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CNN: From Nobel Laureate to Global Pariah: How The World Got Abiy Ahmed And Ethiopia So Wrong

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 7, 2021

By Eliza Mackintosh, CNN, September 7, 2021

TDF = ELA (ኢነሠ) = ‘የኢትዮጵያ ነፃ አውጪ ሠራዊት’ ባፋጣኝ ግራኝን መያዝ አለበት፤ ጦርነት አያስፈልግም፤ ዓለምን የሚያስጮህ የጀግነንት ተግባር ሳይፈጸም አንድም ቀን ማለፍ የለበትም፤ ልዩ ኮማንዶ ወደ አዲስ አበባ ልካችሁ ጽዮናውያንን በረሃብ ጨርሶ እስላማዊት ኦሮሚያ ኤሚራትን ለመመስረት ያለመውን አረመኔ የኦሮሞ አገዛዝ 😈 ሙሉ በሙል በእሳት ጠራርጓችሁ አጥፉት። ከዓመት በፊት አስጠንቅቀናል፤ WEP/USAID ወዘተ ሁሉም ጽዮናውያንን በስልት ለመጨረስ ተናብበው የሚሠሩ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ተቋማት ናቸው። “የ2019 + 2020 የኖቤል ሰላም ሽልማት ለግራኝ እና ለተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ ፕሮግራም ተቋም መሰጠቱ ጽዮናውያንን በእሳት እና በረሃብ የመፍጂያ ቀብድ ነው” ያልነው ያው ደረሰ፤ እያየነው ነው። ሁሉም የትግራይን ሕዝብ በድራማቸው እየጨረሱት ነው። ፍጠኑ! እውነት ለሕዝባችሁ የቆማችሁ ከሆ፤ በኦሮሚያ የቱርኮችን የመጨፍጨፊያ ድሮኖቹን በመገጣጠም ላይ ያለው የኦሮሞዎቹ የእነ ሽመልስ አብዲሳ እና ለማ መገርሳ ቡድን ‘OLA’ በሞኝነት ”ይረዳናል” ብላችሁ በጭራሽ አትጠብቁ፤ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን እራሳችሁ ባፋጣኝ ድፉት!

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.“”

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.””

“Abiy, Abiy,” the crowd chanted, waving Ethiopia’s tricolor flag and cheering as the country’s new prime minister, dressed in a white blazer with gold trim and smiling broadly, waved to a packed basketball arena at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles, part of a whirlwind three-city tour of the United States to woo the diaspora.

It was July 2018, just three months after Abiy Ahmed had been appointed leader of Africa’s second-most populous country, and his star was rising both at home and abroad. Excitement was surging into an almost religious fervor around the young politician, who promised to bring peace, prosperity and reconciliation to a troubled corner of Africa and a nation on the brink of crisis.

But even in those early, optimistic days of Abiy’s premiership, as he kickstarted a flurry of ambitious reforms — freeing thousands of political prisoners, lifting restrictions on the press, welcoming back exiles and banned opposition parties, appointing women to positions in his cabinet, opening up the country’s tightly-controlled economy to new investment and negotiating peace with neighboring Eritrea — Berhane Kidanemariam had his doubts.

The Ethiopian diplomat has known the prime minister for almost 20 years, forging a friendship when he worked for the governing coalition’s communications team and, later, as CEO of two state-run news organizations, while Abiy was in military intelligence and then heading Ethiopia’s cybersecurity agency, INSA. Before working for Ethiopia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Kidanemariam ran the country’s national broadcaster, the EBC, and he said Abiy sat on its board of directors.

In a recent phone interview, Kidanemariam said he, like many Ethiopians, had hoped Abiy could transform the nation’s fractious politics and usher in genuine democratic change. But he struggled to square his understanding of the man he’d first met in 2004 — who he described as power-hungry intelligence officer obsessed by fame and fortune — with the portrait emerging of a visionary peacemaker from humble beginnings.

In 2018, Kidanemariam was serving as Ethiopia’s consul general in Los Angeles and said he helped organize Abiy’s visit.

When Kidanemariam, who is from Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region, approached the dais to introduce his longtime friend and colleague to the crowd, he said he was greeted with heckles from members of the audience: “Get out of the podium Tigrayan, get out of the podium Woyane,” and other ethnic slurs. He expected Abiy, who preached a political philosophy of inclusion, to chide the crowd, but he said nothing. Later, over lunch, when Kidanemariam asked why, he said Abiy told him: “There was nothing to correct.”

“One of the ironies of a prime minister who came to office promising unity is that he has deliberately exacerbated hatred between different groups,” Kidanemariam wrote in an open letter in March, announcing that he was quitting his post as the deputy chief of mission at the Ethiopian embassy in Washington, DC, in protest over Abiy’s monthslong war in Tigray, which has spurred a refugee crisis, atrocities and famine.

Kidanemariam said to CNN he believed Abiy’s focus had never been about “reform or democracy or human rights or freedom of the press. It is simply consolidating power for himself, and getting money out of it … We may call it authoritarianism or dictatorship, but he is really getting to be a king.”

“By the way,” he added, “the problem is not only for Tigrayans. It’s for all Ethiopians. Everybody is suffering everywhere.”

In an email to CNN, Abiy’s spokeswoman, Billene Seyoum, described Kidanemariam’s characterization of the prime minister as “baseless” and a “reflection.”

‘The epitome of hell’

Much has changed since Abiy accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in November 2019, telling an audience in Oslo, Norway, that “war is the epitome of hell.”

In less than two years, Abiy has gone from darling of the international community to pariah, condemned for his role in presiding over a protracted civil war that, by many accounts, bears the hallmarks of genocide and has the potential to destabilize the wider Horn of Africa region.

The 45-year-old’s fall from grace has confounded many observers, who wonder how they could have gotten him so wrong. But diplomats, analysts, independent Ethiopian journalists, acquaintances and others who have followed his career closely say that even at the height of “Abiymania,” there were warning signs.

Critics say that by blessing Abiy with an array of international endorsements, the West not only failed to see — or willfully ignored — those signals, but gave him a blank check and then turned a blind eye.

“Soon after Abiy was crowned with that Nobel Peace Prize, he lost an appetite in pursuing domestic reform,” Tsedale Lemma, founder and editor-in-chief of Addis Standard, an independent monthly news magazine based in Ethiopia, told CNN on a Skype call. “He considered it a blanket pass to do as he wishes.”

The war in Tigray is not the first time he’s used that pass, she said, adding that since Abiy came to power on the platform of unifying Ethiopia’s people and in its state, he has ruthlessly consolidated control and alienated critical regional players.

Lemma has covered Abiy’s rise for the Addis Standard — which was briefly suspended by Ethiopia’s media regulator in July — and was an early critic of his government when few were sounding the alarm. Days after Abiy was awarded the Nobel Prize, she wrote an editorial warning that the initiatives he had been recognized for — the peace process with Eritrea and political reforms in Ethiopia — had sidelined a key stakeholder, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, and were in serious jeopardy.

The TPLF had governed Ethiopia with an iron grip for decades, overseeing a period of stability and economic growth at the cost of basic civil and political rights. The party’s authoritarian rule provoked a popular uprising that ultimately forced Abiy’s predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn, to resign. Abiy was appointed by the ruling class to bring change, without upending the old political order. But almost as soon as he came to power, Abiy announced the rearrangement of the ruling coalition that the TPLF had founded — the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Front, or EPRDF, which was composed of four parties — into a single, new Prosperity Party, ostracizing the TPLF in the process.

Abiy’s appointment had been intended to quell tensions. Instead, his drive for a new pan-Ethiopian political party sparked fears in some regions that the country’s federal system, which guarantees significant autonomy to ethnically-defined states, such as Tigray, was under threat.

The Tigrayans weren’t the only ones who were worried. In Abiy’s home region, Oromia, and other administrative zones, people began to demand self-rule. Soon, the government began backsliding into the authoritarian practices Abiy had once renounced: Violent crackdowns on protesters, the jailing of journalists and opposition politicians, and twice postponing elections.

Ahmed Soliman, a research fellow at Chatham House and an expert on the Horn of Africa, said Abiy’s reform plan also increased expectations among constituencies with conflicting agendas, further heightening tensions.

“Abiy and his government have rightly been blamed for implementing uneven reforms and for insecurity increasing throughout the country, but to an extent, some of that was inherited. These simmering ethnic and political divisions that exist in the country have very deep roots,” he said.

Tensions reached a boiling point last September, when the Tigrayans defied Abiy by holding a vote which had been delayed due to the pandemic, setting off a tit-for-tat series of recriminations that spilled into open conflict in November 2020.

This July, in the midst of the war, Abiy and his party won a landslide victory in a general election that was boycotted by opposition parties, marred by logistical issues and excluded many voters, including all those in Tigray — a crushing disappointment to many who had high hopes that the democratic transition Abiy promised three years ago would be realized.

