልሆኑ የዲያብሎስ ልጆች አሉ!…”) ዛሬ ከማቀርበውና መለኮታዊ ምስጢር ከተገለጠበት አጭር ጽሑፍ ጋር በማገናኘት ነገሮችን እንገምግም፣ እንታዘብ፣ እንወቅ። ላለፉት ወራት በሰሜናውያኑ ኢትዮጵያውያን ዘንድ በተደጋጋሚ ስንታዘበው የነበረው አንድ በጥያቄ መልክ የቀረበ ዓረፍተ ነገር፤ “ይህን ሁሉ ዘመን እንዴት አብረን ልንኖር ቻልን?” የሚለው ነው።

👉 መልሱ የሚከተለው ይሆናል፤

🐍 የእባቡ/ የዘንዶው ዘር 😈

የቀደመው ሰው በምኞት ሕግ ተታልሎ የተሰጠውን ኪዳን ከሻረ በኋላ የተገለጠው ሁለተኛው የሰው ዘር ሲሆን ይህም ከእባቡ/ ከዘንዶው ዘር የተወለደ የተገኘ የተፈጠረ የሰው ዘር ነው። ከእባቡ/ዘንዶው ዘር የተውለደ ፣ የተፈጠረ ፣ የተገኝ ማለት ከእንስሳ የመጣ የሰው ዘር ማለት ነው። ይህም ማለት እንስሳት በተፈጠሩበት ሕግ የተፈጠረ ሰው ማለት ሲሆን ከእንስሳ መንፈስ የተለወለደም ወይም ከእንስሳ የዘር ሐረግ የመጣ የሰው ዘር ማለትም ይሆናል። ሁለተኛው የሰው ልጅ የዘር ሐረግ ይህ እንስሳዊ መሆኑን እናስተውል። እባቡ እና ሴቲቱ ባደረጉት የሩካቤ ግንኙነት የተጸነሰ የተወለደና የተፈጠረ የሰው ዘር ነው። ስለዚህም ነበር እግዚአብሔር አምላክ ለሙሴ በሰጠው ሕግ በኩል ሰው ከእንስሳት ጋር አካላዊም ሆነ መንፈሳዊ ወሲብ (ሩካቤ) እንዳያደርግ ያዘዘው። “እንዳትረክስባትም ከእንስሳ ጋር አትተኛ ሴት ከእርሱ ጋር ትተኛ ዘንድ በእንስሳ ፊት አትቁም የተጠላ ነገር ነውና።” [ዘሌ. ፲፰፥፳፫]

በእባቡና በሴቲቱ መሀል የነበረው ግንኙነት ግን በእግዚአብሔርና በቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም መሀል የነበረው ግንኙነትን የሚገልጽ አይደለም። ዋናው ቁምነገርና ማስተዋል የሚገባን ነገር ሁለተኛው የሰው ዘር የመጣው ከእንስሳ በተለይም ከእባቡ/ዘንዶው ዘር የተጸነሰ መሆኑን ነው።

እነዚህን ከእባቡ/ዘንዶው መንፈስ የተወለዱትን/የተፈጠሩትን የስጋ ሕዝቦች ነው ዲያብሎስ ለስሙና ለክብሩ የፈጠራቸው። የእባቡ/ዘንዶው ልጆች የተባሉት ናቸው በዲያብሎስ መልክና ምሳሌ የተፈጠሩት። እነዚህንም የፈጠራቸው ደግሞ ከላይ እንዳየነው በእንስሳ ቀመር ነው። ስለዚህም ደግሞ እነዚህ ሕዝቦች የእንስሳትን ስምና ክብር ተቀብለዋል።

ሳጥናኤል የራሱ የሆነውን ይህን የሰውን ልጅ የፈጠረበት የአእምሮ ቀመር እንስሳት የተፈጠሩበት ሕግ ሲሆን ያም ደግሞ የእባብ አእምሮ መልክና ምሳሌ ነበር። እዚህ ጋር መረዳት ያለብን መለኮታዊ ምስጢር በዓለማችን በብዛት የሚኖረውን የሰውን ልጅ፤ ምናልባት እስከ ፹/80 % የሚጠጋውን የዓለም/የኢትዮጵያ ነዋሪዎች በራሱ መልክና ምሳሌ የፈጠረው “ዲያብሎስ” የተባለው አካል “እባብ” የተባለው እንስሳ ነበር። የእባቡ አእምሮ በተዘጋጀበት ሕግ ነበር ሰውን ለሞትና ለባርነት የፈጠረው። ይህም ማለት እባብ ነው የሰውን ልጅ በራሱ አእምሮ የሞት መልክና ምሳሌ ለባረነት የፈጠረው። “ኤክስ ኤል አምስት አንድ/ XLVI” የእባቡ አእምሮ መልክና ምሳኤል ነው። እንስሳት በአንድ መጋረጃ የተዘጋጀ ሁለት የአእምሮ ክፍሎች አላቸውናል። ከዚያን ጊዜ ጀምሮ ሰው ለእንስሳት ባሪያ ሆነ።

