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Archive for June 24th, 2022

I Was a War Reporter in Ethiopia. Then I Became The Enemy | ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የጦር ዘጋቢ ነበርኩ። ከዚያም ጠላት ሆንኩኝ!

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 24, 2022

💭 የኢኮኖሚስት ዘጋቢው ቶም ጋርድነር በእርሱ ላይ ጥላሸት ያለው የኢንተርኔት ዘመቻ ከተካሄደበት በኋላ ተባረረ

💭 “እ.ኤ.አ. በ2016 ዓ.ም በኢትዮጵያ የኢኖሚስት መጽሔት ዘጋቢ ሆንኩ፣ ሀገሪቱ በሰላማዊና በመን-ተሻጋሪ በሆነ ለውጥ ውስጥ ያለች ትመስላለች። ጥልቅ ለሆነው የሀገሪቷ ታሪክ ፍቅር ያዘኝ፣ ለ 3,000 ዓመታቱ ብሔራዊ ትርክቷ፣ ለውበቱ እና ለዋና ከተማዋ ጉልበት።”

“ከጦርነቱ በስተጀርባ ያለውን ተንኮል ማጤን ቀጠልኩ። ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በአንድ የምዕራባውያን ምሁር የተደረገ ጥናት፣ ረሃብን በትግራይ ላይ የጦር መሣሪያ አድርጎ መጠቀምን ጨምሮ መንግሥት የጦር ወንጀልን ለመደበቅ የሚችለው እንዴት እንደሆነ ለማወቅ ፈልጌ ነበር።”

“ዛሬ ኢትዮጵያ ራሷን የምትበታትን/የምታፈራረስ ትመስላለች፣ ትዊት በትዊት፣ የፌስቡክ ጽሑፍ በፌስቡክ ጽሑፍ።”

💭 The Economist’s correspondent was expelled after a shadowy online campaign against him

💭 “I became a correspondent for The Economist in Ethiopia in 2016, the country seemed to be in the midst of a peaceful, epochal transformation. I was beguiled by its deep sense of history – the national myth stretches back 3,000 years – by its beauty and by the energy of its capital.”

I continued to look into the machinations behind the war. I was interested in how research conducted in Ethiopia by a Western scholar seemed to be enabling the government to whitewash war crimes, which included the use of hunger as a weapon against Tigray.

“Today, Ethiopia seemed to be tearing itself apart, tweet by tweet, Facebook post by Facebook post.”

👉 By Tom Gardner, The Economist

Last July I travelled to Amhara hoping to interview soldiers wounded in Ethiopia’s civil war with Tigrayan rebels. I was accompanied by a young Ethiopian journalist, who was also translating for me. A group of federal police officers stopped us outside a hospital and threw us in the back of an open-top jeep. While the vehicle wound its way towards a police station, four or five officers stood over us as we knelt or sat on our haunches. Bystanders jeered from both sides of the street. The man driving the car behind us stared at me, then made a gesture of slitting his throat. When the police started beating us, my Ethiopian colleague got the worst of it: his mouth filled with blood from the blows. I was hit in the head at least twice with a rifle butt. I made a pleading motion for the officers to stop; they laughed. That was a turning point for me. In the grips of civil war, an already brutal authoritarian regime was taking a darker turn. Anyone could become the enemy. Including me.

I did not expect to become a war correspondent. Like many people, my early associations with Ethiopia were news stories about famine. I got a more nuanced view when I studied African politics as a Masters student. In the few years before I became a correspondent for The Economist in Ethiopia in 2016, the country seemed to be in the midst of a peaceful, epochal transformation. I was beguiled by its deep sense of history – the national myth stretches back 3,000 years – by its beauty and by the energy of its capital. The state remained rigid and authoritarian; protests against it were gathering momentum. But, from afar, Ethiopia still seemed to be a land full of ambition and possibility.

In an already brutal authoritarian regime, anyone could become the enemy. Including me

At first I wrote about urbanisation and infrastructure – railways, new housing projects, industrial parks and mega-dams that had been supercharged by Chinese investment and a Chinese model of state-led growth. Many welcomed the ascension of Abiy Ahmed as prime minister in 2018 and the advent of “Abiymania”. Pop songs with titles like “He Awakens Us” lauded his rise; people wore t-shirts bearing his image; a book comparing Abiy to Moses became a bestseller. Abiy offered a glimmer of hope for an opening of political and press freedom, too; he was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2019 for negotiating a peace deal with neighbouring Eritrea. Stepping aboard the first commercial flight between the two countries in 20 years, watching tearful families reunite, I felt like a witness to history.