“He sees himself as a Messiah, as chosen, as someone who’s destined to ‘Make Ethiopia Great Again,’ but this country is collapsing,” Lemma said, adding that the international community’s folly was falling for the picture Abiy painted of himself — “a post-ethnic, contemporary capitalist” — in their desperation for a dazzling success story.

‘A monumental failure of analysis’

Still, many Ethiopians are reluctant to lay the blame for the country’s unravelling at Abiy’s feet. Ahead of the election in June, residents in Addis Ababa told CNN they felt Abiy had inherited a mess from the previous regime and had always faced an uphill battle pushing reforms forward — an assessment shared by some regional experts.

“Lots of people were hopeful that the liberalizing changes, after those years of anti-government protests and all of the state violence in response, […] marked a moment where Ethiopia would start to conduct its politics more peacefully. But that thinking glossed over some of the major problems and contradictions in Ethiopia,” said William Davidson, senior Ethiopia analyst with the International Crisis Group.

“There was always a massive challenge ahead for Abiy, and for everyone. Just the promise of a more pluralistic political system did nothing necessarily to resolve the clashing nationalisms, opposing visions, and bitter political rivalries.”

In recent months, Abiy has tried to dodge international condemnation by pledging to protect civilians, open up humanitarian access to stave off famine and kick out Eritrean troops, who have supported Ethiopian forces in the conflict and stand accused of some of the most horrifying of the many atrocities in Tigray — pledges that American officials say he has not delivered on. After the United States issued sanctions in May, Ethiopia’s foreign ministry accused it of meddling in the country’s internal affairs and misunderstanding the significant challenges on the ground.

As the tide of international opinion has turned against Abiy, the prime minister’s office has maintained he is not concerned about his deteriorating reputation; his supporters have increasingly blamed the West for the crisis unfolding in the country. “The prime minister need not be a darling of the west, east, south or north,” Abiy’s spokeswoman Billene Seyoum told reporters in June. “It is sufficient that he stands for the people of Ethiopia and the development of the nation.”

But it is difficult to reconcile the government’s narrative with reality. Setting to one side the staggering loss of life and destruction inside Tigray, the war has eroded Abiy’s aggressive development plans and derailed the country’s economic trajectory, experts say. Ethiopia’s economy had grown at nearly 10% for the last decade, before slowing in 2020, dragged down by a combination of the Covid-19 pandemic, debt and conflict. The war has also drained national coffers, decimated a large slice of the country’s industry and eroded its reputation among foreign investors and financial institutions.

“From where I sit, I think there was a monumental failure of analysis, internationally,” Rashid Abdi, a Kenya-based analyst and researcher who specializes in the Horn of Africa, said, including himself in that group. “I think people failed to apprehend the complex nature of Ethiopia’s transition, especially they failed to appreciate also the complex side of Abiy, that he was not all this sunny, smiling guy. That beneath was a much more calculating, and even Machiavellian figure, who eventually will I think push the country towards a much more dangerous path.”

“We should have begun to take notice of some of the red flags quite quickly. A lot of complacency is what got us here,” he added.

The seventh king of Ethiopia

During his inaugural address to parliament in 2018, Abiy made a point of thanking his mother, a Christian from the Amhara region, who he said had told him at the age of seven that, despite his modest background, he would one day be the seventh king of Ethiopia. The remark was met with a round of laughter from his cabinet members, but Abiy’s belief in his mother’s prophecy was no joke.

“In the initial stages of the war, actually, he spoke openly about how this was God’s plan, and that this was a kind of divine mission for him. This is a man who early in the morning, instead of meeting his top advisors, would meet with some of his spiritual advisers, these are pastors who are very powerful now in a sort of ‘kitchen cabinet,'” Abdi said.

But the most glaring of warning signs, by many accounts, was Abiy’s surprise allegiance with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, for which he ultimately won the Nobel Prize.

Abiy’s critics say that what cemented his status as a peacemaker on the world stage was based on a farce, and that the alignment with Eritrea was yet another effort to consolidate his power, paving the way for the two sides to wage war against their mutual enemy, the TPLF. Soon after the Eritrea-Ethiopia border reopened in 2018, reuniting families after 20 years, it closed again. Three years on, Eritrean troops are operating with impunity in Tigray, and there is little sign of a durable peace.

In response, Abiy’s spokeswoman rejected this assertion, calling it a “toxic narrative.”

Mehari Taddele Maru, a professor of governance and migration at the European University Institute, who was skeptical of the peace deal early on — a deeply unpopular view at the time — believes the Nobel Committee’s endorsement of Abiy has contributed to the current conflict.

“I am of the strongest opinion that the Nobel Prize Committee is responsible for what is happening in Ethiopia, at least partially. They had reliable information; many experts sounded their early warning,” Mehari, who is from Tigray, told CNN.

“The Committee was basing its decision on a peace deal that we flagged for a false start, a peace that is not only achieved but perhaps unachievable and an agreement that was not meant for peace but actually for war. What he [Abiy] did with Isaias was not meant to bring peace. He knew that, Isaias knew that. They were working, basically, to execute a war, to sandwich Tigray from South and North carefully by ostracizing one political party first.”

The most palpable and lasting impact of the award, according to several analysts and observers, was a chilling effect on any criticism of Abiy.

The persona he cultivated, cemented in part through his many early accolades — being named African of the Year in 2018, one of Time’s 100 Most Influential People, and one of Foreign Policy’s 100 Global Thinkers in 2019 — captivated the imagination of Ethiopians, the country’s large diaspora and the world. Many now feel betrayed, having lost any optimism about the future of the country, but others are still intent on retaining that glittering image of Abiy, reluctant to see the writing on the wall.

“By the time the war started in November, the international community was extremely committed to the idea of Abiy Ahmed as a reformer still, and they didn’t want to give up on that,” said Goitom Gebreluel, a Horn of Africa researcher from Tigray, who was in Addis Ababa at the start of the conflict.

“I had meetings with various diplomats before the war and it was obvious that the war was coming, and what they were saying was, ‘you know, he still has this project, we have to let him realize his political vision,'” he said. “To this day, I think not everyone is convinced that this is an autocrat.”

Now, with Ethiopia facing a “man-made” famine and a war apparently without end, Abiy stands alone, largely isolated from the international community and with a shrinking cadre of allies.

Abiy’s early advocates and supporters say he not only misled the world, but his own people — and they are now paying a steep price.

In his open letter announcing he was leaving his post, Kidanemariam wrote of Abiy: “Instead of fulfilling his initial promise, he has led Ethiopia down a dark path toward destruction and disintegration.”

“Like so many others who thought the prime minister had the potential to lead Ethiopia to a bright future, I am filled with despair and anguish at the direction he is taking our country.”

Source

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German Radio | War Crimes in Ethiopia | So Cruel That One’s Words Are Missing

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on September 3, 2021

💭 Kriegsverbrechen in Äthiopien | So Grausam, Dass Einem Die Worte Fehlen

💭 የጦር ወንጀሎች በኢትዮጵያ | በጣም ጨካኝ ከመሆኑ የተነሳ ቃላት ያጣሉ

💭 War Crimes in Ethiopia | So Cruel That One’s Words Are Missing

በሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ በትግራይ ክልል ጦርነት አለ። ሴቶች በጭካኔ ይደፈራሉ ፣ ወንዶችም ይጨፈጨፋሉ ሲል አምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል ዘግቧል። እንደ ጀርመን ያሉ አገሮች በመንግሥት ላይ ጫና ማሳደር አለባቸው በማለት ፣ የሰብዓዊ መብት ድርጅቱ ይጠይቃል።

በሰሜን በኩል በማዕከላዊው መንግሥት እና በትግራይ ክልል መካከል ያለው ትግል በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ እየተባባሰ መጥቷል። አምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል የሴቶች ሕይወት ምን ያህል እንደተበላሸና በሴቶች ላይ የሚደርሰው ጥቃት ሥርዓትዊ/መንግስታዊ መሆኑንን በሰነድ ዘርዝሯል።

የጥቃት መጠኑም ሆነ የአፈፃፀሙ መጠን በጣም አስፈሪ እና ጨካኝ በመሆኑ በትግራዋያን ላይ እየደረሰ ያለውን ግፍ ለመግለጽ ምንም ቃላት የሉም ሲሉ የአምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል ፍራንዚስካ ኡልምዱስተርሆፍ ተናግረዋል። የጥቃቱ ተዋናዮች ማንኛውንም ተመጣጣኝነትን አጥተዋል.”