የቻርለስ ዳርዊን ንድፈ ሐሳብ መረዳትም የሚጀምረው እዚህ ጋር ነው። እንደ ዳርዊን ንድፈ ሐሳባዊ መረዳት ሰው የመጣው ከእንስሳ ነው። እውነት ወይንስ ሐሰት? የዳርዊን የዝግመት ለውጥ /ኢቮሊውሽን ንድፈ ሐሳብ በእርግጥ ተፈጥሯዊ መሰረትና እውነታ እንዳለው ከላይ ያየነው እውነታ ይመሰክርናል። ቻርለስ ዳርዊን ሰው በዝግመት ለውጥ እየዳበረና እየጎለበተ የሄደ ንቃተ ሕሊና ይፍጠር እንጅ አመጣቱ ግን ከጦጣ መሰል እንስሳ ነው የሚል መላምት ውስጥ ዲገባ ያደረግው ይህ ከላይ የተመለከትነው የተፈጥሮ ምስጢር መሆኑ በቀላሉ መረዳት ይቻላል። ዳርዊን ለምንድን ነው ሰው የመታው ከጦጣ መሰል እንስሳ ነው ያለው? ከላይ እንደተገለጸው ሁለተኛው የሰው ዘር የመጣው ከእንስሳ ማለትም ከእባቡ ዘር ነውና ነው። እዚህ ጋር የዳርዊን ንድፈ ሐሳብ (ቲዎሪ) መሠረት ያለው የተፈጥሮ እውነት መሆኑን መረዳት ያስፈልጋል። ከእንስሳ የዘር ሐረግ የመጣ የሰው ዘር አለና ነው። የእባቡ ዘር። ሁለተኛው የሰው ዘር ከእባቡ የተወለደ የተባለው የሰው ዘር ሲሆን ይህም በዲያብሎስ መልክና ምሳሌ የተፈጠረው የሰው ዘር ነው። “ከአስር ሺህ ዓመታት በፊት የኔ ዘር የተገኘው ከኢትዮጵያ ነው” የሚለውን ሉሲፈራዊውን/ ኢሉሚናቲውንን አቶ ቻርለስ ዳርዊንን ጨምሮ አብዛኛው የዓለም ሕዝብ ከእንስሳ የሚመዘዝ የዘር ውሕድ ቀመር ነው ያለው። የእባቡ ዘር የተባለው የዘር ሐረ ነው። ከእባቡ መንፈስ የተወለደው የሰው ዘር ማለት ነው።

ይሁን እንጅ የዳርዊን ንድፈ ሐሳባዊ መረዳት ሐሰትና ሙሉ በሙሉ ተቀባይነት የሌለው የሚሆነው ደግሞ “የሰው ዘር በሙሉ ከእንስሳ ወይም ከእንስሳ መሰል ፍጡር ተገኝቷል ወይም መጥቷል” የሚለው ድምዳሜ ይሆናል። ምክኒያቱም ለላይ እንዳየነው ከእንስሳ የዘር ሐረግ ያልተገኘ ያልመጣ ያልተወለደ የሰው ዘር አለና። የ “ሴቲቱ ዘር” የተባለው የሰው ልጅ የዘር ሐረግ ከእንስሳት የመጣ የሰው ዘር አይደለምና። ይህ የመጀመሪያው የሰው ዘር ዛሬ በብዛት የሚገኘው በሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ ነው። “ጽዮናውያን” የምንለውም የሴቲቱ ንግሥተ መከዳ/ ሳባ እና ጽዮን ማርያም ዘር በመሆኑ ነው። ከእንስሳ ዘር የተገኙት የዋቄዮአላህዲያብሎስ ጭፍሮችና የተታለሉት “ሃጋር/ አጋሮቻቸው እንዲሁም በመላው ዓለም የሚገኙትና የእባቡ ዘር የሆኑት ኤዶማውያን እና እስማኤላውያን ሁሉ፤ ”ጽዮናውያንን ከምድረ ገጽ ካላጠፋን ብለው ዛሬም ሆነ ለብዙ ዘመናትም በተለያየ መንገድ የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነቱን የከፈቱበት ዋናው ምክኒያት ይህ ጥንታውያኑን፣ የመጀመሪያውን የሴቲቱን የሰው ዘር ሙሉ በሙሉ አጥፍተው ምድርን ሙሉ በሙሉ ለብቻቸው፤ “ኬኛ” በመቆጣጠር ዋቄዮአላህዲያብሎስን ለማንገስ ስለሚሹ ነው።

አስቀድሞ የሰውን ልጅ ከምድር አፈር በመልኩና በምሳሌው የፈጠረው ግን እግዚአብሔር አምላክ መሆኑን እናውቃለን። የሰው ልጅ በዲያብሎስ መልክና ምሳሌ የተፈጠረው በምኞት ማለትም በክፋት ባሕሪ በተታለለ ጊዜ መሆኑንም እናውቀዋለን። እንዲህም ከሆነ ደግሞ የሰው ልጅ በቀዳሚው ፍጥረቱ ከእንስሳ ዘር የመጣ የተፈጠረ የተዘጋጀ ፍጡር አልነበረም ማለት ይሆናል። ይህን መለኮታዊ ምስጢር እናስተውል። በፈቃዱ ነበር ከእንስሳ በተለይም ከእባቡ ዘር ራሱን የፈጠረው። ዳርዊን ሰው ከጦጣ መሰል ፍጡር መጥቷል በማለት የሰወረውና የደበቀው አንድ ምስጢር ነበር። ይኸውም ሰው የመጣው ከጦጣ ዘር ሳይሆን ከእባቡ ዘር መሆኑን ነው።

መጽሐፍ ቅዱስ ይህ ሁለተኛው የሰው ዘር፤ ማለትም “አሕዛብ” በማለት የሚገልጻቸው ሕዝቦች የመጡት ከእንስሳ ማለትም ከእባቡ/ ዘንዶው ዘር ነውና ነው። ከእባቡ የተጸነሱና የተወለዱ የእንስሳ የዘር ሐረግ ያላቸው ናቸው። እንደዚህም ከሆነ ደግሞ የዳርዊን ንድፈ ሐሳብ/ቲዎሪ ሙሉ በሙሉ እውነት ባይሆንም የራሱ የሆነ እውነት እንደነበረው ግን መካድ አይቻልም። የተበላሸ ሰዓት እኮ በቀን ሁለቴ ትክክል ነው!