Yet there were darker cross-currents. The brief unity brought by Abiy belied a more contested, painful reality. Decades of dictatorship and the long-simmering border conflict with Eritrea had obscured fractious rivalries within Ethiopia, particularly between the country’s three most powerful ethnic groups, the Oromo people, the Amharas and the Tigrayans, the smallest of the three, who comprised just 6% of the population but until recently held outsized power. Those fissures started to widen.

The Eritrean regime and Abiy shared a common adversary in the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), which started as a band of guerrillas in 1975, toppled Ethiopia’s military dictatorship in 1991, then dominated the regime that ran the country for more than a quarter-century. Abiy ousted the TPLF amid public protests against the party’s imperious reign, and repeatedly blamed it for Ethiopia’s woes. But after Abiy made peace with Eritrea, TPLF leaders feared that Eritrea’s and Ethiopia’s armies would combine forces to crush Tigray, the TPLF’s homeland in the north.

When I visited Tigray in late October 2020, mobile communications were shut down for four hours amid rising tensions, a precursor of a much longer blackout to come for the region. Days later war broke out, after Tigrayan forces attacked a federal army barracks. War fever quickly took hold in Addis Ababa, with blood drives and rallies in support of government troops. Tigrayan militiamen committed a massacre of Amharas in a border town just inside Tigray. (Tigrayan civilians were killed or chased from their homes in tit-for-tat attacks.) Videos emerged of piles of corpses; bodies were carried through the streets as their relatives wailed. Abiy’s regime seized on these images, pointing to them as a retrospective justification for the conflict. The propaganda battle was on.

Suddenly I was covering a war. To some partisans in Abiy’s government, I was fulfilling a secret purpose: on social media, members of the Ethiopian diaspora labelled me an agent of the cia (later I would also be called an agent of mi6). Along with other journalists, I was accused of siding with the TPLF. At first, I laughed off such conspiratorial accusations. At the time there was little sign that the government would take such talk seriously. Independent Ethiopian journalists, however, were already under pressure. Always constrained in their reporting, after the war began some were detained for daring to contradict the official government line. A number were physically assaulted.

I was labelled an agent of the CIA, then of MI6

Soon the regime escalated its attacks against me and other foreign journalists, human-rights workers and employees of the United Nations and other international institutions. In December 2020, a local magazine ran a cover story which accused me, along with a preposterously long list of foreign and local journalists, of being part of a grand British conspiracy to overthrow Abiy’s government.

That an established journalist could spread such lies, and in a publication that many thought was respectable, marked a disturbing shift. Government officials seemed to approve of the story. One even recommended it to another member of the foreign press corps.

Pro-government activists and trolls were making similar attacks against me and others online. On Facebook a post began circulating: a collection of mug shots of foreign and Ethiopian journalists and academics – my photo among them – presented as though we were criminals and supported the TPLF. The post popped up whenever a story appeared in the Western press that cast Abiy’s regime in a negative light. That happened often, as government troops blockaded the region; human-rights groups accused the forces of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity, including mass murder, forced hunger and rape. I reported on these atrocities, as did other journalists, and tweeted about them. A Facebook post appeared with images of 12 foreign correspondents, including me: “Please follow these people on Twitter and expose their lies”, the post said, calling us “TPLF sympathisers”.

Twitter and Facebook have served different functions during the war. Twitter has been a forum for international, English-language discourse, where members of the diaspora and people inside Ethiopia waged a propaganda war that was, at least in part, intended for a foreign audience. On Facebook, Ethiopians increasingly spread hate speech and disinformation in local languages that could sometimes incite real-world violence.

Abiy himself poured fuel on the fire of the propaganda war. In April 2021 he urged Ethiopians not to “bow” to Western media “campaigns”. In August, he called for a mass social-media campaign to counter “lies” in the Western media. That same month, state media accused me, along with journalists from the bbc, cnn and New York Times, of working for the TPLF. The state was now openly encouraging hostility against Western media as well as the human-rights groups and international institutions that were monitoring the regime’s war crimes.

Tigrayans and other Ethiopians suffered the most. By August 2021 foreign media and Amnesty International had documented the systematic rape and sexual enslavement of Tigrayan women by Eritrean and Ethiopian soldiers. (Tigrayan forces were also found to have committed mass rapes against women in the Amhara and Afar regions.) On social media, government officials and their supporters engaged in a cruel campaign to cast doubt on Tigrayan accusers. They argued that victims’ testimonials were false or exaggerated, that rape was endemic in Tigray and that many such assaults had actually been committed by Tigrayan criminals who had been released from prison. They also smeared Tigrayan refugees in Sudan as perpetrators of a massacre, to cast suspicion on Tigrayans’ own claims of war crimes. Regime apologists downplayed horrific acts and denounced as lies even some documented incidents, such as a video of security forces burning a man alive. Ethiopia seemed to be tearing itself apart, tweet by tweet, Facebook post by Facebook post.

