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Is Ethiopia at Risk of Genocide? | ኢትዮጵያ የዘር ማጥፋት አደጋ ተጋርጦባታልን?

Posted by addisethiopia / አዲስ ኢትዮጵያ on April 13, 2021

💭 The fear generated by the First World War contributed to convincing the Ottomans that it was time to eliminate the existential threat of the Armenian ethnic group. This was a crucial precursor to the Armenian genocide. As the conflict in Tigray persists and expands, Ethiopian extremists may find it easier to foster support for the idea that eliminating the ethnic group that is involved in the unrest is a palatable solution to the problem.

💭 “በአንደኛው የዓለም ጦርነት የተፈጠረው ፍርሃት የኦቶማን ቱርኮች የአርሜኒያ ብሄረሰብ ህልውና ስጋት ለማስወገድ ጊዜው አሁን እንደነበረ ለማሳመን አስተዋፅዖ አድርጓል። ይህ ለአርሜኒያ የዘር ማጥፋት ወሳኝ ቅድመ ሁኔታ ነበር፡፡ በትግራይ ሕዝብ ላይ የሚካሄደው ጦርነት እየቀጠለና እየሰፋ ሲመጣ ፣ በሁከትና ብጥብጡ ውስጥ የተሳተፈውን ብሄር ማስወገድ ለችግሩ የሚጣፍጥ መፍትሄ ይሆናልለሚለው ሀሳብ የኢትዮጵያ አክራሪዎች ድጋፍን ማጎልበት ቀላል ይሆንላቸዋል፡፡

ዋው! ፈረንጆቹ በደንብ አይተውታል፤ የአክሱም ጽዮን ልጆች የሆነውና ስለ ጽዮን ዝም የማንለው ሁሉ በልባችን በደንብ እናውቀዋለን። የሃምሳ ሚሊየን የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚ ጋላማራ Vibration/ንዝረት እየተሰማን ነው። አማራ እና ኦሮሞ ጠንካራ ተዋሕዶ ክርስቲያኖች የሆኑትን ትግራዋይን ሙሉ በሙሉ ለማጥፋት ቆርጠው ተነስተዋል፤ ለመጨከን ደፍረዋል። አጼ ምኒሊክ፣ አፄ ኃይለ ሥላሴና መንግስቱ ኃይለ ማርያም ሰርተዋቸዋል የሚሏቸውን ስህተቶች “ከግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ ጋር ሆነን ማረም አለብን፤ ጊዜው አሁን ነው!” የሚል ጽኑ ሰይጣናዊ እምነት እንዳላቸው ያለፉት ስድስት ወራት በግልጽ አሳይተውናል። እኔ በተደጋጋሚ እንደማወሳው፤ “❖ በክርስቲያን አርሜኒያ ላይ የሚደርሰው በክርስቲያን ኢትዮጵያም ላይ ይደርሳል። በሁለቱ እህታማሞች እና ጥንታውያን ኦርቶዶክስ ክርስቲያን ሃገራት፤ በአርሜኒያ እና ኢትዮጵያ ተመሳሳይ ክስተት ጎን ለጎን መታየቱ በአጋጣሚ አይደለም። ውጊያችን የክርስቶስ ተቃዋሚው ከሚመራቸው ከመንፈሳዊ ኃይላት ጋር ነው!። ግራኝ ከቱርክ ድሮኖችን በመሸመት ላይ ነው። በነፃም ቢሆን እንደሚሰጡት አልጠራጠረም!

የአማራ እና ኦሮሞ አክራሪዎችና ልሂቃኖቻቸው በማሕበራዊ ሜዲያዎቻቸው የሚጽፉትን ማንበበቡ ብቻ የዚህ ጽሑፍ አቅራቢ ያካፈለንን ሃሳብ ሙሉ በሙሉ የሚያጸድቀው ነው። የጫት፣ ንንባሆና ቡና ሱሰኛው ጋላማራው ጋዜጠኛ ስዩም ተሾማ በትናንትናው ዕለት ያቀረበውን ፕሮግራም ወደ “የኔታ ቲውብ” ገብታችሁ ተመልከቱ፣ አዳምጡና ወደ አስተያየቶቹ ግቡ። እባቡ ግራኝ አብዮት ያቀናበረው ፕሮግራም መሆኑን እርግጠኛ ሆኜ ለመናገር እደፍራለሁ። “ኢትዮጵያን ከትግራይ መገንጠል ነው መፍትሄው | በጦርነት እና በእርስበርስ እልቂት ስትታመስ እንድትኖር የተፈረደባት ኢትዮጵያ” የሚል ርዕስ ሰጥቶታል።

ወደ እኔ ቪዲዮ ቁምነገር ስመለስ፤ “Is Ethiopia at Risk of Genocide? | ኢትዮጵያ የዘር ማጥፋት አደጋ ተጋርጦባታልን?”