❖❖❖ሊቀ መላእክት ቅዱስ ሚካኤል ከሰማያት በግርማ ወርዶ ከእባቡ/ ከዘንዶው ዘር የተገኘውን ጂኒውን የአሕዛብ ችግኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊን እና ወደ አክሱም ጽዮን ለመመለስ የሚሻውን እንዲሁም ከእንስሳ የዘር ሐረግ የተገኘውን የፋሺስቱን ኦሮሞ ሰአራዊቱን ባፋጣኝና በአንዲት ሌሊት በእሳት ሰይፉ ፈጅቷቸው ይደር! የገናናው መልአክ የቅዱስ ሚካኤል ጥበቃው አይለየን፣ በጸሎቱ ይማረን።❖❖❖

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Antichrist Turkey’s Economy on The Brink Due to a Currency Crisis

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 8, 2021

💭 Lira crash slams Turkey’s factories, farmers and retailers

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has defended his ‘economic vision,’ even as the lira continues to hover near record lows. The plunge in the value of the currency has left many families struggling to make ends meet. Also in the show – the EU outlines a new trade strategy to give it more leverage against countries that try to coerce the bloc for economic or politican gain.

ELDER PAISIOS’ PROPHECIES ON RUSSIA-TURKEY

The ascetic monk Paisios, who became Saint Paisios by the Holy Synod of the Greek Orthodox Church in January, was known for his prophecies and predictions. One of them was that Istanbul, once the capital of the Byzantine Empire Constantinople, will become Greek again.

Specifically, Paisios wrote: “Events will start that will culminate with us taking back Constantinople. Constantinople will be given to us. There will be war between Russia and Turkey. In the beginning the Turks will believe they are winning, but this will lead to their destruction. The Russians, eventually, will win and take over Constantinople. After that it will be ours. They will be forced to give it to us.”

The text reads further, “(The Turks) will be destroyed. They will be eradicated because they are a nation that was built without God’s blessing. One third of the Turks will go back to where they came from, the depths of Turkey. One third will be saved because they will become Christians, and the other third will be killed in this war.” This is based on the Saint Kosmas prophecy.

Saint Paisios reposed on July 12, 1994. One of the things he wrote was, “I wanted nothing else but God to keep me alive for a few more years so I could see my country expand. And it will expand…”

“Turkey will be dissected. This will be to our benefit as a nation. This way our villages will be liberated, our enslaved homelands. Constantinople will be liberated, will become Greek again. Hagia Sophia will open again,” the text reads.

“Turkey will be dissected in 3 or 4 parts. The countdown has begun. We will take the lands that belong to us, the Armenians will take theirs and the Kurds their own. The Kurdish issue is at the works,” the text continues.

Paisios wrote further: “As long as there is faith and hope in God, a lot of people will rejoice. All that will happen in these years. The time has come.”

Saint Paisios the Athonite was born Arsenios Eznepidis in July 1924, in Farasa Cappadocia. His father was called Prodromos and his mother Evlampia. He had eight siblings. On August 7, 1924, a week before the Greeks of Farasa returned to the homeland, he was baptized by the parish priest, Arsenios, whom the Orthodox Church recognized as a saint. Arsenios insisted and gave him his name “to leave a monk in his place,” as he said.

Five weeks after the boy’s christening, on September 14, 1924, the Eznepidis family, along with other refugees, arrived at Piraeus and then went to Corfu, where they stayed for eighteen months. The family then moved to Igoumenitsa and then to Konitsa where Arsenios finished elementary school and got his diploma with “excellent conduct.” Ever since he was a child, he was writing down the miracles of Saint Arsenios. He had an inclination towards monasticism and wanted to become a monk.

Arsenios went to Mount Athos to become a monk in 1949, right after his discharge from the army. He stayed for one night at the Monastery of Saint John the Theologian in Karyes and then slept in the hermitage of Saint Panteleimon, in the cell of the Virgin Mary, where he met father Cyril, abbot of the monastery, and followed him faithfully. After spending time in various retreats of Mount Athos and Sinai, he moved to Koutloumousio monastery until he became seriously ill and passed away in the summer of 1994.

He was buried in the Holy Monastery of Saint John the Theologian in Souroti, Thessaloniki. Since then, every year on July 11 to July 12, the anniversary of his death, there is a vigil in the Sanctuary Retreat, with thousands of believers attending.

Elder Paisios wrote four books, published by the Holy Monastery Saint John the Theologian: Saint Arsenios the Cappadocian (1991), Elder Hadji-Georgis the Athonite, 1809-1886 (1986), Athonite Fathers and Athonite Matters (1993) and Letters (1994).

Elder Paisios became known for a number of controversial political statements and prophecies. These include the prediction that a war with Turkey will lead to a restoration of a Greater Greece that includes Albania, Macedonia and Byzantium (Istanbul), and the mass conversion of Turks from Islam to Orthodox Christianity. Many Greeks compare Paisios to Nostradamus.

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U.S. Envoy to Visit UAE, Turkey, Egypt to Discuss Ethiopia Conflict

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on December 8, 2021

U.S. Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffrey Feltman will depart on Thursday for the United Arab Emirates, Turkey and Egypt to discuss international support for diplomatic efforts to end the conflict in Ethiopia, State Department spokesperson Ned Price said on Wednesday.

The United States has repeatedly called on parties to the conflict immediately to end hostilities, but fighting has continued between the Ethiopian government and rebel groups, primarily the Tigray People’s Liberation Army.

💭 My Note: Again? For more drones? Curios, these are the countries that supply genocide swarms & assassin drones to the fascist Oromo regime of evil Abiy Ahmed Ali.

Mr. Jeffrey Feltman visited these countries back in August – and last week, he appeared for an interview on the very hateful „unEthiopian„ Washington-based media (ESAT) that set the stage for genocide by spreading hate against Tigray community and now watching a-year-long massacres silently. The daily broadcasts of ESAT played an essential role in the preparation for the genocide and they will soon be accountable.