Ethiopia seemed to be tearing itself apart, tweet by tweet

Attacks were gathering against foreign interests of any kind. A campaign under the hashtag #NoMore – that is, “no more” Western intervention, colonialism and lies – started trending on Twitter and Facebook in late 2021. The social-media posts showing my face seemed increasingly ubiquitous. Previously I had felt safe in Addis Ababa. Now I started to worry about being recognised in public and subjected to abuse, or that I might return home one day to discover my landlord had changed the locks.

Some of this was paranoia. During this time thousands of Ethiopians, usually ethnic Tigrayans, were rounded up and thrown into internment camps. Even when I was roughed up in Amhara, my Ethiopian colleague suffered the brunt of the abuse. Foreigners were sheltered by comparison. But I felt a creeping sense of the nastiness online bleeding into my real life. In mid-2021 billboards had been put up in parts of Addis Ababa calling for “white demons” to leave the country. They were the handiwork of a fire-and-brimstone preacher advertising his YouTube channel. It seemed telling, though, that the government let them stay up.

I was ever more conscious of my status as an outsider – distrusted, unwelcome. I was on a trip with friends in the eastern town of Harar when, one night, the owner of a bar told me that because I was British I must be a journalist – and because I was a British journalist, I must be in the pay of the TPLF. Rattled, I slipped out into the night. When the regime declared a state of emergency late last year, police began conducting house raids and arrests throughout the capital. I slept uneasily for weeks, expecting a loud knock at the door.

In March this year the government agreed a truce with the TPLF. The situation was calmer and relations between Abiy’s regime and the West were improving. I continued to look into the machinations behind the war. I was interested in how research conducted in Ethiopia by a Western scholar seemed to be enabling the government to whitewash war crimes, which included the use of hunger as a weapon against Tigray. A polite email I sent on May 1st to a Western think-tank sparked yet another online campaign, this time against me personally, lasting two weeks. My email to the think-tank was made public on Twitter, where pro-government figures (yet again) spread wild accusations that I was operating on behalf of the TPLF. One thing had changed: there were also calls for my journalist accreditation to be revoked.

Some social-media posts came from the Ethiopian diaspora, others from Western apologists for Abiy. State media republished claims of my “despicable behaviour”, along with the suggestion that I be “given the boot home and fired”. On May 13th, the government’s media authority summoned me to its office and handed me a letter: my press accreditation had been revoked. The next day an immigration official called to tell me I had 48 hours to leave the country. Just like that, my life in Ethiopia was over.

In the short time since I left in May, many more Ethiopian journalists and activists have been detained. One of those arrested was the author of the magazine story that attacked me and other journalists early in the war. Even he had not kept faithfully enough to the government line. (His family says he was beaten in custody.) He joins scores of other writers, commentators and photographers who have been jailed since 2020. Last year two journalists were murdered. Others have been hounded out of the country. Several other foreign journalists have been banished or barred from reporting. Ethiopia’s own human-rights commissioner has called the situation a “new low” for the country.

I started to worry about being recognised in public or that I might return home one day to discover my landlord had changed the locks

Friends in Addis Ababa sent me a video posted just days after I was expelled. An Ethiopian commentator, Seyoum Teshome, was celebrating my departure on a YouTube talk show. A fiery, Tucker Carlson-like figure, he wrote the word “journalists” in sneering inverted commas in tweets. Now he was making explicit his charge that I and others worked for the TPLF. “Tom Gardner has been expelled, hasn’t he? Why?” he said, speaking Amharic. “I’ve proved 30 or 40 times that he is a criminal. Before he was expelled, I came here and told you, ‘Look at him’, didn’t I?” He said he “proved 1,000 times” that I was part of the TPLF.

This televised tirade, since viewed on YouTube more than 100,000 times, was the coda to the long digital campaign against me. Modern digital warfare, designed to sow confusion, is now being waged everywhere from Ukraine and Syria to China and beyond. The experience was a painful reminder to me that China was a model not just for Ethiopia’s state-directed economic development. The government had also taken more disturbing lessons from China and other authoritarian states. It was learning how to become a modern, digital autocracy.

Source

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Posted in Ethiopia, Media & Journalism, News/ዜና, War & Crisis | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

US Supreme Court Gives States Green Light to Ban Abortion

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 24, 2022

💭 The Supreme Court has overturned Roe v. Wade in a decision on a Mississippi abortion law that would prohibit nearly all abortions after 15 weeks.

💭 የአሜሪካ ጠቅላይ ፍርድ ቤት የጽንስ ማቋረጥ መብትን ግዛቶቹ እንዲያግዱ ፈቀደ!