ተጎጂዎች ጥቃት ብቻ ሳይሆን የደረሰባቸው እነርሱን ሰብአዊነትአልባ ለማድረግና እና ለማዋረድ ሞክረዋል። “ወንዶች ይደበደባሉ ፣ በትንኮሳ ይቸገራሉ ፣ እንዲሁም በሰልፍ በመደዳ ይጨፈጨፋሉ። ሴቶች በአስከፊ ሁኔታ ይደፈራሉ።” ይህን ሁሉ ጉድ ልጆች ማየት የነበረባቸው። ባጠቃላይ ብዙ የቡድን መድፈሮች አሉ።

የሕክምና መሠረተ ልማት ፣ የውሃ እና የምግብ አቅርቦት ሙሉ በሙሉ ማለት ይቻላል ወድሟል። ሆኖም ውጊያው ያለማቋረጥ ቀጥሏል እና ቤተሰቦች እና ማህበረሰቦች እየወደሙ ነው።

➡ አምነስቲ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስትን ስትራቴጂካዊ አካሄድ ይጠራጠራሉ

በዓመፁ ከባድነትና ሥርዓታዊነት የተነሳ አምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት የሚከተለውን ስትራቴጂካዊ አካሄድ ይጠራጠራል። የሰብዓዊ መብት ተሟጋች ድርጅቱ ይህ ከባድ ጥቃት በአስቸኳይ እንዲቆም እና አጥፊዎቹ እንዲቀጡ ይጠይቃል።

የተባበሩት መንግስታት እና በአፍሪካ ህብረት ውስጥ ያሉ ባለሙያዎች ገለልተኛ ምርመራዎችን ለማድረግ ወደ ጦርነቱ ቀጠና መድረስ ይኖርባቸዋል። እና ግፊት ከአለም አቀፉ ማህበረሰብ ማለትም ከኢትዮጵያ ጋር የጠበቀ ግንኙነት ካላቸው እንደ ጀርመን ያሉ አገራት ያስፈልጋል ይላሉ ፍራንዚስካ ኡልምዱስተርሆፍት።

➡ መሠረተ ልማቱ ከሞላ ጎደል ተደምስሷል

እንደ ኡልምዱስተርሆፍት ገለፃ ፣ የክልሉ ሁኔታ ከውጭው ዓለም በመቋረጡ አሁንም ከፍተኛ መጠን ያለው ነው። እንደ በይነመረብ እና ስልክ ያሉ ሁሉም የግንኙነት ሰርጦች አይሰሩም። ጋዜጠኞች ፣ የሰብአዊ መብት ታዛቢዎች እና ግብረ ሰናይ ድርጅቶች ወደ ክልሉ እንዳይገቡ ተደርገዋል። ይህ ጥናቱን ያወሳስበዋል ፣ ስለዚህ በቦታው ላይ ያለውን ሁኔታ ተጨባጭ ምስል ማግኘት ከባድ ነው።

መረጃን ለማግኘት አምነስቲ ቪዲዮዎችን ፣ ፎቶዎችን እና የሳተላይት ቀረጻዎችን ያረጋግጥ እና ይገመግማል። ለምሳሌ የጅምላ መቃብሮችን መለየት ይቻላል። በተጨማሪም ፣ የሰብአዊ መብት ድርጅቱ ከህክምና ሰራተኞች ፣ በክልሉ ውስጥ ባሉ የስደተኞች ካምፖች ውስጥ ካሉ ተጎጂዎች ጋር ቃለምልልስ ያደርጋል።

💭 War Crimes in Ethiopia | So Cruel That One’s Words Are Missing

There is war in the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia. Women are brutally raped and men massacred, reports Amnesty International. Countries such as Germany must exert pressure on the government, the human rights organization demands.

The struggle between the central government and the Tigray region in the north has been escalating in Ethiopia for some time. Amnesty International has documented how much the lives of women have been and are being systematically destroyed.

Both the extent of the violence and the manner are so frightening and cruel that there are hardly any words to describe what is happening to the people there, says Franziska Ulm-Düsterhöft of Amnesty International. The actors “lost all proportionality.”

Victims would not only be attacked, but also tried to dehumanize and humiliate them. “Men are beaten up, harassed, lined up and massacred. Women are raped in the worst way. ” There have been many group rapes in which children should have watched.

The medical infrastructure, water and food supply are almost completely destroyed. However, the fighting would continue unabated and families and communities would be destroyed.

Amnesty suspects Ethiopian government’s strategic approach

Due to the seriousness and systematics of violence, Amnesty International suspects a strategic approach that the Ethiopian Government tolerates. The human rights organization calls for an immediate end to this drastic violence and for the perpetrators to be punished.

The UN and experts in the African Union would also have to gain access to the war zone in order to conduct independent investigations. And pressure is needed from the international community, i.e. countries like Germany, which have close relations with Ethiopia, says Franziska Ulm-Düsterhöft.

The infrastructure is almost completely destroyed

According to Ulm-Düsterhöft, the situation in the region is still dramatic because it is cut off from the outside world. All communication channels such as Internet and telephone would not work. Also journalist: inside, human rights observer: inside and humanitarian organizations should not enter the region. This complicates the research, so it is difficult to get a concrete picture of the situation on site.

In order to gain information, Amnesty would verify and evaluate videos, photos and satellite recordings. For example, mass graves can be identified. In addition, the human rights organization conducts interviews with medical personnel, those affected and stuff: inside refugee camps in the region.

💭 Kriegsverbrechen in Äthiopien | so Grausam, Dass Einem Die Worte Fehlen

In der Region Tigray im Norden Äthiopiens herrscht Krieg. Frauen würden brutal vergewaltigt und Männer massakriert, berichtet Amnesty International. Länder wie Deutschland müssten Druck auf die Regierung ausüben, fordert die Menschenrechtsorganisation.

Schon länger eskaliert in Äthiopien der Kampf zwischen Zentralregierung und der Region Tigray im Norden. Wie sehr dabei die Leben von Frauen systematisch zerstört wurden und werden hat Amnesty International dokumentiert.

Sowohl das Ausmaß der Gewalt als auch die Art und Weise seien so erschreckend und grausam, dass sich dafür kaum Worte finden lassen würden, um zu beschreiben, was den Menschen dort passiere, sagt Franziska Ulm-Düsterhöft von Amnesty International. Bei den Akteuren sei „jede Verhältnismäßigkeit verloren gegangen“.

Opfer würden nicht nur angegriffen, sondern es werde auch versucht, sie zu entmenschlichen und zu demütigen. „Männer werden zusammengeschlagen, drangsaliert, aufgereiht und massakriert. Frauen werden vergewaltigt, und das in schlimmster Art und Weise.“ Es habe viele Gruppenvergewaltigungen gegeben, bei denen auch Kinder hätten zusehen müssen.

Die medizinische Infrastruktur, die Wasser- und Nahrungsmittelversorgung seien fast komplett zerstört. Die Kampfhandlungen würden aber unvermindert weitergehen und Familien und Gemeinden würden zerstört.

Amnesty vermutet strategisches Vorgehen der Äthiopischen Regierung

Aufgrund der Schwere und der Systematik der Gewalt vermutet Amnesty International ein strategisches Vorgehen, das von der äthiopischen Regierung geduldet werde. Die Menschenrechtsorganisation fordert ein sofortiges Ende dieser drastischen Gewalt und dass die Täter bestraft werden.

Dafür müssten auch die UN und Expert:innen der Afrikanischen Union Zugang in das Kriegsgebiet erhalten, um unabhängige Untersuchungen durchführen zu können. Und es sei Druck von der Internationalen Gemeinschaft, also Ländern wie Deutschland nötig, die eine enge Beziehungen zu Äthiopien haben, sagt Franziska Ulm-Düsterhöft.

Die Infrastruktur ist fast komplett zerstört

Nach wie vor sei die Lage in der Region dramatisch, weil sie von der Außenwelt abgeschnitten sei, so Ulm-Düsterhöft. Alle Kommunikationskanäle wie Internet und Telefon würden nicht funktionieren. Auch Journalist:innen, Menschenrechtsbeobachter:innen und humanitäre Organisationen dürften nicht in die Region. Dies erschwere die Recherchen, entsprechend schwierig sei es, sich ein konkretes Bild von der Lage vor Ort zu machen.

Um dennoch an Informationen zu gelangen, würde Amnesty Videos, Fotos und Satellitenaufnahmen verifizieren und auswerten. So könne man beispielsweise Massengräber ermitteln. Außerdem führe die Menschenrechtsorganisation Interviews mit medizinischem Personal, Betroffenen und Zeug:innen in Flüchtlingslagern in der Region.