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The Weeknd: Moth To A Flame | አቤል የግራኝ ቃኤል አህመድ ሞት ታይቶታልን?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on November 1, 2021

👉 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 😇 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

የቀን ጅብ – የሌሊት ቢራቢሮ

ፒኮክ – የሌሊት ቢራቢሮ

እሳት – ኤርታ አሌ እሳተ ገሞራ

የእሳት እራት – ሞት

ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ – ሞት በኤርታ አሌ እሳት

🦋 Moth/ሞት = የእሳት እራቶች 🦋

“አሁን ለኦሮሞ ሕዝቤ ስል ኢትዮጵያን ማጥፋት አለበኝ፣ ኦሮሞ እስኪነቃ ነው እንጂ፣ እስኪነሳ ነው እንጂ ሲነሳ ሚዳቋ አትበላንም፤ እኛ ዝሆን ነን፤ እንሰብራለን፤ እንበላለን፤ እንገዛለን፣ ሃሳብ አለን፤ ድርጅት አለን፤ ከአለም ጋር ግንኙነት አለን።” የእሳት እራቱ ጂሃዲስት ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ

ወደ ብርሃን የምትሄድ የሌሊት ቢራቢሮ፣ በተለይም ትንሽ፣ ግራጫማ ክንፍ ያለው ጠባብ ክንፍ እና ከሞላ ጎደል ቁመታዊ አንቴናዎች ያሉት፣ እጭዋ ጎጆው የሚቀመጥበትን ጉዳይ ያጠፋል (ሱፍ እና ሌሎች ጨርቆች፣ ወረቀት፣ ፀጉር፣ ወዘተ)።

🦋 አማራ ሆይ፤ ለዋቄዮአላህሰይጣን 😈 ተገብረህ የእሳት እራት መሆን አይበቃህምን?

💭 ለመሆኑ እንዴት ነው፤ “ልጆቼ ሆይ፤ ወንድማችሁን አቤልን ለመግደል አትዝመቱ፤ እከለክላችኋለሁ!” የሚል አንድም የቤተ ክርስቲያን አባት የጠፋው? እስኪ ይታየን፤ እነዚህን ሰባት ቃላት ብቻ በመናገር የስንቱ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ሕይወት ሊተርፍ እንደሚችል! ቤተ ክህነት እኮ ይህን አንዴ ብቻ ሳይሆን ደግማ ደጋግማ የመናገር ግዴታ ነበረባት። ለአንድ ዓመት አዲስ አበባ ሆነው ዝም፤ ጭጭ! የፕሮቴስታንት ፓስተሮች እና የእስልምና ሸኽሆች፣ የዋቀፌታ እባብ ገንዳዎች፤ “ይህ የፍትሕ ጦርነት ነው፤ ወደ ትግራይ ሂዱ ዝመቱ፣ “ዋቄዮ-አላህን፣ ማርቲን ሉተርን” ባለመቀበላቸው በራሳቸው ላይ ያመጡት ኃጢዓት ነው፤ ግደሏቸው…” ለማለት ከደፈሩ፤ የተዋሕዶ አባቶች፤ “ጦርነት አትቀስቅሱ፣ አትበድሉ! አትግደሉ!” ለማለት የማደፍሩበት ምክኒያት ምንድን ነው? ምናለ ወንበራቸውን ለሌሎች የተሻሉ አባቶች ቢያስረክቡና ገዳም ገብተው ከእግዚአብሔር ጋር ቢታረቁ?! 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

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Far From Ethiopia War Front, Mass Arrests Ensnare Fearful Tigrayans.

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on October 30, 2021

የጽዮናውያን ሰቆቃ በአዲስ አበባ❖

ፋሺስቱ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ፤ “‘አሸባሪ’ የተባለና ‘የሚዋጋ’„OLF“ ወይንም “ኦነግ ሸኔ” የተባለ ቡድን “አለ” ብሎናል፤ ታዲያ ኦሮሞዎች በአዲስ አበባ ለምን እንደ ተጋሩ አይሰቃዩም?

እንግዲህ ተጋሩ ምርር ብሏቸው አዲስ አበባን እና መላዋ ኢትዮጵያን ለቀው እንዲወጡ የሚሰራ የኦሮሞዎች ሤራ መሆኑ ነው። ጽዮናውያንን ከምድረ ገጽ የማጥፋቱ ሤራ አካል ነው። የዘንዶውን አንገት መቁረጥ የሚችሉት ጽዮናውያን ብቻ መሆናቸውን ተረድተውታል። “ጽዮናውያንን ካስወገድን አማራውን፣ ሶማሌውን፣ አፋሩን እና ደቡቡን በቀላሉ መዋጥና መሰልቀጥ እንችላለን” የሚል ሃሳብ አላቸው። ለዚህም ነው ፋሺስቱ ግራኝ ዛሬ እነ ጄነራል አሳምነውን በገደለበት በባሕር ዳር ላይ፣ በወለጋ በአማራዎች/ተጋሩ ላይ ጭፍጨፋዎችን ባካሄደ ማግስትና በወሎ በአንድ ወር ብቻ እስከ መቶ ሺህ አማራዎችን ለዋቄዮ-አላህ-ዲያብሎስ አምላኩ በገበረ ማግስት በአማራው ላይ እየተሳለቀበት ያለው። ግራኝ እንኳን ወደ መቀሌ ወደ ደሴም ለመሄድ የማያስበው ነው፤ ወንድ የጠፋባት ባሕር ዳር ግን የሽርሽር ቦታው ናት፤ በጣና ሐይቅ ዙሪያ ለግብጾች የተከለላቸውን የንቦጭ ችግኝም ተዘዋውሮ ማየት አለበት። አቤት ቅሌት! አቤት ውርደት! አማራው በተገረፈ፣ በተረገጠና በተጨፈጨፈ ቁጥር በይበልጥ ተገዢና ባሪያ የመሆን ባሕርይ በማሳየት ላይ ነው። እውነትም “አድጊ!”። የተጋሩ አንዱ ድክመት፤ አማራውንም ሆነ ኦሮሞውን በሚገባ ለመርገጥና ለማሸት ባለመሻታቸው ነው።