የእኛ ሕፃናት ግን ከሰሜን እስከ ደቡብ በክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚው የፋሺስቱ ኦሮሞ አገዛዝ በአስቀቃቂ ሁኔታ ሲገደሉና ሲጨፈጨፉ እነ ግራኝን በመድፋት ፈንታ ጸጥ ዝም ብለን እናያለን! 😠😠😠 😢😢😢

💭 ድንቅ ነው! አሜሪካ የሴቶች ጽንስን ማቋረጥን ልትከለክል ነው

ከአሜሪካ ጠቅላይ ፍርድ ቤት ሾልኮ የወጣ ሰነድ የፅንስ ማቋረጥ ሕግ ሊሻር እንደሚችል አመለከተ

የአሜሪካ ጠቅላይ ፍርድ ቤት ፅንስ የማቋረጥን ሕጋዊ መብት ሊሻር እንደሚችል የሚጠቁም ሾልኮ የወጣ ረቂቅ ሰነድ መነጋገሪያ ሆኗል።

ዳኛ ሳሙዔል አሊቶ ሾልኮ ወጣ በተባለው ሰነድ ላይ ፅንስን ሟቋረጥ የሚፈቅደውን የ1973ቱን ‘ሮይ ቨርሰስ ዌድ’ የሚል መጠሪያ የተሰጠውን ውሳኔ “ከፍተኛ ስህተት ነው” ማለታቸውን ፖለቲኮ ዘግቧል።

የአሜሪካ ከፍተኛ ፍርድ ቤት ይህንን ውሳኔ ከቀለበሰ በ22 የአሜሪካ ግዛቶች ፅንስ ማቋረጥን ሕገ ወጥ ሊያደርግ ይችላል።

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Posted in Ethiopia | Tagged: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a Comment »

Massive Sunspot Could Potentially Fire a Powerful Solar Flare Towards Earth

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 24, 2022

🔥 ግዙፍ የፀሐይ ቦታ ወደ ምድር ኃይለኛ የፀሐይ ነበልባል ሊያቀጣጥል ይችላል

❖❖❖[የሉቃስ ወንጌል ምዕራፍ ፳፩፥፳፭፡፳፮]❖❖❖

“በፀሐይና በጨረቃም በከዋክብትም ምልክት ይሆናል፤ በምድር ላይም አሕዛብ ከባሕሩና ከሞገዱም ድምፅ የተነሣ እያመነቱ ይጨነቃሉ፤ ሰዎችም ከፍርሃትና በዓለም የሚመጣበትን ከመጠበቅ የተነሣ ይደክማሉ፤ የሰማያት ኃይላት ይናወጣሉና።”

የአሜሪካው “ናሳ” (NASA ወይም National Aeronautics and Space Administration /ብሔራዊ ሥነ ጥያራና ጠፈር አስተዳደር) “አደጋ እየመጣብን ነውን?” በማለት ስጋቱን ገልጿል።

💭 “ኬምትሬይልስ ወይንም ወረርሽኝ”

ሰማይ ላይ ምን እየረጩ ነበር/ነው? ከፀሐይ ጋርስ ምን የሚያገናኘው ነገር አለ?

ኬምትሬልስ፤ በአውሮፕላን አማካኝነት ተጎታች መስሎ ወደ ሰማይ የተተወ እና ዛሬ ብዙ ሰዎች ዘንድ፤ “በሚስጥራዊ ስራዎች የተለቀቁ ኬሚካላዊ ወይም ባዮሎጂያዊ ወኪሎች ናቸው” ተብሎ የሚታመንበት ክስተት ነው።

ከዚህ ጋር በተያያዘ ላለፉት ሃያ ዓመታት እኔ በጥርጣሬ ስገምተው የነበረው መልስ ምናልባት ይህ ሊሆን ይችላል። በቅጡ አላውቅም፤ ሆኖም የሆነ ነገር እንደሚጠቁመኝ ከሆነ፤ “ባለፉት ሰላሳ ዓመታት የአውሮፓንና አሜሪካን ሰማያት ከተሳፋሪ አውሮፕላኖች ሆነው በሚስጥር ኬሚካሎችንየሚረጩበት ስሪት ዋናው ምክኒያት ይህ የፀሐይ ቦታ መስፋፋት ምናልባት “ነጭ” የቆዳ ቀለም ላላቸው አውሮፓውያኑ አደገኛ ስለሚሆን እንደ መከላከያ አስቀድመው የሚወስዱት እርምጃ ሳይሆን አይቀርም!” የሚለው ነው።