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የኢትዮጵያ እና የጽዮናውያን ጠላት የሆኑ ፳/20 ፋሺስት ‘ሜዲያዎች’

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on August 30, 2021

ከታወቁት መንግስታዊ፣ አህዛባዊ፣ መናፍቃዊ ከሆኑት ሜዲያዎች ጎን እና ከእነዚህ ‘ሜዲያ’ ተብየዎች በተጨማሪ የሚከተሉት የኢትዮጵያ ጠላት “ልሂቃን” የሚመጣባቸውን መቅሰፍት ይቀበሉት ዘንድ ግድ ነው። በቃ! በቃ! በቃ! ብለናል።

ሁሉም በትግራይ ኢትዮጵያውያን ላይ ለተካሄደው የዘር ማጥፋት ዘመቻ በመቀስቀሳቸውና ምንም የማያውቁትን ምስኪን አማራ ገበሬዎችን የእሳት እራት እንዲሆኑ በማድረጋቸው በዘር ማጥፋት በጽኑ ተጠያቂዎች ከሆኑት የታሪካዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ጠላቶች መካከል ናቸው። እነዚህ “ልሂቃን”፣ ‘ሜዲያዎች’፣ ሠሪዎቻቸውና ተከታዮቻቸው ሁሉ ፀረ-ትግራይ፣ ፀረ-ኢትዮጵያ እና ፀረ-ተዋሕዶ አጀንዳ ያላቸውን የዋቄዮ-አላህ ባሪያዎችን በመደገፍ፣ በዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል በመተባበር ብሎም የንጹሐን ደም ሲፈስ ባለማውገዛቸውና ለተጨማሪ ግድያ ገዳዮቹን በማበረታታቸው እንዲሁም እስከዚህች ዕለት ድረሰ ከአረመኔው ከእባቡ ግራኝ አህመድ ጎን ተሰልፈው “ያዘው! በለው! ግደለው!” እያሉ የሉሲፈራውያኑን ኦሮሙማ አጀንዳን በማራመዳቸው በጻድቁ አባታችን በአቡነ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ጸሎት የሚከተለውን ባጭሩ ለማለት እወዳለሁ፤

ለፅንስትከ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ሆይ አስቀድሞ በማኅፀን ለተፀነስከው ፅንስትህና በታኅሣስ ፳፬/24 ቀን ለተውለድከው መወለድም ሰላም እላለሁ።

ለዝክረ ስምከ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ሆይ የስምህ የመነሻ ፌደሉ ትዕምርተ መስቀል ለሆነው ስም አጠራርህ ሰላም እላለሁ። እሱም ገናና የከበረ ስም ነው።

ቅዱሱ አባት ተክለ ሐይማኖት ሆይ፤ ከአረጋዊ ተክል የተገኘህ አዲስ የተክል አበባ ነህ። የሌዊና የይሑዳ ካህናት ይህ ሰማያዊ መልአክ ነውን ወይስ ምድራዊ ሰው እያሉ ስለ አንተ ይደነቃሉ።

ቅዱሱ አባት ተክለ ሐይማኖት ሆይ፤ ስግደትህ በማዕረገ መላእክት ደረጃ ነውና አከናውነህ የሠራሃት ጸሎትህ ባለ ዘመናችን ሁሉ ከጦርነትና ከጽኑ መከራ ሁሉ ጠባቂ ትሁነን።

ቅዱሱ አባት ተክለ ሐይማኖት ሆይ፤ መሥዋዕትን የምታሣርግ ታላቅ ካህን የእግዚአብሔር ባለሟል ነህና ቀንዶቹ ዓሥር ከሆኑ ከእባብ መተናኮልና አንደበቱ ሁለት ከሆነ ሰው ፀብ በክንፈ ረድኤትህ ሠውረህ አድነኝ።

ቅዱሱ አባት ተክለ ሐይማኖት ሆይ፤ ልጆችህ በዚህ ዓለም ብዙ መከራ ቢያገኛቸውም በአንተ ዘንድ ፍጹም ሰላምና እረፍትን እንደሚያገኙ አንተን ተስፋ ያደርጋሉ።

ቅዱሱ አባት ተክለ ሐይማኖት ሆይ፤ ከሐዲዎችን የምትበቀል ቄርሎስ የተባልክ አንተ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ነህ እኮን።

ቅዱሱ አባት ተክለ ሐይማኖት ሆይ፤ የሥላሴን አንድነት ሦስትነት በማስተማር ዓዋጅ ነጋሪነትህ ፍጹም ድንቅ ነው። እባቡን በእርግጫ አንበሳውን በጡጫ ብለው የሚያልፉ የሴትና የወንድ ደቀ መዛሙርት በጸጋ ወልድሃልና።

ያለምንም ተድኅሮ በሥላሴ ስም ይህን ሦስትነት አምናለሁ፤ በተንኮል ወንድማማቾችን እርስ በርስ የሚያባሉትን፣ ደንፍተው የሚያጠቁንን፣ ወዳጅ መስለው ሊያጠፉን የፈለጉትን የሚከተሉትን የጽዮንን ጠላቶች የእግዚአብሔር ቃል ይቅሰፋቸው፣ በተሣለ የመለኮት ሠይፍ አንገታቸውን ይቍረጣቸው፤ አሜን!!!

አብዮት አህመድ አሊ (ሙስሊም መናፍቅ)

ዝናሽ አቴቴ አህመድ አሊ (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

ሳህለ ወርቅ ዘውዴ (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን (ሙስሊም)

ሳሞራ አሞራ ዩኑስ (ሙስሊም)

ሙስጠፌ መሀመድ ዑመር (ሙስሊም)

ብርሃኑ ጂኒ ጁላ (ዋቀፌታ-መናፍቅ)

ዲና ሙፍቲ (ሙስሊም)

መሀመድ ተሰማ (ሙስሊም)

ሀሰን ኢብራሂም (ሙስሊም)

ሬድዋን ሁሴን (ሙሊም)

ሞፈርያት ካሚል (ሙስሊም)

ኬሪያ ኢብራሂም (ሙስሊም ፥ ለስለላ ነበር ወደ መቀሌ ተልካ የነበረችው)

አህመድ ሺዴ (ሙስሊም)

ጃዋር መሀመድ (ሙስሊም)(“የታሰረው” ለስልት ነው)

ፊልሳን አብዱላሂ (ሙስሊም)

ለማ መገርሳ (ዋቀፌታመናፍቅ)

ታከለ ኡማ (ዋቀፌታመናፍቅ)

ሽመልስ አብዲሳ (ዋቀፌታመናፍቅ)

በቀለ ገርባ (ዋቀፌታ-መናፍቅ)

ህዝቄል ገቢሳ (ዋቀፌታ-መናፍቅ)

ዳውድ ኢብሳ (ዋቀፌታ-መናፍቅ)

አምቦ አርጌ (ዋቀፌታመናፍቅ)

ፀጋዬ አራርሳ (ዋቀፌታ-መናፍቅ)

አደነች አቤቤ (ዋቀፌታ-መናፍቅ)

መአዛ አሸናፊ (ዋቀፌታመናፍቅ)

ሳህለወርቅ ዘውዴ (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳ (ዋቀፌታመናፍቅ)

ታዬ ደንደአ (ዋቀፌታ-መናፍቅ)

ሌንጮ ባቲ (ዋቀፌታመናፍቅ)

አገኘው ተሻገር (ኦሮማራ መናፍቅ)

ዳንኤል ክብረት (ኦሮማራአርዮስ)

ዘመድኩን በቀለ (ኦሮማራአርዮስ)

ኢሬቻ ጂኒ በላይ (ዋቀፌታአርዮስ)

አለማየሁ ገብረ ማርያም (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

ብርሀኑ ነጋ (ኦሮጉራጌመናፍቅ)

ገዱ አንዳርጋቸው (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

አንዱዓለም አንዳርጌ (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

ታማኝ በየነ (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

አበበ ገላው (ኦሮማራመናፍቅ)

ወዘተ.

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BBC HARDtalk on Abiy Ahmed’s Tigray War P. 2 – The Perpetrator | Destroy, Exterminate, Rape, Steal, Annex

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on August 23, 2021

💭 BBC HARDtalk With Gedeon Timotios

👉 Part 1 + Part 2 =

ThesisAntithesisSynthesis / ተሲስ ፣ ፀረ-ፀረስታ እና ውህደት/መደመር ☆

💭 Finland FM Haavisto | Ethiopian Leadership Have a Plan to Wipe out Tigrayans

👉 When I asked the EU Envoy, Finland Foreign Minster Pekka Haavisto about Abiy AhmedAli + IsaiasAfewerki committing War Crimes in Tigray, he replied:

The Oromo fascist Junta lead by a war criminal who have a dream of wiping out 7 million Tigrayans.

..when I met the Ethiopian Leadership😈 in February they used this kind of language, that they are going to destroy the Tigrayans, they are going to wipe out..” Finland FM Haavisto

Wow!. It looks as though Hitler is back!