አሁን የትግራይ አርበኞች አዲስ አበባ ከገቡ(ግዴታቸው ነው!)ይህ መለወጥ አለበት። እንግሊዛውያን አፄ ቴዎድሮስን የሕንድ ተዋጊዎችን አስገብተው ለመስዋዕት ያበቋቸው እንግሊዛውያን ታሰሩብን ብለው ነበር። ተጋሩም ይህን መስል ወኔ እና የፍትህ ትግል ማዳበር አለባቸው። በዚህች ምድር ላይ መኖር እስከፈለጉ ድረስ ከአይሁዳውያንም ብዙ ትምህርት መቅሰም ይኖርባቸዋል። የአዲስ አበባ ምርጥ ምርጥ ቤቶችን ያለምንም ይሉኝታ ለእያንዳንዱ የጽዮን አርበኛ መሸለም ተገቢ ነው። ትግራይን በኬሚካል በክለዋታል፣ በቦምብ አውድመዋታል፤ እስክትጸዳና እስክታንሰራራ ድረስ ምናልባት ሃምሳ ዓመት ሊወስድባት ይችላል። በአዲስ አበባ ተጋሩ ላይ ለሚፈጸመው ግፍ አጻፋ መልሱ ተጋሩ ብቻ የሚኖሩባቸውን የከተማ ክፍሎች በአዲስ አበባ፣ በናዝሬት፣ በደብረ ዘይትና በሐረር መቆርቆር ነው! በደቡብ የሚገኙ የእርሻ ቦታዎችንም በይፋ በድፍረት ለተጋሩ መሰጠት ይኖርባቸዋል። ብዙ መስዋዕት የከፈሉት የሩዋንዳ ቱሲዎችም ይህን ነው በማድረጋቸው ነው ከሩዋንዳ እስከ ኮንጎ ጸጥ ለጥ አድርገው በመግዛት ላይ ያሉት። ይሉኝታ ይብቃ!

ለመሆኑ አዲስ አበባን ሆነ ናዝሬትን ወይንም ሌላውን ኦሮሚያየተሰኘውን ሕገወጥ ክልል ለኦሮሞዎች ማን ሰጣቸውና? ማን በገነባ? ማን ባለማ? የበቀል ጊዜw በኦሮሞው ላይ እንዳይዞር፤ ከወዲሁ !’ ብለናል።

💭 የኢትዮጵያ ፖሊሶች በአዲስ አበባ ወደሚገኘውን ቤተ ክርስቲያን ጀምበር ሳትወጣ ዘልቀው በመግባት የቅዳሴ ሥነ ስርዓቱን ካቋረጡ በኋላ ፲፪/12 የሚሆኑ የትግርኛ ተናጋሪ ቄሶችንና መነኮሳትን በፒክ አፕ መኪና ተጭነው እንዲወሰዱ አስገድደዋቸዋል።

💭 “The Ethiopian police officers raided the cathedral in Addis Ababa before sunrise, interrupting prayers and forcing a dozen ethnic Tigrayan priests and monks into a pickup truck.”

አይ ኦሮሞ! አይ አማራ! ኢትዮጵያንና ተዋሕዶ ሃይማኖቷን ይህን ያህል አዋርዳችሁ የዓለም መሳለቂያ ታደርጓቸው?! ሰይጣንን በቅድስት ምድር ኢትዮጵያ ከአረብ ሃገራት እኩል እንዲህ በቀላሉ ታነግሱት ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!

💭 They gave no explanation for the July raid, but there was no need: The detained men knew right away they were joining the thousands of Tigrayans rounded up for allegedly supporting the Tigray People’s Liberation Front TPLF rebel group.

For the past year, a mass campaign of arbitrary arrests targeting Tigrayans from all walks of life has played out in the capital Addis Ababa and elsewhere in Ethiopia — a mostly hidden feature of the relentless war in the country’s north.

Law enforcement leaders portray it as a legitimate effort to stamp out the TPLF, which they consider a terrorist organisation.

Yet AFP interviews with dozens of detainees, lawyers, justice officials and human rights activists reveal a more indiscriminate operation, ensnaring everyone from high-ranking military officers to ordinary day labourers.

Victims told AFP their experiences smacked of ethnic profiling, with cases built on threadbare evidence.

In the case of the detained clergymen, police held them for more than two weeks, accusing them of fundraising for the TPLF, burning Ethiopian flags and even plotting terrorist attacks themselves.

One of the monks said he could not help but laugh when an investigator asked where they hid their pistols.

“We told them we are men of faith, not politicians,” he told AFP, speaking on condition of anonymity for safety reasons.

“I don’t know where they get this information. But they are using it to kick Tigrayans’ legs out from under us, to make us live in fear.”

– Military purge –

The detentions began soon after war broke out in Ethiopia’s northernmost Tigray region in early November 2020, the culmination of months of rancour between Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the TPLF, which dominated national politics before Abiy took office in 2018.

At first, officials mainly targeted military personnel.

Two weeks after the first shots were fired, dozens of Tigrayan officers were summoned for a televised meeting in Addis Ababa, with state media airing the footage as evidence of the participants’ support for the government.

Yet later, at least three of the officers were arrested and had their homes searched for weapons before being locked up for allegedly conspiring to overthrow Abiy, family members told AFP.

Michael, whose father was among those arrested, said he was mystified by the move.

“He didn’t like to talk about politics,” Michael said of his father, a mid-level officer with a three-decade record of service.