ምንድን ነው? ይህ ምስል በመስኮት በኩል በተሳፋሪዎች የተቀረጹ ብዙ እንደዚህ ያሉ ምሳሌዎች አሉ።

ቀጥተኛ መስመር የነበረው ከአውሮፕላኑ የሚወጣው “ጢስ” በድንገት ተቋርጦ ከጥቂት ሴኮንዶች በኋላ እንደ አዲስ ሲጀምር ይታያል። በጠራራ ሰማይ ውስጥ ያሉ ብዙ ድንበሮች የማይበታተኑ ሲሆኑ እና ከጥቂት ሰዓታት በኋላም ሰማዩ በሙሉ በደመና የተሸፈነ በሚሆንበት ጊዜ ምልከታውን ማረጋገጥ ይቻላል።

እያንዳንዱ አውሮፕላን ይህን የመርጨት ሥርዓት የታጠቀ ነውን? በአየር ንብረት ላይ ተጽዕኖ ለማድረግ ቴክኖሎጂው ምንድን ነው? ወይስ ኤሮሶሎች በእርግጥ የጉንፋን ቫይረሶችን ይይዛሉ? እና በአየር ሁኔታ ላይ የተደረጉ ሙከራዎች ሽፋን ብቻ ናቸውን? ሰዎች ሲታመሙ ስለ ሌላ ነገር አያስቡም። እና ሥር የሰደደ ሕመም ካለባቸውስ? ስዎቹ ግዴለሽ ይሆናሉ።

በአውሮፕላኖች ተርባይኖች እና በኤሮሶል ውስጥ የአሉሚኒየም እና የባሪየም ጨዎችን በጭስ ማውጫ ጋዞች ውስጥ እንደሚገኙ አስቀድሞ ተረጋግጧል ።

ምናልባት እነዚህ በክትባቶች ውስጥ እንደሚደረገው የቫይረሶችን ባዮሎጂያዊ ባህል የሚጠብቁ መከላከያዎች ሊሆኑ ይችሉ ይሆን? ዛሬ ከግማሽ በላይ የሚሆነው የምድራችን ነዋሪ እንዲከተብ የተደረገው በተለይ ነጭ ቆዳ ያላቸው የምድራችን ነዋሪዎች ምናልባት ከዚህ ኃይለኛ የፀሐይ ነበልባል እንዲከላከልላቸው ታስቦ ይሆንን?

በነገራችን ላይ፤ ኮሮና ዝነኛ መሆን ከጀመረችበት ጊዜ አንስቶ ፀሐዩዋ በጣም ነጭ የሆነ ብርሃን ነው የምታበራው። በፊት ቀላ ትል ነበርና ወደ ፀሐይ ማየት ይቻል ነበር፤ ዛሬ ግን ትንሽ እንኳን ለማየት ያዳግታል።

🔥 ARE WE SAFE? Potential Solar Flares Doubles in Size Overnight”

❖❖❖[Luke Chapter 21፡25-26]❖❖❖

“And there shall be signs in the sun, and in the moon, and in the stars; and upon the earth distress of nations, with perplexity; the sea and the waves roaring;

Men’s hearts failing them for fear, and for looking after those things which are coming on the earth: for the powers of heaven shall be shaken.”

A sunspot pointing toward Earth has the potential to cause solar flares, but experts told USA TODAY that this is far from unusual and that flares would have little effect on the Blue Planet.

AR3038, or Active Region 3038, has been expanding over the last week, according to Rob Steenburgh, acting director of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s Space Weather Forecast Office.

“That’s what sunspots do,” he explained. “They will, in general, grow over time. They go through stages before decaying.”

According to NASA, sunspots appear darker because they are cooler than other parts of the sun’s surface. Sunspots are cooler because they form where strong magnetic fields prevent heat from reaching the surface of the sun.

NASA Stated that solar flares are “a sudden explosion of energy caused by tangling, crossing, or reorganising of magnetic field lines near sunspots.”

“You can think of it like the twisting of rubber bands,” Steenburgh said. “If you have a couple of rubber bands twisting around on your finger, they eventually get twisted too much, and they break. The difference with magnetic fields is that they reconnect. And when they reconnect, it’s in that process that a flare is generated.”

The larger and more complex a sunspot becomes, the more likely solar flares are, according to Steenburgh.

C. Alex Young, associate director for science in NASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center’s Heliophysics Science Division, said in an email that the sunspot has doubled in size every day for the past three days and is now about 2.5 times the size of Earth.

he also added that the sunspot is producing small solar flares but “does not have the complexity for the largest flares.” There is a 30% chance the sunspot will produce medium-sized flares and a 10% chance it will create large flares

Solar flares have different levels, The smallest are A-class flares, followed by B, C, M and X at the highest strength. Within each letter, the class is a finer scale using numbers, and the higher numbers denote more intensity.

C flares are too weak to have an effect on Earth; however, more powerful M flares may disrupt radio communication at Earth’s poles. At their worst, X flares can disrupt satellites, communication systems, and power grids, resulting in power shortages and outages.