💭 በትግራይ ሴቶች ላይ የተፈጸመው እጅግ በጣም ትልቅ ግፍ ተስፋፊዎቹ ፋሺስቶች ኦሮሞዎች እና አማራዎች በተለያዩ የኢትዮጵያ ግዛቶች ላለፉት አምስት መቶ ዓመታት ሲፈጽሙት የነበረ ነው። በሉሲፈራዊው የዋቄዮ-አላህ ኢ-ስበ ዓዊውና የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚው ዓለም ክርስቲያኖችን አዳቅሎ ለማዳክምና ለመጨረስ ሆን ብለው ግጭቶችንና ጦርነቶችን እይቀሰቀሱ የሚጠቀሙበት የወሲባዊ ጂሃድ ዋና አካል ነው። ከፖለቲከኞች ብዙም አልጠብቅም፤ ግን በተለይ የተዋሕዶ አባቶች ወደኋላ ሳይሉ ከይሉኝታ ባርነት እራሳቸውን ነፃ አድርገው ስለዚህ በቸልታ ለማይታለፍ ጉዳይ ትምህርት መስጠት ይኖርባቸዋል።

💭 Today, girls + women in Tigray experience Ashenda amidst ~10 months of #TigrayGenocide. We humbly ask that you advocate for them, that you believe their stories + that you never forget them and, specially the men must never, ever again allow atrocities like the genocide against our mothers, sisters and daughters to happen.

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#TigrayGenocide | Ethiopian Teenagers Become Pawns in Propaganda War

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on August 20, 2021

The fog of war is a term usually used to describe confusion on the battlefield, but when it comes to Ethiopia, it could just as easily be applied to the bitterly fought information war surrounding the escalating conflict between Tigrayan rebels and government forces.

When the BBC was recently offered an interview with teenagers allegedly caught fighting for the rebels, we cautiously accepted.

“I was playing football with friends when I was forcefully recruited by Tigrayan fighters to join their ranks,” one 17-year-old told us, on the phone from Afar, a state which borders Tigray.

The conflict began in Tigray in northern Ethiopia in November, but has since spread to the regions of Afar and Amhara, where the TPLF rebels recently captured Lalibela, a town famous for its rock-hewn churches.

“I was taken by force to the war front,” said another teenager, who told us he was in Year 10 at school in Tigray. “My family couldn’t say anything because they feared for their life.”

A 19-year-old woman said: “We didn’t get any military training. They took us to Afar. They threatened to kill our family if we didn’t join the fight.”

The teenagers told us that around 50 adolescent boys and girls were rounded up near Tigray’s capital Mekelle and forced to fight, before being captured by Afar’s regional forces, who are allied to the federal government.

The first sign something wasn’t right was when the Afar authorities, who offered us the interviews, insisted we conduct them in Amharic – Ethiopia’s lingua franca – and not their native language, Tigrinya.

Then, when we listened back carefully to the recordings, our suspicions were confirmed – at times, we could hear the regional authority spokesman telling the teenagers what to say.

Similar interviews were broadcast on local Ethiopian television channels, with teenagers paraded slowly past the cameras looking like bored senior high school students, some with injuries apparently incurred in the fighting.

Catalogue of horrors’

The Tigray conflict began after months of feuding between Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), once the dominant party in the federal government, over the prime minister’s reform programme.

Troops from Eritrea also entered the conflict on the side of Mr Abiy.

The prime minister accuses the TPLF of becoming a terrorist organisation, while it insists that it is the legitimate government in its home region of Tigray.

The Ethiopian government has been accusing the Tigrayan fighters of using child soldiers ever since they recaptured Mekelle in June, eight months after government troops took control of it.

The New York Times published a story on this key turning-point in the war including photos of Tigrayan fighters, some of whom appeared to be underage.

The paper described them as “highly motivated young recruits” inspired by the “catalogue of horrors that has defined the war – massacres, ethnic cleansing and extensive sexual violence”.

Since then, Prime Minister Abiy and his army of social media supporters have accused the Tigrayan rebels of forcibly recruiting child soldiers, doping them with drugs, and pushing them to the front lines.

TPLF spokesman Getachew Reda denied that teenagers were forced to join the group’s ranks.

“If there is a problem with regard to teenagers – 17, 18, 19-year-olds, although 18 is the legal age to join the army – these are children whose parents have been subjected to untold suffering by the Eritreans, by Abiy’s forces, by Amharic expansionists,” he told the BBC.

“We don’t have to force people. We have hundreds of thousands lining up to fight.”

Government officials and rights groups have also accused Tigrayan fighters of committing atrocities, including killing hundreds of people from the Amhara ethnic group in western Tigray at the start of the conflict.

Amhara militias have taken control of parts of western Tigray

Earlier this month, a heavy artillery attack was reported on a health centre in Afar.

Social media was soon ablaze with claims that more than 100 people had been killed by the Tigrayan fighters and the hashtag #AfarMassacre quickly began trending.

The BBC spoke to a local hospital doctor, who said 12 people brought there had died from their injuries, but no-one could give us an official death toll at the scene.

The rebels denied the attack and said they’d welcome an investigation.

Murky war

Claims and counter-claims about every twist in the war are traded all day long on Twitter and Facebook – from the government, the TPLF, and their respective armies of supporters in Ethiopia and the diaspora.

With phone and internet lines down across Tigray for nearly two months now, obtaining information from the region has been almost impossible.

The federal government says communication lines won’t be restored until the rebels accept a ceasefire.

The Tigrayan fighters say they won’t accept a ceasefire until the blockade is lifted and all enemy forces leave the region.

“The federal government is intent on controlling information and the Tigrayan leaders are by no means averse to using propaganda,” says Will Davison, senior Ethiopia analyst at the International Crisis Group think-tank.

“In addition, Ethiopia’s media and civil society are relatively weak when it comes to exposing who is doing what. So there is a cocktail of factors contributing to the murkiness of this war.”

A soldier of Tigray Defence Force (TDF) poses as he walks towards another field at Tigray Martyr’s Memorial Monument Center in Mekele, the capital of Tigray region, Ethiopia, on June 30, 2021

The delivery of aid to Tigray – where experts say hundreds of thousands of people are facing catastrophic levels of hunger – has been another key information battleground.

When the Tekeze Bridge was blown up on 1 July, eliminating a key aid route into the region and one of the few ways of reaching western Tigray, the federal government blamed the TPLF.

But Mr Davison says that argument doesn’t add up.

“Tigrayan forces were on the offensive after the federal retreat, they wanted to reclaim western Tigray and regain access to aid, trade and vital services. Why would they destroy a critical river crossing?” he asks.

“Amhara and federal forces, however, were trying to cut off Tigray after retreating, and they wanted to hold on to western Tigray, so they had every reason to destroy the bridge.”

Thousands of people have been killed since the war began, and millions more have been displaced. Both sides have been accused of human rights abuses.

Following the recent TPLF gains, Mr Abiy called for “all capable Ethiopians of age” to join the fight against the rebels.

Political dialogue appears to be a long way off. The information wars show no sign of dialling down either.

Source

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Evil Abiy Ahmed – A Mission-Oriented Child Serial Killer

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 25, 2021

Mission-Oriented Child Serial Killers are considered as ordinary persons, and they kill a particular group of people. They may focus on killing people from a specific religion, social class, or race. Their goal is to eliminate the group or exterminate as many of its members as possible.

Child serial killers and adult serial killers exhibit similar characteristics. The fear of death, which normal persons have is absent in serial killers. They enjoy the act of killing, which gives them emotional gratification. They are attracted to kill, as they gain pleasure from the action. In their early childhood, they exhibit one or all the behaviors of the MacDonald triad. The psychological activities are analyzed from the drive of the killer to the phases of execution.

Those are all the observable characteristics of the person Abiy Ahmed Ali – The anti-Tigrayan, anti-Ethiopia, anti-Orthodox-Christian, anti-Christ serial murderer. He is realizing his dreams of eliminating non Oromos so that he could wage his oromization, islamization and protestantization Jihad against Orthodox Christian Ethiopia – whose cradle is Tigray. He even appointed a Muslim female Jihadist as minister of ‘PEACE’ – to mock Orthodox Christians of Ethiopia – to underestimate or undermine the power of The True Prince of Peace, Lord Jesus Christ and his Gospel of Forgiveness. There will be severe penalties for these wicked individuals and their colleagues.

[Revelation 20:9-10]

They marched across the breadth of the earth and surrounded the camp of God’s people, the city he loves. But fire came down from heaven and devoured them. And the devil, who deceived them, was thrown into the lake of burning sulfur, where the beast and the false prophet had been thrown. They will be tormented day and night for ever and ever

[Mark 9:42]

But whoever causes one of these little ones who believe in Me to stumble, it would be better for him if a millstone were hung around his neck, and he were thrown into the sea.„

✞✞✞[የማርቆስ ወንጌል ምዕራፍ ፱፥፵፪]✞✞✞

በእኔም ከሚያምኑት ከእነዚህ ከታናናሾቹ አንዱን የሚያሰናክል ሁሉ ትልቅ የወፍጮ ድንጋይ በአንገቱ ታስሮ ወደ ባሕር ቢጣል ይሻለው ነበር።”

💭 He Promised Peace. Then He Tore His Country Apart

By Tsedale Lemma

Birhan Girmay, healthcare beneficiary

👉 Ms. Lemma is the founder of Addis Standard, an independent monthly magazine based in Ethiopia. She writes regularly about the country’s politics and society.