“In fact, he used to scold us when we talked about politics.”

After a state media report in August said a military court had handed down death sentences to some “traitorous” officers, Michael’s worries deepened.

“I fear very much that they may apply the death sentence or life sentence to my father and the people around him,” he told AFP.

A military spokesman did not respond to a request for comment.

Nearly a year on, Michael’s father remains in custody at a military camp west of Addis Ababa.

With the right to receive visitors three times a week, he is one of the lucky ones, as thousands of others have been held incommunicado.

– Critics silenced –

As the war dragged on into 2021, the detentions steadily climbed, albeit slowly.

But they kicked back into high gear in late June after the TPLF mounted a stunning comeback, retaking control of most of the region including its capital Mekelle and prompting the military to largely withdraw.

Three nights after Mekelle was recaptured, five federal police officers and three plainclothes officers knocked at the Addis Ababa home of Alula, a Tigrayan activist who had been using his Facebook page to highlight massacres and gang rapes in Tigray.

They held him overnight at a police station in the capital, after which soldiers drove him to a military camp 200 kilometres 125 miles east, in the Afar region.

For the next seven weeks, Alula — not his real name — lived off one piece of bread and two cups of water each day.

The camp’s more than 1,000 detainees included journalists and politicians who had spoken out about the horrors of a conflict that has killed thousands and, according to the UN, pushed hundreds of thousands into famine-like conditions.

Alula was released, but he no longer feels safe discussing the war.

“If I do, I’ll get arrested again or maybe killed,” he told AFP.

Along with detentions, officials have closed thousands of “TPLF-supporting” businesses, something a trade ministry official boasted about to state media in September.

On a single block in Addis Ababa, seven bars and two hotels were closed in July because of “noise pollution”, a claim their owners dismiss as baseless.

“Basically they are imagining that Tigrayans were celebrating the TPLF’s advance,” bar owner Michael told AFP.

The closures, he added, are further evidence that officials are targeting all Tigrayans, not just active TPLF backers.

– ‘Every person is uncertain’ –

Given its secretive nature, the full scale of the crackdown is impossible to determine, said Fisseha Tekle, a researcher for Amnesty International who has investigated arbitrary arrests of Tigrayans.

Yet he noted that Amnesty has “received multiple reports” of more than 1,000 people held at one camp alone in “squalid” conditions.

Many detainees remain unaccounted for.

“Family members have travelled hundreds of kilometres in search of detained relatives. Others went round police stations in Addis searching for relatives,” he told AFP.

The arrests have also drawn criticism from some government officials.

In late September, Abraha Desta, a senior official in the Abiy-appointed Tigray interim administration, wrote on Facebook that the authorities had created an environment in which speaking Tigrinya, the Tigrayan language, “is considered a crime”.

The following day Abraha too was arrested, accused of a firearms violation and incitement.

Other officials have reportedly spoken out privately.

During a retreat in September in the city of Adama, Attorney General Gedion Timothewos scolded members of his office’s asset recovery directorate for being overzealous in going after Tigrayan business owners, according to several officials who attended.

At one point he accused the directorate of engaging in an “abuse of power” and called for an end to “ethnic profiling”, the officials told AFP.

Gedion, now the justice minister, did not respond to a request for comment.

Even if the arrests were to stop tomorrow, victims fear they have already severely corroded Ethiopia’s social fabric, especially in Addis Ababa, where Tigrayans once lived freely.

“It’s obvious that every person is uncertain… they don’t know what will happen tomorrow,” said one Tigrayan lawyer currently representing 90 fellow Tigrayans who are detained.

“Even myself, I am not confident. At any time they can detain me.”

Source

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“Terror in Tigray: “The Ethiopian Refugee Crisis,” | VoA

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on October 29, 2021

😇 ገብርኤል 👉 ማርያም 👉 ኡራኤል 👉 ጊዮርጊስ 👉 ተክለ ሐይማኖት 👉 ዮሴፍ 👉 መድኃኔ ዓለም

😇 “ዓለምን ሲያውኩት ያጋንንት ሥራቸው እንዳይተርፈን ለእኛ የእነርሱ ግብራቸው ገብርኤል በሰይፉ ቀጥቅጦ ጣላቸው፤ እናመልክት ለሱ እናስታውስ ጠዋት ማታ እንዲያስተራርቀን ለምኖ ከጌታ።”

😇 የዛሬው የቅዱስ ገብርኤል ዕለት 😈 አጋንንት በኃያሉ ተዋጊ ገብርኤል ሰይፍ ሙሉ በሙሉ ተቀጥቅጠው የሚጣሉበት ዘመን መጀመሪያ ነው።

አሁን ግን ላለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት፣ ለአንድ ዓመት ያህል ጽዮናውያንን አሳድደው፣ አስረበውና ጨፍጭፈው ከምድረ ገጽ ለማጥፋት የተነሳሱትን በተለይ በኦሮሞ እና አማራ ክልል የሚኖሩ ነዋሪዎች ለአንዴና ለመጨረሻ ጊዜ ማንበርከክ ግድ ይሆንባቸዋል። እስኪ እናስበው፤ አንድን ወገን በረሃብ ፈጅቶ ለመጨረስ ድንበር መዝጋት፣ እርዳታ መከልከል፣ ሰብል ማውደም፣ ምግብ መመረዝከዛ ይህ አልበቃ ብሎ የተራቡትን እና የታመሙትን ሕጻናት በአውሮፕላን ቦምብ እየጣለ ማሸበርና መገደል። ምን ያህል እርኩሶች፣ ግፈኞችና አረመኔዎች ሆኑ ነው? 😈 ዓለም እኮ በመገረም እየታዘበቻቸው ነው፤ የሰይጣን ጭፍራው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊና አጋሮቹ እኮ በቃላትም በድርጊትም ደግመው አረመኔነታቸውን ደግመው ደጋግመው ለመላው ዓለም አሳውቀዋልበወሎ እየተካሄደ ያለው ይህ የሰሜናውያን ሕዝብ ቁጥር ቅነሳ/ማጥፊያ የዋቄዮአላህ ጅሃዳዊ ዘመቻ ነው።