Lower-intensity solar flares are fairly common, but X flares are less so, according to Steenburgh. He estimates that there are about 2,000 M1 flares, 175 X1 flares, and eight X10 flares in a single solar cycle, which lasts about 11 years. There is less than one large solar flare per cycle at X20 or higher. This solar cycle started in December of 2019.

According to Steenburgh, the AR3038 sunspot has caused C flares. Although there have been no M or X flares from this area, he believes more intense flares are possible in the coming week.

👉 Courtesy: NASA

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An American Politician Tells British Journalist: Go Back to Your Country

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 24, 2022

💭 አሜሪካዊቷ ፖለቲከኛ ለብሪታኒያዋ ጋዜጠኛ፤ “ሂጂ፤ ወደ ሀገርሽ ተመለሽ!” አለቻት።

ስለ አሜሪካ የጦር መሣሪያን በተመለከተ ለማሻሻል በታሰበው ሕግ ጉዳይ ላይ ብሪታኒያዊቷ ጋዜጠኛ፤ የትምህርት ቤት ልጆች ወደ ክፍል መሄድን እንደሚፈሩ እና በእንግሊዝ ውስጥ በጦር መሣሪያዎች በኩል የጅምላ ጭፍጨፋዎች እንደማይከሰቱ ባወሳችበት ወቅት ነበር የተወካዮች ምክር ቤት አባሏ ግሪን በቁጣ፤

“እመቤት ሆይ፤ በሀገርሽ በብሪታኒያ በቢላ የጅምላ ግድያዎች ይፈጸማሉ፤ ሁሉም ዓይነት ግድያ ይፈጸማል እና ይህን የሚከለክል ህግ አላችሁ፣ ሂጂ፤ ወደ ብሪታኒያ ሀገርሽ ተመለሽ።” አለቻት።

አስገራሚ ነው፤ እንግሊዛውያን፣ አየርላንዳውያንና ስኮትላንዳውያን በሚቆጣጠሯት አሜሪካ ሰዎች በታሪክ/በተለምዶ ፀረ ብሪታኒያዊ የሆነ አቋም ሲኖራቸው አይታይም። የአሜሪካ ነጮች በብዛት የጀርመን ዝርያ ያላቸው ቢሆንም ቅሉ በቋንቋቸው አማካኝነት የበላይነቱን የያዙት ግን ብሪታኒያውያኑ ናቸው።

ለብሪታናውያኑ፤ አሜሪካም፣ ካናዳም፣ አውስትራሊያም፣ ኒው ዚላንድም፣ ደቡብ አፍሪቃም፣ ፎክላንድ ደሴቶችም፣ ጅብራልታርም… “ሀገሮቻችን ናቸው…መላዋ ዓለም ‘ኬኛ’” የተለመደባቸው ስሜት ነው። እኛን ግን በእኛው ድክመትና ስንፍና እርስበርስ እያባሉ ሚጢጢዋን ሃገራችንን እንኳን ሊያሳጡን እየሞከሩ ነው።

ሉሲፈራውያኑ ለእኛ፤ “የሁልጊዜ ወዳጅ ወይም የሁልጊዜ ጠላት የለም” ይሉናል፤ ለአሜሪካ ግን ብሪታኒያ የዘላለም ወዳጅ ሆና ትታያላቸ። ታዲያ አሁን እርስበርስ መጠዛጠዝና መነቋቆር ይጀምሩ ይሆን? በመጨረሻው ዘመን ወንድም በወንድሙ ላይ ይጨክናል የሚባለው ዘመን እንደደረሰ ይኸው እያየነው ነው።

💭 British journalist told to ‘go back to your country’ by Republican firebrand Marjorie Taylor Greene in clash about American gun laws is a Washington correspondent for a major UK network who has won awards for her 9/11 coverage.

  • ☆ Marjorie Taylor Green, 48, told a British journalist to ‘go back to your country’ in a heated debate over tighter gun laws
  • ☆ The journalist questioned that schoolchildren are afraid of going to class and that mass shootings don’t happen in the UK when Greene snapped at her
  • ☆ ‘You have mass stabbings, lady. You have all kinds of murder and you’ve got laws against that,’ Greene snapped at her before telling her to go back the UK
  • ☆ She also claimed ‘We like our [guns] here,’ despite a recent poll suggesting the majority of voters actually support tighter gun laws
  • ☆ According to a Morning Consult/Politico poll, 65 percent of voters support gun reform after the Uvalde, Texas, massacre
  • ☆ The journalist has since been identified as Siobhan Kennedy, who works as a Washington correspondent for Channel 4 – one of the UK’s most prominent news stations.
  • ☆ Greene, a leading figure in the GOP, was one of several to speak at the assembly – which was held a day after the US Senate took steps to pass a federal gun safety law following the mass shooting at Robb Elementary in Texas, last month.