የዘር ማጥፋት?”፤ ተዋሕዶ ክርስትናን እና ኦርቶዶክስ ክርስቲያኖችን ለማጥፋት ሲሉ ትግራይን መውረራቸው አገር ያወቀው ጸሐይ የሞቀው ጉዳይ ነውና ዛሬ መጠየቅ ያለብን የሚከተሉትን ነው፤

የኦሮሞ እና አማራ በትግራይ ላይ የከፈቱት የዘር ማጥፋት ጦርነት ዓላማ፤

ትግራይ እንዳትነሳ እና ከእነሱም ጋር እንዳትፎካከር ለማድረግ እንደሆነ ግልጽ ነው። የኦርቶዶክስ ክርስቲያኖች ለኦሮሞ የጣዖት አምላክት እየተሰዉ እንደሆኑ የሚሞቱ ክርስቲያኖች የስም ዝርዝር እና ቁጥር ይናገራል፤ የሚወድሙት ዓብያተ ክርስቲያናት እና ገዳማት ብዛትም ብዙ ይናገራሉ።

👉 ስለዚህ አሁን ኦሮሞዎች የራሳቸውን የተለየ ክልል እንዲያገኙ ለማስቻል ስንት ክርስቲያን ትግራዋያን መስዋእት መሆን አለባቸው? የሚለው ጥያቄ ነው መጠየቅ ያለበት!

የዘር ማጥፋት እንደሆነ ፈረንጆቹ በደንብ ያውቁታል፤ ግን እዚህም እዚያም እያሉ አልፎ አልፎ ስለ ጉዳዩ ከማውራት በቀር ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አደጋ እስካልደረሰበት ድረስ ምንም እርምጃ አይወስዱም። እርምጃ የማይወስዱበት ዋናው ምክኒያት ጥቁሮች እርስበርስ እንዲተላለቁና የሕዝብ ቁጥራቸውን እንዲቀንሱ ይሻሉ በሌላ በኩል ዘረኝነት፣ ጥላቻና የዘር ማጥፋት ባሕል የነጮች ብቻ እንዳለሆነ ከስሜታዊነትና ከመንፈሳዊነት አንጻር ለዓለም ማስመስከሩን በጣም ይፈልጉታል። እግዚአብሔር አየደርገውም እንጂ አሁን በትግራይ ጭፍጨፋው ሙሉ በሙሉ ቢካሄድ በጅምላ ጭፍጨፋና የዘር ማጥፋት የሚታወቁት እንደ ቱርክ፣ ጀርመን፣ ጣልያን፣ ቤልጂም ያሉ ሃገራትና ሕዝቦች “እፎይ! ያው ጥቁሮቹ አማራዎችና ኦሮሞዎችም እንደኛ አረመኔዎች፣ ገዳዮችና ጨፍጫፊዎች ነበሩ፤ አሁን ብቻችንን ወደ ሲዖል አንወርድም፤” በማለት ለጊዜውም ቢሆን ሸክማቸውን ለማውረድ ይፈልጋሉ።

❖❖❖ ትክክለኛዎቹ ተዋሕዷውያንን + ትግራዋያን (ኤርትራውያንን ጨምሮ) ባፋጣኝ ማድረግ ያለብን 🔥 ኢሳያስ አፈወርቂን በእሳት መጥረግ ነው። ከዚያ አዲስ አበባ ያለውን ሰይጣን ዘልዝለን ለውሻ እንሰጥዋለን። ❖❖❖

Genocide?

Of course! In fact, it’s more than at risk, then there is a genocide, a genocide against Orthodox Tewahedo Christiantiy, against Orthodox Christians. For the obvious reason, today the right questions should be asked as follows:

The purpose of the Oromo & Amhara-led genocidal war against Tigray is to prevent Tigray from rising up & competing with them.

List of Tigrayan Martyrs who were/are slaughtered these past six months tells us that they are all Christians. Orthodox Churches and Monasteries are attacked with deadly frequency.