😈 እነዚህ አርመኔዎች እኮ በግልጽ እንዲህ ሲሉ በግልጽ ነግረውናል፤

የትግራይን ሕዝብ ከምድረ ገጽ ማጥፋት አለብን፤ እኛ በሕዝብ ቁጥር ብዙ ስለሆንን አንድ ሚሊየንም ሰው ቢሆን መስዋዕት አድርገን ትክክለኛ ኢትዮጵያውያን የሆኑትን ጽዮናውያንን ሙሉ በሙሉ ማጥፋት እንችላለን፣ እኛ ከዛ እንደለመድነው ሦስት አራት ሚስት አግብተን የተሰውትን የአባ ገዳ ልጆች እንተካቸዋለን፤ ኦሮሞዎች እኮ ነን፤ አሁን ለኦሮሞ ሕዝቤ ስል ኢትዮጵያን ማጥፋት አለበኝ፣ ኦሮሞ እስኪነቃ ነው እንጂ፣ እስኪነሳ ነው እንጂ ሲነሳ ሚዳቋ አትበላንም፤ እኛ ዝሆን ነን፤ እንሰብራለን፤ እንበላለን፤ እንገዛለን፣ ሃሳብ አለን፤ ድርጅት አለን፤ ከአለም ጋር ግንኙነት አለን።”

በማለት ታይተው ተሰምተው የማይታወቁ ወንጀሎችን እና ግፎችን በመስራት ላይ ነው። በኢትዮጵያ ስም እርዳታ እና ገንዘብ ይሰበስባል ነገር ግን የኢትዮጵያን ስም ለማጠለሸትና ለማጥፋት፣ ሕዝቡንም በመላው ዓለም እንዲዋረድ፤ በረሃብ ብቻ ሳይሆን በጭካኔ እና አረመኔነት እንዲታወቅ ለማድረግ ተግቶ እየሠራ ነው።

የኦርሞ እና የአማራ ሕዝቦች ይህን ሁሉ ግፍ ለአለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት በተለይ በዚህ አንድ ዓመት ውስጥመፈጸማቸውን እያየና እየሰማ እንኳን ከትግራይ ሕዝብ ጎን ተሰልፈው ሊዋጉ ቀርቶ፤ ከአረመኔው ግራኝ እና ኦሮሞ አገዛዙ ጎን ቆሞውና ከታሪካዊ እስማኤላውያን ጠላቶች ጋር አብረው፤ “ያዘው! በለው! ጨፍጭፈው!” በማለት ላይ ናቸው እንደ አቅማቸው። ዛሬም ሳይቀር ይህ ሁሉ ሕዝብ በአሰቃቂ ሁኔታ እያለቀ እንኳን ባለፉት አሥራ ሁለት ወራት ከሠሯቸውት ግልጽና ታሪካዊሆኑ ከባድ ስህተቶችና ኃጢዓቶች ታርመውና ንሰሐ በመግባት ተመልሰው፤ “ጦርነቱ ይቁም!” ለማለት እንኳ ፈቃደኞች አይደሉም። እስኪ “የኦሮሞ ተዋጊዎች” የተባሉት ግን የግራኝ Plan B ተጠባባቂ አርበኞች የሆኑት(OLA)የተባሉት አጭበርባሪዎች እውነት የፋሺስቱ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ ተቃዋሚዎች ከሆኑ አንዱን አዲስ አበባ የሚገኘውን የግራኝ ባለ ሥልጣን ይድፉት! ምነው ከስድስት ወራት በፊት፤“ሱሉልታ ደረስን” ሲሉ አልነበረ እንዴ? ሻሸመኔን፣ አጣየና ከሚሴን በእሳት ሲያጋዩአቸው አልነበረ እንዴ? እነዚህ የዲያብሎስ ጭፍሮች ሁሉም አንድ ስልሆኑ በጭራሽ አያደርጉትም፤ ምክኒያቱም ይህ ጦርነት የሰሜኑን ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ ጨፍጭፈው ለመጨረስ ኦሮሙማ ያቀደውና ያለመለት ምኞቱ፣ ዕቅዱና ተልዕኮው ነውና።

እንግዲያውማ በዚህ በቅዱስ ገብርኤል ዕለት ቃል እንገባለን፤ ኤዶማውያኑ እና እስማኤላውያኑ ላሰቡት ዓላማቸው ሲሉ የኦሮሞን ሕዝብ ቁጥር ከፍ እያደረጉ ሁሉንም ሲያታልሉ ነበር ነገር ግን የኦሮሞው ቁጥር ቢበዛ ከአስራ አምስት ሚሊየን አይበልጥም፤ ይህም በጽዮናውያን ላይ በሠራው ግፍ እየመጣበት ያለ ከፍተኛ መቅሰፍት እንዳለ እርግጠኛ ሆነን እናሳውቀዋለን።