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የአማራ ክልል የኦሮሞ ቅኝ ግዛት ሆኗል፤ ቅኝ ገዥውም ጋላው ጀሃዳዊ ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን ነው

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on June 24, 2022

😈 ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን፤ “ከልጅነቴ ጀምሮ ይህን የኦሮምኛ ዘፈን እዘፍነዋለሁ”

👉 ፋኖ = አማርኛ ተናጋሪ ኦሮሞ ቄሮ

💭 ከዓመት በፊት ያቀርብኩት ጽሑፍ፤

ሲ.አይ.ኤ ስልጣን ላይ ያወጣሃል፣ ተቃዋሚ ይፈጥርሃል ከስልጣን ያወርድሃል ፣ ይገድልሃል

አበበ ገላው፣ ብርሃኑ ነጋ፣ ፕሮፈሰር አልማርያም፣ ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳ፣ አይሻ መሀመድ፣ ዳንኤል ክብረት፣ ዘመድኩን በቀለ፣ ደብረጺዮን ገብረ ሚካኤል፣ ደመቀ መኮንን፣ ጀዋር መሀመድ፣ ለማ መገርሳ፣ አብይ አህመድ፣ መንግስቱ ኃይለ ማርያም ወዘተ. ሁሉም ታሪካዊቷን መንፈሳዊት ኢትዮጵያን ለምጉዳት ነፍሳቸውን የሸጡና የ666ቺፕሱን ያስቀበሩ የስጋ ማንነትና ምንነት ያላቸው የሲ.አይ.ኤ / CIA ቅጥረኞች ናቸው! “ኢሳት” ፣ “TMH“ ፣ “ኢትዮ360” ወዘተ. በተለይ ከአሜሪካ ሆነው የሚለፍፉ የሜዲያ ሰዎች ሁሉ በእነ ሄንሪ ኪሲንጀርና በሲ.አይ.ኤ የሚደገፉ ከእንሽላሊቱ ባለሃብት ጆርጅ ሶሮስ ድጎማ የሚያገኙ ቅጥረኞች ናቸው።

👉 ልምድ ያላቸውንና ለመንቃት የሚሞክሩትን ያስወግዷቸዋል።

ሉሲፈራውያኑ እ.አ.አ በ2012 ላይ በኢትዮጵያ መፈንቅለ መንግስት ለማድረግ ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር መለስ ዜናዊን ገደሏቸው። ለሽግግሩ ይተኩ ዘንድ የተመረጡትና ለረጅም ጊዜ ዝግጅት ሲያደርጉ የነበሩት ሰሜናውያንና ኦርቶዶክስ ያልሆኑት ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን እና ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ ነበር። ጊዜውን ጠብቀው በ2018 ዓ.ም ላይ የአውሬውን ጭማቂ ከትበውትና ቺፑን ቀብረውበት ያሳደጉትን ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊን ወደስልጣን አመጡት።

የቀድሞው የግብጽ ፕሬዚደንት ሙርሲ + ፕሬዚደንት ባራክ ሁሴን ኦባማ + ሸህ አላሙዲን (አብዮት አህመድ አሊ) ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር መለስ ዜናዊን ለመግደል ዝግጅት በሚያደርጉበት ወቅት በሰዶማውያኑ ትዕዛዝ ፍዬሉ መሀመዳዊ ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን አብዱልቃድር መጀመሪያ የትምሕርት ሚንስትር ሆኖ ተሾመ፤ ከግድያው ከዓመት በኋላም (እ.አ.አ 2013)እስከ ዛሬ ድረስ ምክትል ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር/የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚንስትር ሆኖ እንዲቆይ አደረጉት። ይህ ውዳቂ እራሱ ግብረ ሰዶማዊ መሆኑ እየተወራበት ነው። ቢሆን አያስደንቅም! ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ!😠😠😠 😢😢😢

አረቦች ጄነራል ሰዓረንና ኢንጂነር ስመኘውን ብቻ ሳይሆን በግራኝ በኩል ያስገደሏቸው፤ የአረቦች እና የቱርኮች ወደ ኢትዮጵያ መግባት ይከነክነው የነበረውምም መለስ ዜናዊንም፤ ግራኝ + ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን + አላሙዲን እና ባራክ ሁሴን ኦባማ ናቸው የገደሉት! ኢሳያስም፣ ብርሃኑ ነጋም፣ እስክንድር ነጋም፣ ጀዋር መሀመድም የእነርሱ ወኪሎች ነው!