Ahead of Ethiopia’s general election on Monday, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has been laying out his grand ambitions for the country. He wants it to be “comfortable for all Ethiopians,” he recently told a TV interviewer, “where every Ethiopian moves around relaxed, works and prospers.” The country, he said, should be one whose “sovereignty is respected and feared, and whose territorial integrity is preserved.”

He’s going about it in a horrifying way. For eight months, Mr. Abiy’s government has been waging brutal war on one of its regions, Tigray, killing thousands of people, displacing over two million and creating a disastrous famine. Comfort, relaxation, work and prosperity could not be farther away. Far from respect, the act has brought international outcry. And as for territorial integrity, the war effort has relied on Eritrean soldiers, whom Isaias Afwerki, the country’s leader, refuses to withdraw.

But the war in Tigray, though exceptional in its brutality, is not an isolated case. Since he came to power on a wave of enthusiasm in 2018, Mr. Abiy has consistently demonstrated his tendency to ruthlessly centralize power. Political opponents, set against the creation of a new ruling party in Mr. Abiy’s image, have been sidelined, even jailed. Many have been shocked by this behavior — after all, Mr. Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 — but in fact, he’s following a coherent philosophy and strategy. Elaborately explained in his book “Medemer,” a word coined by the prime minister to mean togetherness, the approach seeks unity among the people of Ethiopia and cohesion in its state.

And it’s tearing the country apart.

For the disasters he’s unleashed, look no further than Tigray. Since Mr. Abiy announced the assault in November as a “law enforcement” mission, it has metastasized into all-out war. Numerous corroborated reports have revealed the horrific scale of violence, including massacres, endemic sexual violence and a famine that threatens the lives of more than 350,000 Tigrayans. While the world has yet to learn the real death toll, the region, with a population of more than six million, has been decimated. And there is no end in sight.

The war, which has become a gruesome byword for ethnic cleansing, is Mr. Abiy’s punishment for Tigray’s refusal to accept his authority. (The precursor to the assault was the region’s decision, in defiance of the government, to hold an election in September.) But Tigray is not alone in paying the price for challenging Mr. Abiy’s centralizing moves. In Oromia, where he’s from, Mr. Abiy has overseen a brutal crackdown — responsible, in 2019 alone, for over 10,000 arrests and a number of extrajudicial executions — in the name of countering a rebellion led by the Oromo Liberation Army, an armed opposition group.

After the assassination of a popular Oromo musician, Hachalu Hundessa, in June of last year, repression became yet more violent. In protests against the killing, whose perpetrators are still unknown, at least 123 people were killed, including 76 by security forces. In the aftermath, numerous opposition politicians — including Mr. Abiy’s former ally, Jawar Mohammed — were jailed. In response, the two main opposition parties withdrew from Monday’s election, leaving Mr. Abiy’s party to run the country’s largest region all but uncontested.

Against this baleful backdrop, the election — which is expected to coronate Mr. Abiy and his party, cementing his power — is distinctly underwhelming. Not only is Tigray completely excluded, but logistical difficulties have also hampered the voting process. After problems with security, voter registration, defective ballots and legal challenges, the election has been postponed to September in two other regions as well as in dozens of constituencies. And about half a million internally displaced Ethiopians are unlikely to be able to vote.

It’s a far cry from the free and fair election Mr. Abiy promised when he became leader three years ago: The much-vaunted transition to democracy is not very evident. Far from supplying legitimacy to the government and stability to the country, the election — boycotted by opposition parties and undertaken amid a war — is likely to pull Ethiopia further apart, to calamitous effect.

But that doesn’t seem to bother Mr. Abiy. Ignoring international entreaties to end the war in Tigray and agree to an inclusive political settlement, he is instead determinedly preparing to govern an Ethiopia neither respected nor whole. His legacy, at least, is secure. Mr. Abiy will forever be the Nobel Peace laureate who refused to give peace a chance.

Source

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Voice of America is Accused of Ignoring Government Atrocities in Ethiopia

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on May 21, 2021

💭 PROPAGANDA MACHINE

JASON PATINKIN SPENT the better part of a decade as a freelance reporter, covering conflicts, extremism, and counterinsurgency in East Africa for major news outlets including the Washington Post, Reuters, and the Associated Press. He won commendations for relentless reporting under a repressive regime in South Sudan and broke stories about war crimes that provoked global outrage.

But as Patinkin watched a brutal civil war unfold in Ethiopia this winter and spring, the coverage by his most recent employer, the U.S. government-funded broadcaster Voice of America, shocked and unnerved him. Troops and paramilitaries loyal to Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed were accused of killing and expelling civilians and committing gang rape, but VOA’s coverage largely favored the government, in Patinkin’s view, while ignoring its potential war crimes.

For months, Patinkin complained to senior editors about bias in the news outlet’s Ethiopia coverage. In his resignation email last month, he called out “VOA’s pro-Abiy propaganda effort,” its failure to issue corrections for “false and biased reporting,” and its airing of “pro-government propaganda while ignoring atrocities blamed on pro-government forces.” Twelve other current and former VOA service chiefs, reporters, and staffers, as well as outside experts, described violations of basic journalistic standards in VOA’s coverage of Ethiopia stretching back decades. Ethnic factions, especially in VOA’s Amharic language section, have used the news agency to push partisan agendas and settle scores, current and former VOA staff, including two former heads of the agency’s Horn of Africa service, told The Intercept.

“Since I was hired full-time at VOA about a year and a half ago, I’ve seen many incidents and decisions here that caused me great concern as a journalist,” Patinkin wrote in his April 30 resignation email, which was seen by The Intercept. “But VOA’s continued tolerance of a wartime propaganda effort is too much. I cannot in good conscience remain associated with this organization.”

Founded in 1942 with a mandate to serve as a “reliable and authoritative source of news,” Voice of America’s digital, television, and radio platforms provide news in more than 45 languages to an estimated weekly audience of more than 278 million people. With an annual budget of $252 million, the broadcaster says it is committed to “telling audiences the truth.”

The agency’s Horn of Africa service, especially VOA Amharic — which broadcasts in the language of the ethnic Amhara leaders and militias that Abiy and his government depend on — has failed to live up to that mission, the current and former VOA staffers said. “The Amharic service reaches Abiy’s political base. If the Amharic service were impartial, if it were reporting the atrocities, it would be so important,” one Africa Division reporter told The Intercept. “Instead, the American taxpayer is paying for propaganda.”

“This is a war, maybe a genocide, in Ethiopia,” the reporter said. “We have access to a lot of information — on the ground — that could be reported, but we’re hampered at every turn. It’s a matter of life or death. That’s no exaggeration whatsoever.”

We have access to a lot of information — on the ground — that could be reported, but we’re hampered at every turn. It’s a matter of life or death. That’s no exaggeration whatsoever.”

VOA declined to answer detailed questions from The Intercept and did not respond to requests to interview senior staff named in this article. “The Voice of America expects all its journalists to adhere to the principles of producing accurate, balanced and comprehensive reporting with journalistic integrity free of political interference on all broadcasting platforms and languages,” said Anna K. Morris, a Voice of America spokesperson. “Nearly 12 million people tune in to the [VOA Horn of Africa Service’s] broadcasts every week because of its impactful reporting aiming for the highest journalistic standards.”

But VOA staffers say that since Abiy dispatched troops to Ethiopia’s Tigray region last November to crush what he called a mutiny, the news agency’s longtime journalistic failings have become even more pronounced. “I never thought that I would experience this in the United States of America,” that same Africa Division reporter said. “We come from countries where we’ve never really had press freedom. To experience this in the U.S. is shocking.”

That is precisely why Patinkin felt compelled to resign after repeated complaints to his bosses, he told The Intercept.

“It’s appalling that VOA has been used to advance wartime propaganda. What VOA is doing, particularly the Horn of Africa service, is a complete abdication of the sacred duty that we have as journalists,” Patinkin said. “There may be a genocide going on in Tigray right now, so as a journalist, not to mention as a Jew — whose people have experienced genocide — there is no way that I’m going to be a part of that.”