አሁን ጽዮናውያን፤ አማራ እና ኦሮሞ ከተባሉት ክልሎች ለእርዳታ ተብለው የተከማቹትን ምግቦችና መድኃኒቶች ብቻ ሳይሆን የጤፍ፣ የስንዴ፣ የገብስ እህሎችን እና ጥራጥሬዎችን ወደ ትግራይ መውሰድ ይኖርባቸዋል። ኦሮሞዎች እና አማራዎች “ወገን” የሚሉትን አንድን ክርስቲያን ሕዝብ አስርቦ ለመጨረስ ባለፉት ሦስት ዓመታት ያለምንም ተቃውሞ ሰርተዋልና ሁሉም ተፈርዶባቸዋል። ከንቱው የኤዶምውያኑ እና እስማኤላውያኑ ዓለም በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ የተሠራውን ወንጀል ሁሉ ባጭር ጊዜ ረስቶ፤ “ሰረቁ…ቅብርጥሴ” በማለት መቀበጣጠር ይችላል፤ ግን ዓለም የጽዮናውያን ወዳጅ አልነበረም፣ አይደለም ወደፊትም አይሆንም እና ምግብ ከኦሮሚያ እና አማራ ክልሎች ወደ ትግራይ መወሰድ አለባቸው! እድኒያውም ለመጭዎቹ ሺህ ዓመታት ትግራይ የመንፈሳዊ ማዕከል ብቻ ነው መሆን ያለባት፣ እርሻዎቹን እና የኢንዱስትሪ ማዕከላቱን በተቀሩት የአክሱም ደቡብ ግዛቶች ብቻ ማድረግ ተገቢ ነው። ኦሮሞዎች እና አማራዎች የሺህ ዓመት እዳ ነው በትግራይ ያከማቹት፤ ስለዚህ ለሺህ ዓመታት እየገበሩ መኖር አለዚያ ደግሞ ከአክሱማውያን ግዛት መጠረግ አለባቸው። ታላቁ ክርስቲያን ንጉሥ አፄ ዮሐንስ ይህን ነበር የሚናገሩት!

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The US: Conflict and Abuses Must End in Ethiopia | በኢትዮጵያ ግጭትና በደል መቆም አለበት | አሜሪካ

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on October 27, 2021

😭 የመቀሌ ጭፍጨፋ ጭስ የፊት ምስሎችን ያሳዩናል፤ የነማን?😭

The US Remains gravely concerned for the whole year?!”

💭 አዎ! ነገር ግን ሙቀቱ ወደ አራት ኪሎ ጠጋ እያለ ሲመጣ፤ አሜሪካ ከአረመኔው ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂ ጋር ጡት አጥብታ ያሳደገችውን ሌላውን አረመኔ ወኪሏን ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን ለማዳን እየተዘጋጀች ነውን?

❖❖❖[ወደ ኤፌሶን ሰዎች ምዕራፍ ፮፥፲፪]❖❖❖

መጋደላችን ከደምና ከሥጋ ጋር አይደለምና፥ ከአለቆችና ከሥልጣናት ጋር ከዚህም ከጨለማ ዓለም ገዦች ጋር በሰማያዊም ስፍራ ካለ ከክፋት መንፈሳውያን ሠራዊት ጋር ነው እንጂ።”

[Ephesians 6:12]

“For we do not wrestle against flesh and blood, but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the cosmic powers over this present darkness, against the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly places.”

❖❖❖[፩ኛ የዮሐንስ መልእክት ምዕራፍ ፬፥፬]❖❖❖

ልጆች ሆይ፥ እናንተ ከእግዚአብሔር ናችሁ አሸንፋችኋቸውማል፥ በዓለም ካለው ይልቅ በእናንተ ያለው ታላቅ ነውና።”

[1 John 4:4]

“Little children, you are from God and have overcome them, for he who is in you is greater than he who is in the world.”

❖❖❖[ትንቢተ ኢሳይያስ ምዕራፍ ፶፬፥፲፯]❖❖❖

በአንቺ ላይ የተሠራ መሣሪያ ሁሉ አይከናወንም፤ በፍርድም በሚነሣብሽ ምላስ ሁሉ ትፈርጂበታለሽ። የእግዚአብሔር ባሪያዎች ርስት ይህ ነው፥ ጽድቃቸውም ከእኔ ዘንድ ነው፥ ይላል እግዚአብሔር።”

[Isaiah 54:17]

“No weapon that is fashioned against you shall succeed, and you shall confute every tongue that rises against you in judgment. This is the heritage of the servants of the Lord and their vindication from me, declares the Lord.”

❖❖❖[ኦሪት ዘዳግም ምዕራፍ ፳፥፬]❖❖❖

ከእናንተ ጋር የሚሄድ፥ ያድናችሁም ዘንድ ጠላቶቻችሁን ስለ እናንተ የሚወጋ አምላካችሁ እግዚአብሔር ነውና።”

[Deuteronomy 20:4]

“For the Lord your God is he who goes with you to fight for you against your enemies, to give you the victory.’”

💭 The United States remains gravely concerned about the ongoing conflict in northern Ethiopia. Reports of an airstrike against the Tigrayan capital of Mekele and continued human rights abuses and atrocities by the Ethiopian National Defense Forces, the Eritrean Defense Forces, Amhara regional and irregular militia forces, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front and other armed groups are deeply disturbing.

“We condemn all such abuses against civilians in the strongest possible terms and call on all parties to the conflict to respect human rights and comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law,” said State Department spokesperson Ned Price.

He added, “We agree with the UN Secretary-General and African Union leaders: There is no military solution to the conflict in northern Ethiopia, and a durable political solution must be found. We urge the Ethiopian government and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front to enter at once into negotiations without preconditions toward a sustainable ceasefire.”

The mounting reports of human rights abuses underscore the urgency of independent, transparent and credible international investigations. It is essential that all parties to the conflict allow and facilitate the access necessary for such investigations. We call on the Government of Ethiopia in particular to allow and facilitate such access for all government bodies.

Spokesperson Price said, “We look forward to an update from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. . .on the human rights situation in Tigray and to the release of the joint investigation report of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission and the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights at the earliest possible opportunity. We also urge full cooperation with the Commission of Inquiry of the [African Union] Commission on Human and People’s Rights.”

Establishing transparent, independent mechanisms to hold those responsible for human rights abuses to account is critical for reconciliation and peace in Ethiopia.

Source

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