ጠ/ ሚንስትር መለስ በተገደሉበት ማግስት የአላሙዲን ወኪል የሆነው ኦቦ ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን፤ “እኔ ቁርአንን በአረብኛ ሸምድጀዋለሁ፤ አሁንም እቀራዋለሁ” በማለት “የሥራ ማመልከቻውን” አቀረበ፤ አቶ ኃ/ማርያም ደሳለኝንም ለመተካት እጩ ሆነ (በጊዜው “አህመድ” የሚለውን ስም የያዘ ፖለቲከኛ በክርስቲያን ኢትዮጵያ መሪ ይሆን ዘንድ እድል የለውም የሚል እምነት ነበርና። ያቀዱት ጊዜ ሲደርስ ግን በደንብ ያዘጋጁትንና የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ መስማት የሚፈልገውን ሊናገር የሚችለውን ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድን በመሪነት ለመምረጥ ወሰኑ።

ግራኝ “ኦሮሚያ” የተባለውን ክልል ለቱርክ ለመስጠት ከኤርዶጋን ጋር ተፈራርሟል። የዋቄዮ-አላህ ባሪያዎች እኮ ከሁለት ሳምንታት በፊት በኬሚሴ እና አካባቢዋ የቱርክን የሉሲፈር ባንዲራ ሰቅለውታል! ወራዳ ትውልድ!

ግማሾቻችንን ይህ ሊከነክነን ይችላል፤ ሃቁ ግን፡ ከአፄ ምኒሊክ ዘመን አንስቶ መሪዎቻችንን የሚመርጡልን ሉሲፈራውያኑ ናቸው። ቀደም ሲል፡ አገር ወዳዶቹ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ እና አፄ ዮሐንስ ገና በእንጭጩ ሲገደሉ፤ እነ አፄ ምኒልክ፣ ኃይለ ሥላሴ እና ጠ/ ምኒስትር መለስ ደግሞ ከእንቅልፋቸው መንቃት ሲጀምሩና ወደ ተዋሕዶ ክርስትናም ለመመለስ ሲወስኑ ተገድለዋል። ያልተገደሉት መንግስቱ ኃ/ማርያም እና ኃ/ማርያም ደሳለኝ ብቻ ናቸው። ለምን? ለሉሲፈር አስፈላጊውን መስዋዕት ለማቅረብ ስለበቁና ባለውለታቸው ስለሆኑ ነው። አገር ወዳድ የሆነ ኦርቶዶክስ ክርስቲያን መንግስታዊ ሥልጣኑን መያዝ የለበትም” የሚል መመሪያ ሉሲፈራውያኑ አላቸውና ነው።

የአንዋር መስጊድ በአዲስ አበባ ከተተከለበት ዘመን አንስቶ በኢትዮጵያ የነገሠው መንፈስ እስላማዊው የሉሲፈር መንፈስ ነው። በደርግ ጊዜ ቤተክርስቲያንን ከመስጊድ ጋር እኩል በማድረግ የመጀመሪያውን በር ከፈቱ፣ ላለፉት 27 ዓመታት ደግሞ፡ በአላሙዲን መሪነት ህዝበ ክርስቲያኑን በማድከምና አቅመቢስ በማድረግ ለአገሩና ለቤተሰቡ ያለውን ፍቅር እንዲያጣ፣ እንዲታመም፣ ልጅ–አልባ እንዲሆን፣ የማንነት ቀውስ እንዲገጥመው እና በመሰደድ አገሩን እንዲለቅ ተደረገ። በተቃራኒው ግን፡ የኢትዮጵያ ጠላት ለሆኑት የአረብ ወኪል ሙስሊሞች በፖለቲካ፣ በማህበረሰባዊ፣ በምጣኔ ኃብት እና በሃይማኖት መስኮች ኢትዮጵያን እንዲቆጣጠሩ አጎልብተዋቸዋል።

አሁን፡ ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ እና ኦቦ ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን፡ ሥልጣኑ ሁሉ በየቦታው ከተሰጣቸው የሉሲፈራውያን አረብ ወኪሎች ጋር በመሆን በሰይጣናዊው የሻሪያ ህግ የሚተዳደር የእስላም መንግስት ለመመስረት የሽግግሩን ሂደት በማፋጠን ላይ ናቸው። ጂኒ ጀዋርንም ለዚህ ፕሮጀክት ነው እያዘጋጁት ያሉት። አዎ! ብዙ ወገኖችን ያጠፋሉ! አገር ያወድማሉ፤ ነገር ግን፡ እንጂ ይህ ከንቱ ህልማቸው ህልም ሆኖ ይቀራል፤ አንድ በአንድ ተረፍርፈው የሚያልቁበትም ጊዜ ሩቅ አይደለም!

💭 የሰዶሙ ጂሃዲስት ደመቀ መኮንን ሀሰን እና ደጋፊዎቹ/ ተቃዋሚዎቹ፤ ትናንትና ዛሬ

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