Source

👉 ከጥቂት ሰዓታት በፊት በላኩት ቪዲዮ ጽሑፍ ላይ፤ “እነ ግራኝ የሲ.አይ.ኤ ችግኞች ናቸው፤ የማንቹሪያን እጩዎች ናቸው።” እንዳልኩት ያው፤ የሲ.አይ.ኤ ልሳን የአሜሪካ ድምጽም ግራኝ በትግራይ እየፈጸመው ያለውን ከፍተኛ የጦር ወንጀልና ግፍ ቸል ብሎታል። አያስገርምም! እንድናውቃቸው የተደረጉትና በተለይ በዋሺንትገተን ዲሲ በቨርጂኒያ እና በሚነሶታ ያሉ እያንዳንዳቸው “ኢትዮጵያውያን” የሆኑ ሜዲያዎች/ማሕበረሰባዊ ሜዲያዎች/ዩቲውብ ቻነሎች ወዘተ በሲ.አይ.ኤ እና በባለኃብቱ ጆርጅ ሶሮስ ሞግዚትነትና ድጎማ የሚኖሩ ናቸው። አዎ! ሁላችንም የምናውቃቸው የሀበሻ ሜዲያዎች። በአዲስ አበባም ብዙ ሜዲያዎች በአሜሪካ ኤምባሲ በኩል ስልጠና የሚደረግላቸው ናቸው። ከዚህ በተጨማሪ የሐበሻን አአምሮ ለመቆጣጠርና የስሜት ሙቀታቸውንም ለመለካት በተለይ በዩቲውብ “ፓኪስታናውያን የሲ.አይ.ኤ ተለማማጅ” ዩቲውበሮች በትግራይ ላይ እየተካሄደ ያለውን የጭፍጨፋ ጦርነት አስመልክተው ብዙ “መረጃዎችን” በማቅረብ ላይ ናቸው። ሁሉም እንዴት ተናብበው እንደሚሠሩ በደምብ ከተከታተልን የሆነ ማትሪክስ ይሠራልናል።

💭

አሁን ግን በሉሲፈራውያኑ የምትመራዋ ዓለማችን የቅጥረኛ ልጇ ዐቢይ አህመድ ጉድ እንዳይሰማባት ፀጥ ማለቱን መርጣለች። ለፀረ-ኢትዮጵያና ፀረ-ተዋሕዶ አጀንዳዎች የተመደቡት እንደ አሶሺየትድ ፕሬስ፣ የአሜሪካ ድምጽ፣ ቢቢሲ፣ የጀርመን ድምጽ የመሳሰሉት ዓለም-አቀፍ ሜዲያዎችና የዜና ወኪሎች በሃገራችን እየተካሄደ ስላለው ጂሃዳዊ ጭፍጨፋ ትንፍሽ አይሉም። በተለይ በኢትዮጵያ ቋንቋዎች ታይቶና ተሰምቶ በማይታወቅ መልክ ዲያብሎሳዊ ቅስቀሳዎችን የሚያካሂዱት ቢቢስ፣ ቪኦኤ እና ዶቼ ቬሌ ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ያሉ ሜዲያዎች ከማይደርሱባቸው ቦታዎች ሁሉ መረጃ የሚሏቸውን ነገሮች ለአድማጩና አንባቢው በማቅረብ ላይ ናቸው። እነ ጽዮን ግርማና ባልደረቦቿ ስለተጠለፉት እህቶቻችን ሆነ በሕዝበ ክርስቲያኑ ላይ እየተካሄደ ስላለው ጂሃድ የዓለም ዓቀፉ ማሕበረሰብ በሚገባ መልክ እንዲያውቅ ቢፈልጉ ኖሮ በአንድ ሕንፃ ውስጥ አብረው ለሚሰሩትና በእንግሊዝኛ እና በሌሎች ብዙ ቋንቋዎች 24 ሰዓት ዜና ለሚያስተላልፉት የጋዜጠኞች እና የአርትኦት ባለሙያዎች አስፈላጊውን መረጃ በሰጡ ነበር። ነገር ግን በቢቢሲ፣ ቪኦኤ እና ዶቼ ቬሌ የሚሠሩት ትውልደ ኢትዮጵያውያን ሁሉም ነፍሳቸውን የሸጡ ቅጥረኞች መሆናቸው ያሳዝናል።

THERE’S BEEN A LOT OF SPECULATION—and no small amount of hysteria—about what President Trump may do with Voice of America and its parent federal agency, the Broadcasting Board of Governors. Reports in Politico and The Washington Post implied a takeover plot is afoot for Trump to mold VOA to his own purposes, as if POTUS has no other channels with which to communicate to global audiences.

Trump plans to slash State Department spending, under which VOA falls, by as much as 28 percent, which means some reductions are quite likely. But let’s make one thing clear: As federal entities, VOA and similar media do not do, and have not done, journalism for journalism’s sake. They are and always have been funded by taxpayers to support a larger agenda.

Whether that agenda is to make audiences feel good about America, as the last chairman of the BBG once put it, or to push the notion that they tell America’s story but do so by exercising press freedoms enshrined in the Constitution, it’s still an agenda.

There are many reasons to be concerned about Trump administration treatment of and attitudes toward media, and to watch closely the actions of a two-person Trump team in place at VOA. But to hold VOA and its parent agency out as journalistic paragons of virtue, as some major media have done, and assert they are no different from non-government media, ignores basic facts.

I spent about 35 years with Voice of America, serving in positions ranging from chief White House correspondent to overseas bureau chief and head of a key language division, and I can tell you that for a long time, two things have been true. First, US government-funded media have been seriously mismanaged, a reality that made them ripe for bipartisan reform efforts in Congress, climaxing late in 2016 when President Obama signed the 2017 National Defense Authorization Act. Second, there is widespread agreement in Congress and elsewhere that, in exchange for continued funding, these government broadcasters must do more, as part of the national security apparatus, to assist efforts to combat Russian, ISIS, and al-Qaeda disinformation.

Obama’s reforms, but also various precursor measures, paved the way for VOA (and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, Office of Cuba Broadcasting, and Middle East Broadcasting Networks) to become even more closely associated with the so-called Counter Violent Extremism and counter-disinformation programs.

It’s little-remembered now, but just over two years into his presidency, in September 2011, Obama ordered an “integrated strategic counterterrorism communications initiative”—designed to get agencies including VOA’s parent agency to collaborate in combating terrorism and extremism. The order also created a Center for Strategic Counterterrorism Communications, bringing representatives of all departments and agencies into counter-terrorism efforts, including DOD, CIA, and significantly, the Broadcasting Board of Governors.

In March 2016, another Obama order created a Global Engagement Center, which costs taxpayers about $160 million annually to counter disinformation, with initial funding from the Pentagon budget. Meantime, the Broadcasting Board of Governors is on a path to eventual elimination, to be replaced by a CEO—which would be a presidential appointee confirmed by the Senate.

That structure alone makes clear that VOA and other government-funded media are most certainly not “news companies,” a description former VOA director David Ensor was fond of using (before arriving at VOA in 2010, Ensor had crossed over from mainstream roles at NPR, ABC, and CNN to heading public diplomacy programs at the US Embassy in Kabul, what many still consider to be propaganda).

A yet-to-be-formed International Broadcasting Advisory Board will include the Secretary of State advising the CEO (John Lansing, an Obama holdover, currently holds the role). Meanwhile, the aforementioned Global Engagement Center is supposed to coordinate all government efforts to counter propaganda and disinformation efforts “aimed at undermining United States national security interests.”

The Center itself is located in the Department of State: That might seem sufficient to insulate VOA behind the firewall that has allegedly immunized government-funded media from political and policy interference, but let’s take a closer look. At best, it is difficult to believe there will not be significant levels of policy-based coordination between the new advisory board, which includes Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, and the broadcasting CEO. And it’s hard to envision Donald Trump wanting to tamper with the kind of inter-agency approach ordered by Barack Obama.

As for firewalls, VOA already established an Extremism Watch Desk. Its material appears prominently at the top of VOA’s website—the same VOA that a former director tried label a “news company” while in the same breath describing it as a “state broadcaster.” It’s hard to imagine there won’t be interaction between this VOA extremism unit and the Global Engagement Center, and that members of the unit will not at some point be detailed to the State Department-based Center and vice versa.

The Broadcasting Board of Governors has also been deeply involved in the development and funding of anti-Internet censorship technology, which clearly supports freedom of expression. This is also another obvious area of overlap between the broadcasters and the Global Engagement Center.

The impression often given in media reports is that programming by VOA and other government-funded media is not influenced, directed, or shaped by foreign policy objectives of any administration. This is just absurd. Among other things, the revered firewall certainly didn’t stop officials from standing up the Extremism Watch Desk.

In a tense confrontation with management in 2015, some VOA reporters protested against a day-long workshop that had been arranged by VOA officials at a conservative think tank, the Hudson Institute, whose director sat on the BBG. VOA reporters demanded from their news managers “a swift and complete renunciation of the idea that VOA would engage in countering violent extremism.” They also asked why such an operation would be placed at VOA “as opposed to an intelligence agency.”

Yet, as of this writing the VOA Extremism Watch Desk remains, allowing broadcasting bureaucrats to retain their high-paying jobs and be seen as loyal warriors in countering ISIS, regardless of who is in the White House.