👉 Orthodox Christians are being sacrificed to the Oromo Pagan gods How many Christian Tigrayans should be sacrificed in order to enable the Oromos get their own separate state/ Republic?

Is Ethiopia at Risk of Genocide?

Over the course of six days in November 2020, Ethiopian government forces and allies executed two hundred civilians in Adi Hageray, a town in Ethiopia’s Tigrayi region. Eyewitnesses report indiscriminate house-by-house killings, with victims ranging from children to ninety-year-olds.

Standing alone, this atrocity deserves international outrage – but in reality, the Addi Hageray massacre is just one tragedy within an ongoing war that has killed over 50,000 civilians and involved over 150 mass killings since November.

Is Ethiopia heading towards genocide in Tigrayi? Some experts think so, with one describing events in Tigrayi as “literally genocide by decree.” While it is difficult to predict exactly where the violence in Tigrayi will lead, there are three reasons the international community should be concerned that Ethiopia is on the path to genocide: the country’s history of conflict, ethnonationalist ideologies, and unsteady democratic institutions.

First, there is an ongoing war and a legacy of war in the country, which has been almost continuously in conflict since the 1960s. War legitimates violence and activates agencies that specialize in violence to use it as a protective measure. Further, fear and threats experienced during war weaken the appeal of moderates, as they become more easily overpowered by extremists who can leverage fear to create support for genocidal policies. For instance, the fear generated by the First World War contributed to convincing the Ottomans that it was time to eliminate the existential threat of the Armenian ethnic group. This was a crucial precursor to the Armenian genocide. As the conflict in Tigrayi persists and expands, Ethiopian extremists may find it easier to foster support for the idea that eliminating the ethnic group that is involved in the unrest is a palatable solution to the problem.

Second, exclusionary nationalist ideologies pervade political and cultural life, primarily through ethnonationalism. These ideologies can help leaders make claims about who is a “legitimate” Ethiopian based on ethnic identity and afford fewer rights to any “illegitimate” people. These ideologies also affect how leaders perceive and interpret threats – such as the Tigrayi uprising – and thus affect how they choose to respond, sometimes making violence seem like a more acceptable choice. Ethiopia’s constitutional right to self-determination and secession has contributed to ethnonationalism among its over eighty ethnic groups, as has its model of “ethnic federalism” which maintains a single state while allowing autonomy for ethnic groups.

Third, one of the single biggest predictors of genocide is the lack of democracy. Democratic institutions constrain executive power, which tends to limit the escalation of conflict and restrain leaders from implementing extremely violent policies. Democracies can also better protect minority rights through the voting process, including the rights of a minority ethnic group like the Tigrayians. Further, true democracies are more likely to have free private media which can record ongoing events and assist in holding their leaders accountable to human rights laws. Ethiopia has been a “democracy” since the early 1990s but has been plagued by repression, intimidation, violence, and fraud. Democracy only prevents violence if Ethiopians depend upon these institutions for conflict resolution, but the country’s history does not suggest that an aggrieved group like the Tigrayians will rely on democratic institutions to address their concerns instead of turning to violence.

Even with clear warning signs, the international community is often hesitant to intervene in preventing atrocities. However, there are a number of less invasive steps countries can take.

At the very least, nations can use sanctions to restrain violent actors with economic incentives, heightening the costs of continued instability. Tigrayi is a significant mining and manufacturing region, and the conflict could cost Ethiopia $20 million in exports. Further, economic expansion has been central to Prime Minister Ahmed’s platform, as he strives to transition Ethiopia from a “developmental state” model to an industrial economy. With COVID-19 already derailing much of Ahmed’s economic efforts, Ahmed seems incentivized to scale back conflict rather than escalate. Nations can seize this opportunity by meeting the escalation of violence with economic repercussions.

Further, the international community can place eyes on the ground to provide accurate reporting and break the communications blackout. Not only will this provide nations with better information to inform their responses to the conflict, but it will also assist in the long-run pursuit of justice for victims.

International actors can also demand access for humanitarian agencies to distribute resources, in response to nightmarish accounts of famine and weaponized hunger. Anything less than a demand for basic resource distribution amounts to allowing the violation of Ethiopian human rights.

Since the Second World War, the international community has had a mantra around genocide: “never again.” The Tigrayian conflict is set to test the strength of the global commitment to this ideal.

Source

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