A few years ago, Obama adviser Ben Rhodes video-conferenced with the BBG to lament how far behind the agency had fallen in countering Russian disinformation. It’s difficult to accept the notion that there wasn’t some impact on programming from that.

Whatever Trump decides to do, remember too that taxpayers, who VOA and BBG officials assert get maximum bang for the buck from US international broadcasting programs, also expect VOA to be a key player in countering terrorist and Russian disinformation.

VOA still operates under its congressionally-approved 1976 Charter, requiring it to report accurately, objectively, and comprehensively, and reflect a range of opinions. It carries what are called “editorials” reflecting US government positions, written by a special policy office at VOA. Over the decades, VOA has succeeded, to varying degrees, at making the case that its government-paid reporters are no different than those working for commercial media.

But any notion that “whole of government” approaches can exclude participation by VOA, challenges common sense. A recent Washington Post editorial, in support of a new agency TV program that is clearly part of the counter-disinformation effort, said staffs at VOA and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty are “made up of professional journalists … [who] do not want to be US propaganda tools.”

Good for them. But the fact remains that every two weeks they accept government paychecks. And at the end of the day will be progressively more enmeshed with the national security and foreign policy objectives of the United States. Government-paid journalists can no longer pretend they are just like their friends at CBS, NBC, AP, NPR, Reuters, and others, or expect to be seen as such by those working for non-government media. That’s simply living in delusion.

Source

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What Ethiopia Needs is a UN Probe into Genocide in Tigray

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 20, 2021

From The Citizen, Tanzania

I was astonished to read an editorial in The Citizen of Sunday, April 18, 2021 supporting the call by the Ethiopian ambassador to Tanzania for international intervention to back his government in rebuilding the Tigray region. The ambassador, Yonas Sanbe, was earlier quoted in a story in The Citizen saying the Ethiopian government was striving to rebuild the region following extensive damage to roads, bridges and power and telecommunications infrastructure, as well as restore financial services.

The Citizen followed up with an editorial that fully and unquestioningly supported the envoy’s remarks. It was shocking to see the story, and extremely sad to read the editorial. No reference whatsoever was made to the suffering of the people of Tigray. There was no mention of the causes of the war, or Eritrea’s involvement in ethnic cleansing in Tigray. It was irresponsible journalism, to say the least.

Numerous independent international reports, including Amnesty International’s recent statement, laid bare the extent of violence that civilians in Tigray have had to endure over the last three months, and in particular the atrocities that took place in November 2020 during an offensive to take control of Axum by Ethiopian and Eritrean troops. The report issued in February 2021, concluded that the indiscriminate shelling of Axum by Ethiopian and Eritrean troops may amount to war crimes, and the slaughter of hundreds of Axum civilians by Eritrean troops could amount to crimes against humanity.

CNN conducted an investigation, and verified footage of massacres in Tigray. Doctors also said rape was being used as a weapon of war in what amounted to genocide.

UN Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet called for an independent investigation into claims of genocide against the Tigrayan ethnic group – Persistent, credible reports of grave violations in Tigray underscore urgent need for human rights access: Bachelet

All these calls by credible international organisations have gone unanswered by the Ethiopian government, and it was astounding to hear the Ethiopian ambassador instead call for support to rebuild the region his country has destroyed – that is, appealing for international assistance to help Ethiopia clean up its own mess. What about the atrocities committed against the people of Tigray, including mass killings, rape and destruction of property?

These rampant and blatant human rights violations must be strongly condemned, and the perpetrators brought to justice in line with international humanitarian law that requires all parties involved in conflict to protect civilians, including women, children, refugees and internally displaced people (I D Ps).

What is particularly flabbergasting is the fact that a prime minister could invite another nation to invade his own country, kill his own people and allow women to be raped. The war that started on November 4, 2020 was an opportunistic conflict started to coincide with the US elections.

However, the gamble backfired spectacularly as the new US administration has shown a clear stand in siding with the international community through the UN to stop the senseless bloodletting in Tigray. The Ethiopian government must bear responsibility, and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed should be charged with war crimes.

The Ethiopian ambassador to Tanzania should have been summoned by Tanzania’s Foreign ministry to explain the massacres in his country instead of addressing a news conference and asking for foreign assistance. Tanzania’s foreign policy is built on a strong foundation of justice and non-discrimination.

I had expected The Citizen, like any other reputable newspaper, to call on the international community to take urgent steps to halt further atrocities in Tigray in line with our collective responsibility to protect the people of that region. The Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the African Union and the United Nations must act now to protect civilians in Tigray, and work with domestic stakeholders to find a lasting solution to the conflict.

It is time the African Union and the UN redoubled efforts to ensure that Eritrean forces leave Tigray as soon as possible; an independent investigation is conducted by the UN, and the people of Tigray are given the liberty to decide on their future. It is time reputable newspapers such as The Citizen reported responsibly, and side with the oppressed. As Che Guevara once said, “If you tremble with indignation at every injustice, then you are a comrade of mine.”

Source

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U.S. Looking into Reports of Massacres in Ethiopia’s Tigray Region -State Dept Spokesman

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 5, 2021

U.S. State Department spokesman Ned Price said on Monday the United States was “gravely concerned” about violence in Ethiopia’s Tigray region and was looking into reports of massacres there.

Price welcomed statements that Eritrean troops would withdraw from Tigray and said a withdrawal would be an important step forward in de-escalation in the region.

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Ethiopia Accused of Using Rape as a Weapon of War in Tigray as New Evidence Emerges of Massacres

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 5, 2021

🔥 #TigrayGenocide / የትግራይ ጀነሳይድ

💭 “Many people believe that it is now genocidal, that what is a political intent to destroy is becoming now an intent to destroy, in whole or part, a people,”

💭“ብዙ ሰዎች አሁን የዘር ማጥፋት ነው ብለው ያምናሉ ፣ ለማጥፋት የታቀደው የፖለቲካ ዓላማ አሁን ሙሉ በሙሉ ወይም በከፊል ህዝብን የማጥፋት ፍላጎት እየሆነ ነው”

👉 አዲስ የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋዎች ማስረጃ ብቅ ብቅ ሲል የኢትዮጵያ መንግስትአስገድዶ መድፈርን እንደ ጦር መሳሪያ ይጠቀማል ተብሎ ተክስሷል

የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት የኤርትራ ወታደሮች በሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ ከሚገኘው የትግራይ ክልል እየወጡ መሆናቸውን ካስታወቀበት አዲስ መረጃ አግኝተናል፡፡ የኤርትራ ወታደሮች የትግራይ ተወላጆችን እና ወንዶችን ሲገድሉ እና አስገድዶ መድፈር የኢትዮጵያ እና የኤርትራ ወታደሮች ለጦር መሳሪያነት መጠቀማቸውን የሚያሳዩ ምስክሮች እየወጡ ነው፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር አብይ አሕመድ በኅዳር ወር የትግራይ ሕዝብ ነፃ አውጪ ግንባርን ያነጣጠረ ወታደራዊ ጥቃት ለመደገፍ ኤርትራና ወደ ትግራይ ክልል አስገባት። በግጭቱ እውነተኛው የሟቾች ቁጥር እስካሁን አልታወቀም ፣ ግን ተመራማሪዎቹ በቅርቡ እንደገለጹት በጦርነቱ በ ፻፶/150 የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋዎች የተገደሉ ወደ ፪ሺ/2,000 የሚጠጉ ሰዎችን በስም ለይተው ለማሳወቅ በቅተዋል፡፡ ስለ አካባቢው መረጃዎችን አቅርባ የተመለሰችው የሲኤንኤን ከፍተኛ ዓለም አቀፍ ዘጋቢ ኒማ ኤል-ባጊር “በሥልጣን ፉክክር” ተብሎ የተጀመረው ወደ ብሔር ማጽዳት መግባቱን ትናገራለች፡፡ “ብዙ ሰዎች አሁን የዘር ማጥፋት ነው ብለው ያምናሉ ፣ ለማጥፋት የታቀደው የፖለቲካ ዓላማ አሁን አንድን ህዝብ በሙሉ ወይም በከፊል የማጥፋት ዓላማ እየሆነ ነው” ብላለች።

We get an update on how the Ethiopian government has announced Eritrean forces are withdrawing from the Tigray region in northern Ethiopia, where harrowing witness accounts have emerged of Eritrean soldiers killing Tigrayan men and boys and rape being used as weapon of war by Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers. Eritrea entered the Tigray region to support Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s military offensive in November targeting the Tigray People’s Liberation Front. The true death toll from the conflict remains unknown, but researchers recently identified almost 2,000 people killed in 150 massacres by warring factions. CNN senior international correspondent Nima Elbagir, who just returned from reporting on the region, says what started as a “competition for power” has descended into ethnic cleansing. “Many people believe that it is now genocidal, that what is a political intent to destroy is becoming now an intent to destroy, in whole or part, a people,” says.

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